FCLR G^OA7"EimsrOJR 3 G-EOEGE CTZEISriKIS- FREELAND TRIBUNE. EstaUithal 1838. PUBLISHED EVEUY MONDAY AND THURSDAY 11Y THE TRIBUNE PRINTING COMPANY, Limited. OFFICE: MAIN STREET ABOVE CENTRE. SUBSCRIPTION KATES: One Year $1.50 Six Mont lis 75 Four Months 50 Two Months 25 The date which the subscription is paid to is on the uddross label of each paper, the change of which to a subsequent date becomes a receipt for remittance. Keep the figures in advance of the present date. Report prompt ly to lids office whenever paper is not received. Arrearages must be paid when subscription is discontinued. Make ail money orders, checks, etc., payable t<> the Tribune Prtntinu Company, Limited. FREELAND, PA., NOVEMBER 3,1898. JENKS AND THE STANDARD. Legislation of 1883 and 1895 in Which Democrats and Republicans Prom inently Figured. The untruthful and malicious charge that the Hon. George A. Jenks, the Democratic candidate for governor, is a Standard Oil company candidate comes with a had grace from the Re publican machine, and it will require but a brief study of the legislation coun tersigned by Governor Hastings to prove who has been the friend of the notorious oil octopus. The oil producers and independent oil refiners of Pennsylvania first felt the tentacles of the monster as far back as 1872. They repeatedly sought relief at the hands of Republican governors and legislators, only to meet with crushing defeat. They saw fortunes represent ing years of privation and indomitable pluck and energy slipping away from them into the coffers of the Standard Oil company, which had made an al liance with every railroad doing busi ness In Pennsylvania for the purpose of preventing the shipment of any oil to the seaboard not'owned or controlled by the Standard. Oil which had cost the producers about $3 per barrel was forced down to 40 cents per barrel. Pov erty compelled the producers to sell after holding out for better prices until all hope was gone. This oil represent ing some millions of barrels was af terwards unloaded upon the consumers by the Standard at the advanced fig ure of $1 per barrel. By this stroke both producers and consumers were robbed, and John Rockafeller, James Bostwick and Henry Flagler paved the way to millions of dollars und an un enviable notoriety. No better evidence of the unsavory character of the Stand ard gang is needed than the fact that to charge an aspirant for political hon ors with having had friendly relations with it is thought to be sufficient to damn him in the hearts of all honest people. It was not until a Democratic gov ernor with a Democratic legislature and a senate controlled by Democrats, assisted by such independent Republi cans as Emery, Stewart and Lee, came into power that any legislation favor able to the oil producers and inde pendent refiners was obtained. In that year, 1883, was passed a bill, entitled, "An act to prevent the consolidation of competing pipe lines for the transporta tion of oil, or to hold the controlling interest in the stocks or bonds of com peting pipe lines, or the acquisition of control, either directly or Indirectly, by purchase or otherwise, and prescribing penalties for the same." The act was a blow at the efforts of the Standard to corrupt the stockholders of independent pipe lines by offerings of money to such as would sell or dispose of their stock in any way to the oil octopus agents. Competition in the transportation of oil by pipe lines was not in harmony with Standard methods of monopoly, and as the Standard had certain rail road officials mortgaged to them the next move was to obtain control of competing lines of oil pipe. Efforts to have the law of 1883 de clared unconstitutional ended in fail ure. Recourse was then had to the more indirect method of buying stocks and bonds of such as would sell their interests in the competing lines. Hard times induced some to surreptitiously dispose of their Interests and others sold openly to men not suspected then of being connected with the Standard Oil company. In this manner the feJtandurd obtained a large interest. possibly a controlling interest, in the competing pipe lines, but as such inter est was obtained in violation of law, it was essential to the Standard's suc cess that the law be repealed. During the term of Governor Beaver the repeal was not demanded, because at this time the Standard had not obtained sufficient stock of the com peting lines, and during the second term of Pattison such a demand would have met with an executive rebuke which the legislative body would not have dared to ignore. In 1895 the Standatd saw the oppor tunity for the repeal of the act of June 13, 1883, and it gave the signal to begin operations. The senate, under the lead of Gobin and others, was a willing and subservient tool, and the house, led by Marshall of Allegheny and Cochran of Armstrong, joined in the work of aid ing and abetting the Standard's pol icy of spoliation. The house and sen