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HAH.VEY SZCKIiSR. Proprietor.]
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Business Cards of one square, with paper, $5.
of all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit
BACON STAND.— Nicholson, Pa. C L
JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49tf]
HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN & SURGEON
• Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa.
GEO. S. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
Tunkhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's Biick
Block, Tioga street.
WM. >l. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of
fice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk
R. <fc S, W, LITTI.E ATTORNEY'S AT,
LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock
H~ "ARVEY SICKLER, ATTORNEY"ATLAW
and GENERAL INSURANCE AGENT-Of
fice, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan
DR. J. C. CORSEI.IUS, HAVING LOCAT
ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly attend
all calls in the line of his profession—may be found
at Boomer's Hotel, when not professionally absent.
Falls, Oct. 10, 1861.
DR. J. C. 11ECKKR <*f~ Co.,
PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS,
Would respectfullj'announce to the citizens of Wy
ming that they have located at Tunkhannock wher
hey will promptly attend to all calls in the line of
neir profession. May be found at his Drug Staro
when not professionally absent.
JM. CAREY, M. I), — (Graduate of the 3
• M. Institute, Cincinn:tfi) would respectfully
announce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne
Counties, that he continues his regular practice in the
various departments of his profession. May ne found
•t his office or residence, when not professionally ab
Particular attention given to the treatment
entremorelnnd, Wyoming- Co. Pa.—v2n2
LATE AMERICAN HOUSE,
TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA.
THIS establishment has recently been refitted and
furnished in the latest style Every attention
will be given to the comfort and convenience of those
who patronize the House.
T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor.
Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861.
WYOMING COUNTY, PENNA.
JOHN MAYNARD, Proprietor.
HAVING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of
Tunkhannock. recently occupied by Riley
Warner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share of
public patronage. The House has been thoroughly
repaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a
first class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor
t with their custom. September 11, 1861.
NORTH BRANCH HOTEL,
MESHOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA
Win. H. CORTRIGHT, Prop'r
HAY ING resumed the proprietorship of the above
Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to
reader the house an agreeable place of sojourn for
*ll who may favor it with tbeir custom.
M m. II CCRTRinHT.
June, 3rd, 1863
M. GILMAN, "
MGILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk
• hanncck Borough, and respectfully tenders his
professional services to the citizens of this place and
ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS
Office over Tuttou'a Law Offic*, near th e Pos
Dec. 11, 1861.
TO NERVOUS SUFFERERS OF BOTH
A REVEREND GENTLEMAN HAVING BEEN
restored to health in a few days, after undergoing all
the usual routine and irregular expensive modes of
treatment without success, considers it his sacred du
ty to communicate to his afflicted tellow creatures
the means of cure. Hence, on the receipt of an ad
dressed envelope, he will send (free) a copy of the
prescription used. Direct to Dr JOHN M. DAONALL
168 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, New York. v2n24ly '
JV. SMITH M. D , PHYSICIAN k SURGEON,
• Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo
crat Office, Tunkhannock, Pa.
1" IMS FOR FARMERS, AS A FERTILIZER
for sal. at VERNOY
Meshoppen. Sept. 18 1861.
F ffwter in Quantltiee
prices to gmt purchasers, now for sale a
THE HOUSEHOLD PET.
BY MRS. HELEN RICH.
We've a mimic man, a baby,
With a pair of ruugish eyes,
And a month of budding laughter,
And a look that's very wise.
Though his hair is not in ringlets,
Or his eyes a lovely brown,
He has dimples and a stammer,
The delight of half the town.
And he wears a peacock feather
In his little cap of plush,
And he hearkens for Kris Kringle
With a quick impatient hush.
And he rides a cane as bravely
As all boys of equal age,
And we think him. without question,
Quite the wonder of the age.
You should see him dance the polka,
You should hear him try to sing;
Now ho ambles like a pony,
Now he ties the cat with string.
Then he reads you in the paper
Of inverted ships in rows,
With his grandpa's glasses mounted
On his little ccraic nose.
He will ask you if the lightning
Is afraid to hear the thunder ;
And the moon upon the water
Is a great and lovely wonder.
He will question you of angels
And of things beyond the skies,
Till you cannot see a planet
For the sudden tears that rise.
And he presses loving kisses
Where thse tender teardrops lay,
And he tries to cheer you sweetly
In his simple earnest way.
And he tells you of the marvels
He will execute and plan,
When he grows as big as papa,
When he gets to bo a man
We have named him from a hero,
We have mapped his future fair ;
He shrll tcear a poet's laurel
'Mid his dark and glossy hair.