ate were overwhelmingly Republican, the Democrats being scarcer than shad flies in January. Hastings had been elected by an unprecedented majority, on a platform pledging him to reform measures, a platform which obtained for Hastings the cordial support of men in nowise affiliated with his party, but who believed that he would prove him self a genuine reformer such as the times demanded. They were doomed to disappointment. The seventh act of the legislature to meet his approval, an act passed before he had accommodated himself to his strange surroundings, was a repealer of the act of 1883. How much money, if any, was received by interested par ties, is not known, but it is known that • Standard agents declared that the re peal of the act of 1883 would be followed for a short time by a rise in the price of oil. It is also known that the promise was made good, much to the disgust of the consumers, who were robbed at the rate of five cents per gallon on Standard refined oil so that political speculators and others could make thousands of dollars dealing in mar gins. So much for Republican rule and the Standard Oil company. Now as to the Standard and Hon. George A. Jenks. It was Lawyer George A. Jenks, asso ciated with Lawyer Wilson and others, who, as attorneys for the oil producers, had the Standard oil gang indicted for conspiracy in the Clarion county court. If this makes Hon. George A. Jenks a Standard man, fellows like Rocka feller, Bostwick, Flagler and their min ions, Scheidie and O'Day, are not aware of the alliance. JENKS' DENIAL? Not the Standard's Attorney—Always In dependent of Corporations. In reply to an assertion made by Dr. Swallow that the Democratic candi date was a Standard Oil company can didate and a corporation attorney, Mr. Jenks has written the following letter to Hon. Calvin M. Bower, nominee for superior court Judge, who called Mr. Jenks' attention to the statement: "My Dear Sir: In reply to your let ter, I am not and never in my life was the attorney for the Standard Oil com pany, nor any of its branches. I never was a salaried attorney for any cor poration in my life except in one In stance. When the Buffalo, Rochester and Pittsburg Railroad company was about to build its road to the Jefferson county coal fields in 1882 I agreed to act as its attorney from the time it crossed the state line until it reached Punxsutawney. As soon as Its first train of cars reached that point I re signed. My practice has been more largely a practice with individual cli entage than any one I ever knew of." Slinking the Plum Tree. "There is a movement among inde pendent Republicans," says the Phila delphia Record of Oct. 13, "to better the state government in Pennsylvania by taking Senator Quay out of reach of the plum tree. That is the idea of Mr. Wanamaker and of Dr. Swallow. "The Democrats of Pennsylvania have a better intent. They propose to take the plum tree out of the reach of Senator Quay and of all others who might be tempted to shake It to gather illicit fruit. They insist upon .a return to the letter of the constitution, and that the state shall be governed ac cordingly." CASTOR IA For Infants and Children. The Kind You Have Always Bought BALLOT POLLUTION. I How It Flourishes Under tlio llule of j the Hepublien 11 Machine--Philadel phia's Flections the Most Corrupt 011 | Earth--Some of Their bending Infa mous Features—.How the Machine Downs Attempts at Ballot Deform. Machine Loaders Who Boast of Their Shame and Muuo Jest of It. From machine rule to debauchery if the ballot box Is a logical evolu /.on. No machine ever held sway for ny length of time, without it. Even , Ihe Republican party of Pennsylvania, complacent as are its followers, ready us they are in their prejudices and bigo | tries to tolerate almost anything that 1 comes in the name of and labeled Re | publlcanism, could not have been so | long and so completely bossed but for ; the aid the bosses have had from un lawful purchase and coercion of the j voters, falsification of election returns i and kindred inquisities. | The writer of this article has himself seen 37 colored men voted in Philadel- I phia out of a single four-roomed house. It was perfectly manifest that they did not regularly live there, that they were there for election purposes only, and would be in perhaps a half dozen other precincts or wards for the same purpose on the same day. Yet, so far as their record showed, they were legal voters, and their right to cast ballots could not be successfully disputed. It Is not probable that elections are more corrupt anywhere on earth than in Philadelphia. Fully half the Repub lican majorities returned from there are manufactured. By far the greater number of the election oflicers are men who have absolutely no respect for an ! oath, and will hesitate at no crime provided they are liberally paid for its commission, and the machine leaders are never without ample funds for this purpose. It makes no difference how the votes are cast, they will return whatever majority they are ordered to. Men are regularly paid to pose a3 Democrats and stand as Demo cratic candidates for judge or inspec tor, or to become clerks of election, in order that the perpetrators of these shameless frauds may be made secure against detection and conviction. In the rear of nearly every polling place on election day there is an improvised gin mill, where free liquor is dispensed to those so depraved that they can be Influenced by it. The liquors are paid for out of the party coffers, and dealt out by party heelers. Policemen, who owe their places to the machine, are posted at the entrances of the alleys on which these demoralizing dens are lo cated, to protect them, and to arrest and imprison, on trumped up charges of drunkenness and disorderly con duct, any one who may show a dispo siton to kick at the business. A few years ago an attempt was made, under the auspices of one f the many evanescent reform movements that are forever bobbing up there, and falling to pieces before anything is ac complished. to purge the registry lists in some of the down town wards of the thousands of names of fictitious voters with which it was known they were padded. The gentlemen composing the committee charged with this work were so annoyed and threatened by the Re publicans of the purlieus under the spur of their respective local leaders, that they were compelled to abandon their undertaking. This did not fol low, however, until they had ascer tained that from 25 to 50 per cent of the names on the lists were illegally there, and that in one instance a dog had ac tually been registered. That these outrages are not only tol erated, but encouraged, by the Republi can party as a whole is made manifest by the fact that in every election con test that comes before the Pennsylva nia legislature the decision is invaria bly with the Republicans, no matter whether he be the contestant or the contestee, and regardless of the evi dence in the case. Some of the testi mony in the Saunders-Roberts case, which was up at the '97 session, show ed a degree of shamefulness in the manner in which the Republicans con duct elections in Philadelphia that almost passes belief. Most of these wrongs are expressly forbidden in the law. Some, however, find condonation in the statutes. This is notoriously the case with reference to the men employed by the party to assist "incompetent" voters in making up their haliots. These helpers are the handlers of the party bribe money. They buy the voter, and then make it a condition that he shall declare to the election board his Inability to mark his own tjeket, and call them into the booth with him, in which way these scoundrels make sure that the goods they have paid for have been delivered as per the contract. This flagrant defect in the law has been pointed out times without number, and demand for its correction has been made by every reputable newspaper in the commonwealth. Yet it has, thus far, been found Impossible, such Is the power of the machine over the senators and members, to make the necessary correction. Bills have been presented with that object at every session, but all have fallen under the veto of the machine. At the '97 session Represent ative Keator, of Philadelphia, intro duced a bill, designed, among other things, to prohibit helpers unless In the cases of voters who would deliberately swear that they either could not read or where physically incompetent to mark I heir own ballots and to require the helper in such cases to make affi davit, on a blank to be provided at the polling places, that he would never divulge how the helped voter had voted. This bill passed first and second read ing in the house, hut fejl short of a constitutional majority on third read ing. Its author would have made a further fight for it, but it had become fully manifest that it could not possi bly pass the senate, where the ma chine's sway is? even more absolute than in the house. Some of the debates to which the measure gave rise are Interesting as evidence of the utter depravity of the machlneltes and the impossibility of securing real reform In this or any other matter, until the Republican par ty is voted out of power. P. M. Rytle, of Huntington, said: "I am In favor of any ballot that will Increase Republican majorities, be. cause I believe that under Republican rule we have successful government more successful than any other. * • • We are told that this new ticket will enable the people to vote Intelligently. I submit It might be bad for some of'us. It might, perhaps, endanger the return of some of us to the legislature." "Under Republican rule" there is certainly "successful government" from his standpoint, for Lytle, in recognition of his unwavering subserviency to the machine, has since been made by Pres ident McKinley Naval Officer at the Port of Philadelphia. He is a smooth, sleek, plausible fellow, and