We forget that we are weary,
We forget that we are old,
For our darling is beauty,
lie's our little store of gold.
We havo heard of tortured bosoms,
We have heard of royal Lear,
But we know our little blessing
Will not cost our hearts a tear.
For a manhood looketh bravely
From the forehead of our boy,
And we bail it as a token
Of a rich and perfect joy.
Oh, he's but a tiny mortal,
And he may not live 10 know
How impossible the wonders
That but wait for him to grow.
And he may not know how gracious
To our souls his baby art,
But we love him all as fondly
As from death he dwelt apart
God forgive us if we listen
To a parent's easy pride ;
God forgive us if misgui ling
That young angel by our side.
May the Father look in pity
On the love that prayeth wild,
" Take all earthly blessings from us,
But in mercy spare our child,
SOLDIERS, REMEMBER THAT IT WAS
THE ABOLITIONISTS WHO CONTEST
ED YOUR RIGHT TO VOTE.I
We again refer to the subject of the Sol
diers vote of 1801, that the returned soldiers
may know through whose instrumentality the
soldiers vote of that year was thrown out by
In 1801, Judge Thompson, Abolitionist,
received a majority of the votes of the citizens
of Philadelphia, at home, for the office of
Sheriff. Mr. Ewing, Democrat, his opponent,
with the vote of the citizens at home and in
the ariny, had a majority over Thompson,
and received the certificate of election and
entered upon the duties of his office. Thomp
son contested the right of Ewing to hold the
position, in the Common Pleas of that city,
on the ground of the unconstitutionality oj
the Soldiers Vote ! The Court decided in fa
vor of Thompson. The matter was carried
up to the Supreme Court, and Judges Wood
ward, Strong and Read, Abolitionist affirmed
the decision of the court below. Judge
Woodward, then must have been governed
wholly by legal consideration in his decision
and not by party motives, for if the latter
had bad any controlling influence with him,
he would not have sustained the inferior
court, and Ewing, Democrat, would have re
tained the office of Sheriff—the emoluments
of which are nearly equal, if not altogether,
to the salary of the President of the United
Stales. It was the cupidity of an Abolition
ist that forced such a decision and hence cast
aside the soldiers vote and thus disfranshteed
them. Will the Abolition journals, in their
ravings, tell us whether legal and Constitu
tional motives governed Judge Woodward
and a majority of the Bench, in the matter of
Thompson vs. Ewing, political considerations
and prejudices ? Which ?
We would rather see Lee advance
with his cohorts into the heart of Pennsyl
vania than witness the inauguration of Wood
ward as Governor of the State."— Harris'
burg Telegraph (Abolition).
*♦* " A REBEL.,' is one who rebels against
"TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RIGHT. "—Thomas Jefferson.
TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCT. 7, 1863.
A LETTER TO EDWARD EVERETT.
I have read with astonishment and sorrow,
the report of a speech recently delivered by
you betore a political society of Boston called
the " Union Club." It is indeed a sad time
for our country, when men of your intellect
and standing turn their backs upon the prin
ciples and professions of a life time, and con
sent to become the special pleaders for an ad
ministration which iB clearly seeking to over
throw not only the Union, but the very form
of the government established by our fathers.
Up to the hour of the beginning of this war,
you occupied the position of a wise, conserv
ative patriot, and were, therefore, an enemy
to our Northern fanaticism, which you long
foresaw was driving the ship of state upon
the rocks. Often did you warn these mad
men that the end of their sectional agitation
would be the dissolution of the Union. You
cannot unsay the many noble words of truth
and patriotism you have uttered. There
they stand, and thero they will stand when
you are dead, an everlasting rebuke to the
real authors of our country's ruin, and a pro
test against the closing acts of your own
life, when you went over into the ranks of
intolerant and bloody tanaticistn, and turned
your face away from the wise and honorable
records which your manhood had made.—
You, who stood so long at the top and radi
ance of conservative truth, seem to have
plunged to the very bottom of radical aboli
tion falsehood. Allow me respectfully to
call your attentiou to some of the -ophis
tries of your late speech.
You assume that there is no way of saving
the Union but by fighting; and that all who
are opposed to the war are in favor of letting
the South go.