has about as much respect for public opinion as a Fejee Islander. E. A. Coray, of Luzerne, Republi can, said the Raker ballot law was a failure, so far as protecting the voters was concerned. In his county, he ad iled, men were paid to act as helpers, and stood around the polls until they had marked 40 or 50 ballots. Foster, Democrat, of Centre, said his constituency were not in favor of the law as it stands, being satisfied, after recent contests, that it was defective, and are ready for any change that will improve it. Gould, Republican, of Erie, said: "The present ballot law is not an aid to voters, and the machine politicians have got hold of the blanket ballot to day, and can move up their phalanxes to vote Just as they ever did." Roger, Republican, of Philadelphia, said: "The system proposed by this bill is in vogue in Massachusetts, and is a Republican system. * * Within my own experience at the election last November (1896) I observed the most flagrant violations of the law, and yet I had to stand mute." Here Focht, of Union, one of the most blatant and unblushing of the machine tools in the body, interrupted and asked Roger if he did not vote for Crow, the Citizens' candidate for sher iff of Philadelphia, the imputation being that no man who would in the least degree protest against Republican ma chine edicts could be honorable and straightforward. Roger replied hotly in the affirmative, and added that Crow would have been the regular Republiacn nominee but for police interference (under orders from Ross Martin (at the convention. "I stand," continued Roger, "for Re publican priciples and not for corrup tion or boodle, and that is why I am standing here. • • • God only knows that every reform that has come to the city of Philadelphia has come from the rural portion of the house." R. J. Baldwin, of Delaware, another of the men who never refuses prompt and joyful compliance with whatever may be the orders of the machine, said that it is "all buncombe to come up here and prate about reform." Mr. Keator showed that the Baker law as it stands is not the Australian system, as it is called, but that his amendment would make it practically that. He showed further that the tick et provided for in his bill would lessen the cost of printing from 60 to 75 per cent —the bill is now an enormous one— that it was necessary to insure a secret ballot, that it would encourage honest voting, and that it was in no sense partisan; but all to no use. Or ders had been promulgated that the bill must not pass, and it did not pass. We can never have a free ballot and a fair count in Pennsylvania so long as the present Republican organization makes and administers the laws for the state tand the larger of its cities. The Republican party is the party of the corporations. It is managed upon the presumption that the chief purpose of law Is to enable a few to live hand somely by bleeding the many. These few share their gain with the party. Hence comes the corruption funds. And with the funds comes the disposition to make the laws and practices so that they are assured of the full money's worth in the way of votes. But by electing Mr. Jenks governor and elect ing a majority of the members of the legislature—both of which results arc easily possible this year—we can check mate their game. We can compel the repeal of the most iniquitous of exist ing laws and set in motion a force that will be certain ultimately to purify our politics, make our elections less of a farce than they have of recent years come to be, and our state and munici pal governments to serve the needs and interests of the many. UNCONSTITUTIONAL SALARIES. Flagrant Abuse of the Constitution in the Interest of Adjutant General Thoma9 J. Stewart. Thomas J. Stewart was apointed by Governor Hastings on Jan. 15, 1895, to the otnee of adjutant general at the then salary of ?2,500 per annum. He accepted the appointment, and at once entered upon his duties. Before assum ing the duties of, adjutant general Thomas J. Stewart did solemnly swear or afllrm that he would "support, obey and defend the constitution of this com monwealth." When he thus pledged his support and obedience Thomas J. Stewart must have known that Sec tion 13 of Article 3 of the constitu tion reads as follows: "No law shall extend the term of any public officer, or increase or di minish his salary or emoluments after his election or appointment." Four months and fifteen days after he had accepted his appointment Thom as J. Stewart had his salary raised, in defiance of the mandate of the con stitution by "an act" of the legisla ture, approved by Governor Daniel Hastings, said act reading as follows: "Section 1. Be it enacted, etc., that the salary of the adjutant general of the commonwealth shall be four thou sand dollars per annum." See P. L., 1895, page 128. In the general appropriation act for the years 1895 and 1896 the sum of SB,OOO was specifically appropriated for the payment of the salary of the adjutant general. See P. L., 1895, page 554. In the general appropriation act for the years 1897-8 a like sum was spe ciflcially appropriated for a like object. See P. L., 1897, page 477. The detailed reports of the auditor general and the state treasurer show that Adjutant General Thomas J. Stew art has drawn the full $4,000 per an num unconstitutionally voted to him by members of the legislature, who were also sworn to "support, obey and defend the constitution of this common wealth." The report >r the auditor general for 1895, page 257, shows that the -Salary of the adjutant general be gan the date of his appointment, Jan. 15. 1895. What think you, citizen taxpayers, of this llagrant violation of the consti tution and of oath of office? BRIBERY AND PERJURY. CAN LEGISLATORS WHO TRAVEL ON FREE PASSES "HONESTLY ASSUME" THAT THE STATE OWES THEM TWENTY CENTS FOR EACH MILE TRAVELED? —GOVERNOR HASTINGS'APOLOGY FOR A VETO CONSIDERED. In the contested election case, Saun ders vs. Roberts, Governor Hastings after disapproving of the items foi reimbursing members of the ele 'tions committee for sums alleged to have been expended in railway fares, uses the following language: "The items are disapproved, but in withholding my ap proval I deem it only fair to say that the appropriations made to the mem bers of the committee were made upon what I believe to have been the honest assumption that they were legally en titled to mileage." This is a lame and most impotent conclusion on the part.'lff Governor Hastings. It is a weak and base apol ogy, beneath the dignity of a chief ex ecutive, whose duty it is at all.times to guard the interests of the people from attacks of legislative despoilers. Governor Hastings knows what is patent to all who frequent the .halls ol legislation, that the members of the Pennsylvania legislature are furnished passes upon all railroads within, and on some railroads without the stete. He knows that at every session of the legislature the first U> appear are the railroad lobbyists, some of whom pose as newspaper correspondents. He knows, too, that these lobbyists are on hand for the express purpose of cater ing to the impecunious members who want passes for themselves, their fam ilies and their friends. He knows that in the pockets of each and every mem ber of the legislature is a pass on near ly all the railroads traveled by mem bers, and that these free passes are good for every day the legislature is in session, and for many days afterwards. THE CONSTITUTION. It may be that since the adoption of the constitution of 1873 a legislator or perhaps two legislators have found their way to the halls of legislation at Harrlsburg, sat out the entire session, and returned home without having traveled on a free railroad pass. It is not impossible that a few sterling leg islators have sat at Harrisburg deplor ing the legislation and refusing free passes, but the rule is, as aptly stated by a lawmaker—"take all the passes you can got and ask for more." It is provided in Section 8, Article XVII, of the state constitution, that "No railroad, railway or other trans portation company shall grant free passes, or passes at a discount to any person except officers or employes ol the company." The language of the constitution herein quoted is too em phatic and plain to be misunderstood by any member of the legislature who does not regard himself as an officer or an employe of a railroad corpora tion, rather than a servant of the peo ple for whose protection and benefit the constitution was framed and adopted. Section 29 of Article 3 of the state constitution expressly provides against corrupt solicitation on the part of leg islators as fololws: "A member of the general assembly who shall solicit, de mand or receive, or consent to receive, directly or indirectly, for himself or for another, from any company, corpora tion or person, any money, office, ap pointment, employment, testimonial, re ward, thing of value, or enjoyment, oi of personal advantage, or promirc therof, for his vote or official influ ence, etc., etc., shall be held guilty of bribery within the meaning of this constitution, etc." Language cannot be more explicit than this, and yet, in the very teeth of such unmistakable declarations, rail road passes are solicited, given and taken by members of the general assem bly, who have solemnly sworn or af firmed to obey and uphold that very constitution whose provisions they im mediately set at defiance. Bribery and perjury conjoined is of so common and notorious a part of Pennsylvania legislation that he who would openly declare to the contrary in or about the state capltol would be set down as a credulous fool, fresh from the woods. To solemnly swear or affirm to obey and uphold the con stitution, with a railroad pass snugly stowed away in the pocket of the swearing or affirming legislator, has grown to that extent as to compel rail road lobbyists to