Your whole argument is based upor this
sophistry. You do not offer a single word of
proof that it is possible to save the Union by
fighting. You assume it. But, sir, hun
dreds and thousands of your countrymen as
sume just the reverse ; that it is impossible
to save the Union by fighting. This is the
question to be discussed. You do an injus
tice to your fellow-citizeus by assuming that
they "are in favor of letting the South go,"
because they are opposed to this barbarous
war. They do not propose to let the South
go, as long as there is left one reasonable
hope—one possible chance of retaining it
But they believe, with the lamented Senator
Douglas, that " war is dissolution—final and
eternal separation." You believed the same
two 3'ears ago. In a letter which you wrote
to a meeting in Fanueil Hall, dated at Wash
ington Feb. 2d, 1861, you said :
"To expect to hdd fifteen States in the
Union by force is preposterous. The idea of
a civil war, accompanied as it would be by a
servile insurrection, is too monstrous to" be
entertained for a moment. If our si6ter
States must leave us, in the name of heaven,
let them go in peace."
Sir, a majority of the people of the North
now believe just as you did in February,
1861. They believe that the idea ot holding
the South in the Union by force is preposter
ous—nay, impossible. They believe that a
continuance of this savage war will make the
separation final and eternal. They hope
that peace may open some door of reconstruc
tion. The position of the peace men is there
fore <>ne of patriotism, and not of sympathy
with secession, as your remarks before the
Boston Club would imply. Were you, sir
any less a patriot in 1861 than you are now ?
Were you a traitor to j*our country in Feb
ruary, 1861? It seems to me that you do
your character an injustice, and insult your
own intelligence, when you lend the weight
of your name to the silly and false asstimp
tion of the Administration, that the peace
men are enemies of their country. You, sir
—if you have not lost your intellect—know
that it is not so. The present attitude of
parties shows it, too. On one hand you see
the fanatics, whom you have always renounc
ed as the foes of the Union, madly shouting
war ! war ! war ! On the other, you behold
the party which has ever resisted the disun
ion schemes of these fanatics, and which has
ever been the conservator of the constitution
and the laws pleading for peace. Sir, I re
peat again that you know they are for peace,
because they hope through peace to save
their country. You know that the motives
of those who seek peace are patriotic. They
stand, in principle, precisely where you stood
in 1861. They are patriots now as you
were then. They have not saufled off their
piinciples and their patriotism together, and
ingloriously 6lunk away into the cesspools
of abolition treason. You and they were to
gether on the same platform when you utter
ed the following glowing words of patriotism
"The suggestion that the Union can be
maintained by the numerical predominance
and military prowess of one section, exerted
to coerce the other into submission, is, in
my judgment, as self-contradictory as it is
dangerous. It comes loaded with the death
smell from fields wet with brothers' blood
If the vital principle of all republican gov
ernment " is the consent of the governed,"
much more does a union of co equal sover
eign States require, as its basis, the harmonv
of its members, and their voluntary co oper
ation ia Its organic functions."
These, sir, are words which you can never
unsay. No folly, no apoatacy of yours can
ever obliterate them. There they will stand
a glorious monument of what you once were,
and a perpetual rebuke and shame for what
you now are. A few short months ago, you
denounced the idea of maintaining the Union
by " military prowess" as " self contradicto
ry," and as being " loaded with the death
smell from fields wet with brother's blood."
Now you even endorse the arming of negroes
for the purpose of plundering and murdering
the white men, women, and children of the
South. How are the mighty fallen! You
talk idly and vainly of the " restraints of
military discipline" among armed negroes,
set on by tho ince.idiary fanaticism of aboli
tion Generals. By these Generals, white
men have been led in battle, not like tbe ar
mies 01 a Christian and civilized natioD, but
like marauding and plundering bands of as
sassins, violating every law of civilized war
fare. How can you hope lor better things of
armed negroes led by the same abolition ma
Sir, the bad company into which you have
fallen seems to have rendered you careless in
the statements of facts—a thing which cer
tainly could never with justice have been
said of you in other days. In a recent ora
tion at the Tremont Temple, Boston, you as
serted that the failure of the Crittenden
Compromise was caused, purposely, by tbe
action of the Senators from the Cotton States.
Just the reverse of this is true, for it was the
Republican Senators who purposely caused
the failure of that just measure, and there
by caused the war. The following passage
from the speech of Senator Douglas, made in
the Senate Jan. 3,1861, proves the entire in
correctness of your statement :
" I believe this (his plan) to be a fair basis
of amicable adjustment. If you of the Re
publican side are not willing to accept this,
nor the proposition of the Senator from Ken
lucky (Mr. Crittenden,) pray tell us wtiat
you are willing to do ? I address the inqui
ry to the Republicans alone, for the reason
that, in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days
ago, every member from the South, including
those from the Cotton States (Messrs. Davis
and Toombs), expressed their readiness to ac
cept the proposition of my venerable friend
from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, as a final
settlement of the controversy, it tendered
and sustained by the Republican members.
Hence the sole responsibility of our disagree
ment, and the only difficulty in the way of an
amicable adjustment, is with the Republican
That is tbe truth ; and it shows that those
with whom you now fraternize, and whose
apologist you have become, are alone respons
ible for this barbarous war.
The following passage in the speech ofSen
ator Hugh, of Ohio, delivered on the occasion,
will he read with interest:
" The Crittenden proposition has been en
dorsed by the almost unanimous, vote of the
Legislature of the noble old Commonwealth
of Virginia. It has been petitioned for by a
larger number of electors of the United States
than any proposition that was ever before
Congress, i believe in my heart,to day that
if would carry an overwhelming majority of
the people of rny State ; aye, sir, and of near
ly every State in the Union. Before the
Senators from the State of Mississippi left
this Chamber, I heard one of thein, who now
assumes at least to be President of the South
ern Confederacy, propose to accept it and
maintain the Union, if that proposition could
receive the Vote it ought to receive from the
other side of this Chamber. Therefore, of
all your propositions,of all your amendments,
knowing as I do, and knowing that the hie
torian will wnte it down, at any time before
the Ist of January a tw -thirds vote for the
Crittenden resolutions in this Chamber
would have saved every State in the Union
but South Carolina. Georgia would he here
by her representatives, and Louisiana also—
those two great States, which at least would
have broken the whole column of secession."
Globe , page , 1,380,
This, sir, settles the question as to who is
to blame for this war, It 6hows that you
have allowed yourself to become the endors
er and the vender of the misrepresentations
and falsehoods upon which the administra
tion relies to cheat the people into a support
of its iniquitiou9 designs. The countenance
which men like you have given to the usurp
ers and conspiraters,has been the chief source
of Lincoln's power to do evil. Left to them
selves, these radical traitors could never
have achieved the ruin they have brought
upon our country. In jour past career, you
have often enough warned them, that if they
kept on in their mad course they would de"
stroy their country You hare wound np
by joining their bloody band, and the name
of Edward Everett must sink in history by
the side of such names as Garrison, Sumner,
Phillips, Seward, L'ucoln, and old John
Brown. A true history of the fall of this
Union will one day be written, in which all
the sophistries and lies that cover the pres
ent hour will be swept away, and the men
of this day will stand forth in Hie light of
truth and justice. Then, sir, the men whom
you denoucnce as traitors and enemies of their
country, will occupy tho proud rank of pa
triots and wise conservators of the nation's
honor, while tie murderous clan of fanatics
and imposters with which you have mixed
your declining days, will sit in the seats of!
the condemned and despised. When it is at
last seen that war could not save the Union :
that it was never designed to save it; that, j
on the other hand, the war was carried on
for the purpose of destroying not only the
Union, but the Republic itself, then the day
of justice and of judgment will come to all
of us. Then, thank God, my name will not
be found in company with the disciples of old
John Brown, who have hounded on the
war-devils that have detsroyed our laud ]
Let it not be thought presumption in the,
that I ask yju to pause and reflect where
your name will be then. Ah ! sir, this hour
is mad. Untruth and injustice, nay, down
right falsehood, cover meu's minds as with a
pall. God's Justice seems to sleep. Our
country may not be saved ; liberty may not
survive ; but truth at last will prevail. God
and truth are mightier than sin and false
hood. The "loyal" pretenders of this day
will be the "traitors" of history. Seward &
Co. and Benedict Arnold & Co. Sir, the
men whom you stigmatize as traitors will ]
not be there-
Your obedient servant.,
C. CHAUNCEY BURR.
Is the System of Slave Labor in the South
ern states a Sin >
A false theology, as well as false politics,
haß afflie'e 1 the Northern, and especially the
New England States, for years past A party
has risen up which affect 6 to be " wise above
what is written " in the sacred Scriptures
as well as in the Constitution. They pro
nounce negro slavery not only the "sum of
all yillanles," but a sin in a theological sense.
Many well meaning citizens have been misled
bv these false doctrines.
As theology and politics have been pre
sented to the public, it is refreshing to see
the views of the friends of the Constitution
ustained from a theological stand point.
Our attention has been called to an able ar
ticle published In one of the religious news
papers of this city under the dale of Nove m
ber 20, 1862. The editor of the paper relied
upon a certain text of scripture to sustain the
Emancipation Proclamation of Mr. LINCOLN.
The text reads. "Art thou called being a ser
vant? care not for it: if thou mayest be made
free, use it rather. "
He submitted tlies passage to a friend,
with the desire that he would give his views
in regard to it. This request elicited the fol
lowing reply ;
PHILADELPHIA, NOV. 10, ISG2.
Rev. and Dear Sir: In response to your
request, I herewith present briefly my views
of the 21st verse of the 7th chapter of Ist
I beg to premise that the Scriptures of the
Old and New Testament recognize, without
objection, the relation of master and slave.—
The acceptance of the Gospel of Christ by
faith and practice makes individuals better
husbauds and wives, parents and children,
and masters and slaves. There are rules pre
sented for slaves as well as for masters. Ser
vants —the Greek word is doulei, that jg to
6ay slaves—are required to be obedient to
1 their masters, and count tlieni worthy of all
honor. And St. Paul says, that if any man
teach otherwise, " he is proud, knowing noth
ing, but doling about questions and strifes of
words whereof cometh envy, strife, railing
evil surmisuigs, perverse dsiputings of men of
corrupt minds and destitute of the truth."
From such we are commanded to withdraw
ourselves. The text to which you refer tne
enjoins upon every one to be contented with
his condition in life. " Art thou called being
a servant (slave)? care not for it: butif thou
mayest be made free, use it rather." j n oth
er words, Grace knows no distinction of free
dom or servitude ; therefore bear it patiently.
The learned Grotius. who is good legal as
well as Biblical authority says : " And,'above
all. let it not drive the slave to seek his free
dom by unjustifiable means." He is not to
quit the service of his master except with his
consent. Christianity does not favor the vi
olation of any civil obligation, either by the
party in interest, or by any one else for him.
Referring to the last words of the text in
question, I understan that yoo incline to the
opinion that the Emancipation Proclamation
ot President Lincoln gives the slave the right
of freedom. But where do you find the au
thority for the President to exercise such a
power ? The Constitution of the United
: States recognizes the relation of master and
slave. The right to dissolve this relation is
not one of tho powers delegated to the Con
gress of the United States, nor to the General
Government, much less to the Executive au
thority of the Government; it is among the
rights reserved to the States and to the peo
ple. 1 know that this arbitrary power is
claimed to be a part of the military law
But this law only extends to the government
of the army and navy of the Uinted States
and to the militia of the States when called'
into the service of the United S'ates. Neith
er is it within the scope of martial law. This
law at the most only gives authority over per
sons and property under the actual control
and dominion of the military commander
As to the right of the President to issue
the proclamation iu question, I be" to refer
to the opinion of the Hon. B. F. Curtis late
a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United
States. He ought to be considered good au
thority on subjects of this character, especial
ly as he delivered the dissenting opinion in
the Dred Scott case.
Judge Curtis says: • Whence, then, do
those edicts of the President spring 1 They
spring from the assumed power to extend
inartial-law over the whole United States ;
a power for the exercise of which there is no
warrant whatever in the Constitution ; a pow
which no people could confvr upon an Execu
tive officer and remain a free people for it
would nuke him absolute master of their
lives, their liberties and their property. * *
* * * Uet U6 beware how wc borrow
weapons from the armory of arbitrary power.
They cannot be wielded by the hands of a
free people. Their blows will finally fall up
on themselves. Distracted councils, divided
strength, are the very earliest effects of an
attempt to use thorn. What lies beyond no
patriot is willing to look upon."
I close this communication by presenting
the following points, which are, in my opin
ion, established by the authorities referred to
First. The relation of master and slave is
recognized aa a lawful relation in the Sacred
Scriptures, and herein:
1. In the covenant with Abraham.
2. In the laws of Moses.
ITHRMS: 81.50 FBI\ APTSTXJaff
3. In the Gospel and the Epistles of the
4. These various authorities preacibe rules
for the master and for the slate.
Second. The relation is sauctioncd by the
highest and mo6t obligatory civil authorities
of our country, and herein t
1. By the Constitution and laws of the
2. By the Constitutions and laws of the
several States in which negro slavery exist*.
3. By the decisions of the Supreme Court
of the United States, and these decisions are
declared by the Constitution to be the Su
preme law of the land.
Third. 1. A relation thus sanctioned can
n't, with propriety, be etated to be an unlaw
2. It cannot be dissolved, except by the
authority which established it—namely the
State Governments, or the voluntary act of
Fourth. There is no authority given to
Congress or the Government at Washington
to abolish this relation ; that power being
among those which are retained by the peo
ple, or by the States affected thereby.
It hence follows, as a logical conclusion,
that no proclamation or edict by the Presi
dent of the United States, or by Congress, or
by both, or by other States, can legally affect
the relation of master or slave in the State®
where it is established. These outside au
thorities cannot say to the slave—"Thou
mayest be made free."
I beg to add that this argument does not
assert the relation of master and slave to btf
of Divine appointment, like that of husband
and wife, aud parent and child, but only that
it is a lawful one, such as master and appren
tice. guardian and ward, trustee and cestui
que trust , and others which might be stated.
The parties who hold these relations to each
other have certain rights and duties, which
can only be set aside or controlled by the ex
ercise of a lawful authority having jurisdic
tion of the subject.
I am. with sincere regard, your friend and
obedient servant. J. R. S.
This admirable letter, it is understood, was
written by our well known townsman, Hon.
j JAMES ROSS SXOWDEN. Its re-publication at
i this time is very opportune, and will enable
our friends to give a good answer to those
fanatics and pharfsees who have, a holy hor
ror of the relation of negro slavery, whilst
they neglect the weightier matters of the
law, justice, tnercy and h\th. —Philadelphia
THE TONNAGE TAX SWINDLE.
Tax-payers of Wyoming county ! you have
an account to settle with Gov. Curtm. The
Legislature of this State, in 18G1, released by
law. the Pennsylvania Rail Road Company
i from the payment of Tonnage Tax, which
J prived the State of a just Revenue to the
i amount of some three hundred thouaand dob
j lars a year I Nay more, at that time the
■ Kail Road owed the State seven hundred
i thousnnd dollars for the two previous years
; tax. The Legislature, in a section of the
I same bill repealing the Tonnage Tax, wipod
' out this debt ! So by this ono act of the
Legislature—which was then composed of a
two-thirds Republican majority in botli
Houses—the State sustained a loss of the
Tonnage Tax then amounting to §300,000 a
.rear (it would be a million a j r ear by this
time,) and also the §700,000 that was due
Gov, Curtin engineered this plundering
Bill through the Legislature and placed hie
signature to it. Remember these facts, peo
ple of Wyoming, when you go to vote on the
WHICH IS RIGHT —Hon. George W. Wood
ward is a Supreme Judge— paid by the peo
ple for his services. He does not take the
Stump—though a much abler speaker than
Curtin. lie gives his time for which he is
paid to the State, in the performance of his
duties. Andrew G. Curtin is also paid by
the State to pet form the duties of Governor.
He takes the money but spends the time for
which he is paid, in making STCMP SPEECHES
FOR HIMSELF— thus defrauding the tax pay
ers and receiving money for service which ho
does not perform. Which of the two is act
ing iu the best faith to the tax payers of this
HISI NIOMST —On the Ist of February,
1850, Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, now
a '' loyalist,*' presented to the Senate of the
Lnited States, two petitions from citizens of
Pennsylvania, praying, that "some plan
might be devised for the dissolution of the
Every Republican Senator voted jor the pe
titions. Mark the names of the traitors :
John P. Hale, of Massachusetts.
William H.Seward, of New York.
Salmon P.Chase, of Ohio.
In the House, on the 25th of the samo
month, the petitions were presented by Josh
ua R. Giddings, now an officer under Lin
coln's Inion Administration. Every Repub
lican Representative voted for the petitions
Chas. Allen, of Massachusetts.
Chas. lJurkee, of Wisconsin.
Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio.
llufus K. Goodoow, of Maine.
Hartley Free Press.
A BAD CASE OF " NIGGER ON THE BRAIN."
Col. Wm. M. Stone, the Administration
candidate for Governor of lowa, in a recent
speech made at Keokuk, said :
" I admit that this is an Abolition war.
It was not such in the start; but the Ad
ministration has discovered that it oould not
subdue the South else than by making it an
Abolition war, and they have done so ; and
it will be continued as an Abolition war so
long as there is ono sl&vo at the South to be
made few. . * * * I would rather
eat with a nigger, drink with a nigger, Jive
with a nigger, and aleep with a Digger, than
with a Copperhead. '
VOL. 3, NO. 9.