believe the corrupt exudation of corrupt minds, that all men have their price, and that some men can be bought cheap. Under the laws of Pennsylvania rail road corporations can not charge their passengers at a rate per mile in excess of three cents, and yet there are legis lators so bold and shameless as to charge the state at the rate of 20 cents per mile, an excess of 17 cents per mile, allowing, for the unallowable, that they actually paid any railroad fare. ILLEGAL LUXURIES. True it is that to ride in a palace car entails an additional expense, even to members who travel on free passes: and true it is that meat and drink cost money on a buffet car; but there is no law wherein provision has been made whereby members of the legislature shall have their board and luxuries charged to the state. Every member of the legislature knows this. Governor Hastings knows this, and there comes with a bad grace from him the uncan did and absurd apology that h° be lieved it was an "honest assumption" on the part of junketing committees that the state was Indebted to each member of said committees in the sum of twenty cents for each and every mile traveled. In hi veto of mileage expense Items In the matter of the pretended investi gation of the office of the dairy and food commissioner, Governor Hastings made no apologies to treasury looters* In that veto he quoted the law, and that law does not travel on parallel lines with his after uncalled for and mistaken apology in the matter of the contested election case of Saunders vs. Ruber's. The Kind You Have Always Bought, and which has been in use for over 30 years, has borne the signature of and has been made under his pcr sonal supervision since its infancy. ■eoccAxM Allow 110 one to deceive you in this. All Counterfeits, Imitations and Substitutes are but Ex periments that trille with and endanger the health of lufants and Children—Experience against Experiment. - A What is CASTORIA Castoria is a substitute for Castor Oil, Paregoric, Drops and Soothing Syrups. It is Harmless and Pleasant. It contains neither Opium, Morphine nor other Narcotic substance. Its age is its guarantee. It destroys Worms and allays Fcverlshness. It cures Diarrhoea and Wind Colic. It relieves Teething Troubles, cures Constipation and Flatulency. It assimilates the Food, regulates the Stomach and Bowels, giving healthy and natural sleep. The Children's Panacea—The Mother's Friend. GENUINE CASTORIA ALWAYS The Kind You Have Always Bought In Use For Over 30 Years. T. CAMPBELL, dealer in I>x*y CfO'OtlSf €£i*oeejle&, 80010 aiitl Biioes Also PURE WINES LIQUORS FOll FAMILY AND MEDICINAL PURPOSES. Centre and Main street*, Frcoland. DePIERRO • BROS. -CAFE.- Corner of Centre n<! Front Streets, Freeland, Pa. Finest Whiskies in Stock. Gibson, Dougherty, Knufcr Club, Kosenbluth's Velvet, of which we b ve EXCLUSIVE SALE IN TOWN. Mumin's Extra Dry Champagne, Hcnnessy Brandy, Blackberry, Gins, Wines, Clarets, Cordialj, Kto. Imported and Domestic Cigars. OYSTERS IN EVERY STYLE. Ham and Schweitzer Cheese Sandwiches, Sardines, Etc. MfiALS AT - ALL - HOURS. Ballentine and Hazlcton beer on tap. Hatha, Hot or Cold, 25 Cont.a. P. F. McNULTY, FUNERAL DIRECTOR AND EMBALMER. Embalming of female corpses performed exclusively by Mrs. I'. F. MeNulty. Prepared to Attend Calls Day or Night. South Centre street, Frcelaml. Condy 0. Boyle, dealer in Liquor, Wine, Beer, Porter, Etc. Tic Ann t 'rnn<lß of Domestic and Imported \\ .tiskov < n sale in one of the handsomest sa loons in town. Fresh Rochester and Shenan doah Hccruml Youngling's Porter on tap. 98 Centre street. PE 13sr T i nsr <3- of every description executed at short notice by the Tribune Company. "VOTE EOE IfRANK L SNYDER fcr REPRESENTATIVE. Fourth Luzerne Legislative District. Dry Goods, Groceries and Provisions. ■ S BROTHERHOOD HATS 0 |J A celebrated brand of XX flour always iu stock. Roll Butter and Eggs a Specialty. AMANDUS OSWALD, N. W. Cot. Centre and Front St., Freehand. VIENNA: BAKERY. J. B. LAUBACH, Prop. Centre Street, Frooland. CHOICE DREAD OF ALL KINDS. CAKES, AND PASTRY, DAILY. AND NOVELTY CAKES DA LED TO ORDER. Confectionery % Ice Cream supplied to balls, parties or picnics. with all necessary adjuncts, at shortest notice and fairest prices. Deliver]/ and tupply wagon* to all parte o] tmen and mrrovnrting* every day. cent business conducted for MoornATt r.r. Jloua orr.ee is OPPOSITE U. a. P/trcr Orrict ~ and we can secure patent in less time than those ' J remote from Washington. Send ™ o<lel . drawing or photo., with descrip c'"oo. We advise, if patentable or not, free of 11 charge. Our fee not due till patent !• secured l! ! „ *. P 1 M . PHLS: T' "How to Obtain Patents," with ~ cost of same In the U. 8. and foreign countries 1 < sent free. Address, iiC.A.SNOW&CO. FRANCIS BRENNAN, RESTAURANT Ifil Centre street, Frepinud. FINEST LIQUOR, JIEER. PORTER CI (J AllS AND SOFT DRINKS. '
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers