(The 3)orih Scitnch fjjemoctfti - • ■* . . O'* - HAH.VEY SZCKIiSR. Proprietor.] NEW SERIES, Ilottti franc ji fleraottal BY HARVEY SICKIER. Terms —l copy 1 year, (in advance) 51.50. If toot pain within six months, $2.00 will be charged ADVERTISING . 10 lines ort , j 5 i less, make three] four [two [three [ six i one one square iceekstweekshnoUh< mo'th = nio' th \ year 1 Square l,0l)j 1,25 2,25? 2,87; 3,00 5,00 2 do. 2,00< 2,50 3.25; 3.50; 4,50? 6.00 3 do. 3,00> 3,75 4,75? 5,50; 7.00 i 9,00 J Column. 4,00? 4,50 = 6,50; 8,00; 10,00 15,00 * do. 6.00 7.00? 10,00112.00! 17,00; 25,00 I do. 8,00; 9,50; 14,00: 18,00? 25,00< 35,00 1 do. 10,00! 12,00? 17,00= 22,00, 28,00 40,00 Business Cards of one square, with paper, $5. JOS WOUK: of all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit the times. fusing ffotitfs. BACON STAND.— Nicholson, Pa. C L JACKSON, Proprietor. [vln49tf] HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN & SURGEON • Newton Centre, Luzerne County Pa. GEO. S. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Tunkhannock, Pa. Office in Stark's Biick Block, Tioga street. WM. >l. PIATT, ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of fice in Stark's Brick Block, Tioga St., Tunk hanneck, Pa. R. <fc S, W, LITTI.E ATTORNEY'S AT, LAW, Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock Pa. H~ "ARVEY SICKLER, ATTORNEY"ATLAW and GENERAL INSURANCE AGENT-Of fice, Bridge street, opposite Wall's Hotel, Tunkhan nock Pa. DR. J. C. CORSEI.IUS, HAVING LOCAT ED AT THE FALLS, WILL promptly attend all calls in the line of his profession—may be found at Boomer's Hotel, when not professionally absent. Falls, Oct. 10, 1861. DR. J. C. 11ECKKR <*f~ Co., PHYSICIANS & SURGEONS, Would respectfullj'announce to the citizens of Wy ming that they have located at Tunkhannock wher hey will promptly attend to all calls in the line of neir profession. May be found at his Drug Staro when not professionally absent. JM. CAREY, M. I), — (Graduate of the 3 • M. Institute, Cincinn:tfi) would respectfully announce to the citizens of Wyoming and Luzerne Counties, that he continues his regular practice in the various departments of his profession. May ne found •t his office or residence, when not professionally ab cnt Particular attention given to the treatment Chronic Diseas. entremorelnnd, Wyoming- Co. Pa.—v2n2 WALL'S HOTEL, LATE AMERICAN HOUSE, TUNKHANNOCK, WYOMING CO., PA. THIS establishment has recently been refitted and furnished in the latest style Every attention will be given to the comfort and convenience of those who patronize the House. T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor. Tunkhannock, September 11, 1861. MAYMARD'S HOTEL, TUNKHANNOC K, WYOMING COUNTY, PENNA. JOHN MAYNARD, Proprietor. HAVING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of Tunkhannock. recently occupied by Riley Warner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share of public patronage. The House has been thoroughly repaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a first class Hotel, will be found by all who may favor t with their custom. September 11, 1861. NORTH BRANCH HOTEL, MESHOPPEN, WYOMING COUNTY, PA Win. H. CORTRIGHT, Prop'r HAY ING resumed the proprietorship of the above Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to reader the house an agreeable place of sojourn for *ll who may favor it with tbeir custom. M m. II CCRTRinHT. June, 3rd, 1863 M. GILMAN, " MGILMAN, has permanently located in Tunk • hanncck Borough, and respectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of this place and urrounding country. ALL WORK WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS FACTION. Office over Tuttou'a Law Offic*, near th e Pos 3Bw. Dec. 11, 1861. TO NERVOUS SUFFERERS OF BOTH SEXES. A REVEREND GENTLEMAN HAVING BEEN restored to health in a few days, after undergoing all the usual routine and irregular expensive modes of treatment without success, considers it his sacred du ty to communicate to his afflicted tellow creatures the means of cure. Hence, on the receipt of an ad dressed envelope, he will send (free) a copy of the prescription used. Direct to Dr JOHN M. DAONALL 168 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, New York. v2n24ly ' JV. SMITH M. D , PHYSICIAN k SURGEON, • Office on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo crat Office, Tunkhannock, Pa. 1" IMS FOR FARMERS, AS A FERTILIZER for sal. at VERNOY Meshoppen. Sept. 18 1861. F ffwter in Quantltiee prices to gmt purchasers, now for sale a •TP""! E-MowurJu |M's Corner. THE HOUSEHOLD PET. BY MRS. HELEN RICH. We've a mimic man, a baby, With a pair of ruugish eyes, And a month of budding laughter, And a look that's very wise. Though his hair is not in ringlets, Or his eyes a lovely brown, He has dimples and a stammer, The delight of half the town. And he wears a peacock feather In his little cap of plush, And he hearkens for Kris Kringle With a quick impatient hush. And he rides a cane as bravely As all boys of equal age, And we think him. without question, Quite the wonder of the age. You should see him dance the polka, You should hear him try to sing; Now ho ambles like a pony, Now he ties the cat with string. Then he reads you in the paper Of inverted ships in rows, With his grandpa's glasses mounted On his little ccraic nose. He will ask you if the lightning Is afraid to hear the thunder ; And the moon upon the water Is a great and lovely wonder. He will question you of angels And of things beyond the skies, Till you cannot see a planet For the sudden tears that rise. And he presses loving kisses Where thse tender teardrops lay, And he tries to cheer you sweetly In his simple earnest way. And he tells you of the marvels He will execute and plan, When he grows as big as papa, When he gets to bo a man We have named him from a hero, We have mapped his future fair ; He shrll tcear a poet's laurel 'Mid his dark and glossy hair. We forget that we are weary, We forget that we are old, For our darling is beauty, lie's our little store of gold. We havo heard of tortured bosoms, We have heard of royal Lear, But we know our little blessing Will not cost our hearts a tear. For a manhood looketh bravely From the forehead of our boy, And we bail it as a token Of a rich and perfect joy. Oh, he's but a tiny mortal, And he may not live 10 know How impossible the wonders That but wait for him to grow. And he may not know how gracious To our souls his baby art, But we love him all as fondly As from death he dwelt apart God forgive us if we listen To a parent's easy pride ; God forgive us if misgui ling That young angel by our side. May the Father look in pity On the love that prayeth wild, " Take all earthly blessings from us, But in mercy spare our child, SOLDIERS, REMEMBER THAT IT WAS THE ABOLITIONISTS WHO CONTEST ED YOUR RIGHT TO VOTE.I We again refer to the subject of the Sol diers vote of 1801, that the returned soldiers may know through whose instrumentality the soldiers vote of that year was thrown out by the Court. In 1801, Judge Thompson, Abolitionist, received a majority of the votes of the citizens of Philadelphia, at home, for the office of Sheriff. Mr. Ewing, Democrat, his opponent, with the vote of the citizens at home and in the ariny, had a majority over Thompson, and received the certificate of election and entered upon the duties of his office. Thomp son contested the right of Ewing to hold the position, in the Common Pleas of that city, on the ground of the unconstitutionality oj the Soldiers Vote ! The Court decided in fa vor of Thompson. The matter was carried up to the Supreme Court, and Judges Wood ward, Strong and Read, Abolitionist affirmed the decision of the court below. Judge Woodward, then must have been governed wholly by legal consideration in his decision and not by party motives, for if the latter had bad any controlling influence with him, he would not have sustained the inferior court, and Ewing, Democrat, would have re tained the office of Sheriff—the emoluments of which are nearly equal, if not altogether, to the salary of the President of the United Stales. It was the cupidity of an Abolition ist that forced such a decision and hence cast aside the soldiers vote and thus disfranshteed them. Will the Abolition journals, in their ravings, tell us whether legal and Constitu tional motives governed Judge Woodward and a majority of the Bench, in the matter of Thompson vs. Ewing, political considerations and prejudices ? Which ? We would rather see Lee advance with his cohorts into the heart of Pennsyl vania than witness the inauguration of Wood ward as Governor of the State."— Harris' burg Telegraph (Abolition). *♦* " A REBEL.,' is one who rebels against the Constitution. "TO SPEAK HIS THOUGHTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RIGHT. "—Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCK, PA., WEDNESDAY, OCT. 7, 1863. A LETTER TO EDWARD EVERETT. I have read with astonishment and sorrow, the report of a speech recently delivered by you betore a political society of Boston called the " Union Club." It is indeed a sad time for our country, when men of your intellect and standing turn their backs upon the prin ciples and professions of a life time, and con sent to become the special pleaders for an ad ministration which iB clearly seeking to over throw not only the Union, but the very form of the government established by our fathers. Up to the hour of the beginning of this war, you occupied the position of a wise, conserv ative patriot, and were, therefore, an enemy to our Northern fanaticism, which you long foresaw was driving the ship of state upon the rocks. Often did you warn these mad men that the end of their sectional agitation would be the dissolution of the Union. You cannot unsay the many noble words of truth and patriotism you have uttered. There they stand, and thero they will stand when you are dead, an everlasting rebuke to the real authors of our country's ruin, and a pro test against the closing acts of your own life, when you went over into the ranks of intolerant and bloody tanaticistn, and turned your face away from the wise and honorable records which your manhood had made.— You, who stood so long at the top and radi ance of conservative truth, seem to have plunged to the very bottom of radical aboli tion falsehood. Allow me respectfully to call your attentiou to some of the -ophis tries of your late speech. You assume that there is no way of saving the Union but by fighting; and that all who are opposed to the war are in favor of letting the South go. Your whole argument is based upor this sophistry. You do not offer a single word of proof that it is possible to save the Union by fighting. You assume it. But, sir, hun dreds and thousands of your countrymen as sume just the reverse ; that it is impossible to save the Union by fighting. This is the question to be discussed. You do an injus tice to your fellow-citizeus by assuming that they "are in favor of letting the South go," because they are opposed to this barbarous war. They do not propose to let the South go, as long as there is left one reasonable hope—one possible chance of retaining it But they believe, with the lamented Senator Douglas, that " war is dissolution—final and eternal separation." You believed the same two 3'ears ago. In a letter which you wrote to a meeting in Fanueil Hall, dated at Wash ington Feb. 2d, 1861, you said : "To expect to hdd fifteen States in the Union by force is preposterous. The idea of a civil war, accompanied as it would be by a servile insurrection, is too monstrous to" be entertained for a moment. If our si6ter States must leave us, in the name of heaven, let them go in peace." Sir, a majority of the people of the North now believe just as you did in February, 1861. They believe that the idea ot holding the South in the Union by force is preposter ous—nay, impossible. They believe that a continuance of this savage war will make the separation final and eternal. They hope that peace may open some door of reconstruc tion. The position of the peace men is there fore <>ne of patriotism, and not of sympathy with secession, as your remarks before the Boston Club would imply. Were you, sir any less a patriot in 1861 than you are now ? Were you a traitor to j*our country in Feb ruary, 1861? It seems to me that you do your character an injustice, and insult your own intelligence, when you lend the weight of your name to the silly and false asstimp tion of the Administration, that the peace men are enemies of their country. You, sir —if you have not lost your intellect—know that it is not so. The present attitude of parties shows it, too. On one hand you see the fanatics, whom you have always renounc ed as the foes of the Union, madly shouting war ! war ! war ! On the other, you behold the party which has ever resisted the disun ion schemes of these fanatics, and which has ever been the conservator of the constitution and the laws pleading for peace. Sir, I re peat again that you know they are for peace, because they hope through peace to save their country. You know that the motives of those who seek peace are patriotic. They stand, in principle, precisely where you stood in 1861. They are patriots now as you were then. They have not saufled off their piinciples and their patriotism together, and ingloriously 6lunk away into the cesspools of abolition treason. You and they were to gether on the same platform when you utter ed the following glowing words of patriotism and wisdom: "The suggestion that the Union can be maintained by the numerical predominance and military prowess of one section, exerted to coerce the other into submission, is, in my judgment, as self-contradictory as it is dangerous. It comes loaded with the death smell from fields wet with brothers' blood If the vital principle of all republican gov ernment " is the consent of the governed," much more does a union of co equal sover eign States require, as its basis, the harmonv of its members, and their voluntary co oper ation ia Its organic functions." These, sir, are words which you can never unsay. No folly, no apoatacy of yours can ever obliterate them. There they will stand a glorious monument of what you once were, and a perpetual rebuke and shame for what you now are. A few short months ago, you denounced the idea of maintaining the Union by " military prowess" as " self contradicto ry," and as being " loaded with the death smell from fields wet with brother's blood." Now you even endorse the arming of negroes for the purpose of plundering and murdering the white men, women, and children of the South. How are the mighty fallen! You talk idly and vainly of the " restraints of military discipline" among armed negroes, set on by tho ince.idiary fanaticism of aboli tion Generals. By these Generals, white men have been led in battle, not like tbe ar mies 01 a Christian and civilized natioD, but like marauding and plundering bands of as sassins, violating every law of civilized war fare. How can you hope lor better things of armed negroes led by the same abolition ma rauders ? Sir, the bad company into which you have fallen seems to have rendered you careless in the statements of facts—a thing which cer tainly could never with justice have been said of you in other days. In a recent ora tion at the Tremont Temple, Boston, you as serted that the failure of the Crittenden Compromise was caused, purposely, by tbe action of the Senators from the Cotton States. Just the reverse of this is true, for it was the Republican Senators who purposely caused the failure of that just measure, and there by caused the war. The following passage from the speech of Senator Douglas, made in the Senate Jan. 3,1861, proves the entire in correctness of your statement : " I believe this (his plan) to be a fair basis of amicable adjustment. If you of the Re publican side are not willing to accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator from Ken lucky (Mr. Crittenden,) pray tell us wtiat you are willing to do ? I address the inqui ry to the Republicans alone, for the reason that, in the Committee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the Cotton States (Messrs. Davis and Toombs), expressed their readiness to ac cept the proposition of my venerable friend from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, as a final settlement of the controversy, it tendered and sustained by the Republican members. Hence the sole responsibility of our disagree ment, and the only difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment, is with the Republican party." That is tbe truth ; and it shows that those with whom you now fraternize, and whose apologist you have become, are alone respons ible for this barbarous war. The following passage in the speech ofSen ator Hugh, of Ohio, delivered on the occasion, will he read with interest: " The Crittenden proposition has been en dorsed by the almost unanimous, vote of the Legislature of the noble old Commonwealth of Virginia. It has been petitioned for by a larger number of electors of the United States than any proposition that was ever before Congress, i believe in my heart,to day that if would carry an overwhelming majority of the people of rny State ; aye, sir, and of near ly every State in the Union. Before the Senators from the State of Mississippi left this Chamber, I heard one of thein, who now assumes at least to be President of the South ern Confederacy, propose to accept it and maintain the Union, if that proposition could receive the Vote it ought to receive from the other side of this Chamber. Therefore, of all your propositions,of all your amendments, knowing as I do, and knowing that the hie torian will wnte it down, at any time before the Ist of January a tw -thirds vote for the Crittenden resolutions in this Chamber would have saved every State in the Union but South Carolina. Georgia would he here by her representatives, and Louisiana also— those two great States, which at least would have broken the whole column of secession." Globe , page , 1,380, This, sir, settles the question as to who is to blame for this war, It 6hows that you have allowed yourself to become the endors er and the vender of the misrepresentations and falsehoods upon which the administra tion relies to cheat the people into a support of its iniquitiou9 designs. The countenance which men like you have given to the usurp ers and conspiraters,has been the chief source of Lincoln's power to do evil. Left to them selves, these radical traitors could never have achieved the ruin they have brought upon our country. In jour past career, you have often enough warned them, that if they kept on in their mad course they would de" stroy their country You hare wound np by joining their bloody band, and the name of Edward Everett must sink in history by the side of such names as Garrison, Sumner, Phillips, Seward, L'ucoln, and old John Brown. A true history of the fall of this Union will one day be written, in which all the sophistries and lies that cover the pres ent hour will be swept away, and the men of this day will stand forth in Hie light of truth and justice. Then, sir, the men whom you denoucnce as traitors and enemies of their country, will occupy tho proud rank of pa triots and wise conservators of the nation's honor, while tie murderous clan of fanatics and imposters with which you have mixed your declining days, will sit in the seats of! the condemned and despised. When it is at last seen that war could not save the Union : that it was never designed to save it; that, j on the other hand, the war was carried on for the purpose of destroying not only the Union, but the Republic itself, then the day of justice and of judgment will come to all of us. Then, thank God, my name will not be found in company with the disciples of old John Brown, who have hounded on the war-devils that have detsroyed our laud ] Let it not be thought presumption in the, that I ask yju to pause and reflect where your name will be then. Ah ! sir, this hour is mad. Untruth and injustice, nay, down right falsehood, cover meu's minds as with a pall. God's Justice seems to sleep. Our country may not be saved ; liberty may not survive ; but truth at last will prevail. God and truth are mightier than sin and false hood. The "loyal" pretenders of this day will be the "traitors" of history. Seward & Co. and Benedict Arnold & Co. Sir, the men whom you stigmatize as traitors will ] not be there- Your obedient servant., C. CHAUNCEY BURR. Is the System of Slave Labor in the South ern states a Sin > A false theology, as well as false politics, haß afflie'e 1 the Northern, and especially the New England States, for years past A party has risen up which affect 6 to be " wise above what is written " in the sacred Scriptures as well as in the Constitution. They pro nounce negro slavery not only the "sum of all yillanles," but a sin in a theological sense. Many well meaning citizens have been misled bv these false doctrines. As theology and politics have been pre sented to the public, it is refreshing to see the views of the friends of the Constitution ustained from a theological stand point. Our attention has been called to an able ar ticle published In one of the religious news papers of this city under the dale of Nove m ber 20, 1862. The editor of the paper relied upon a certain text of scripture to sustain the Emancipation Proclamation of Mr. LINCOLN. The text reads. "Art thou called being a ser vant? care not for it: if thou mayest be made free, use it rather. " He submitted tlies passage to a friend, with the desire that he would give his views in regard to it. This request elicited the fol lowing reply ; PHILADELPHIA, NOV. 10, ISG2. Rev. and Dear Sir: In response to your request, I herewith present briefly my views of the 21st verse of the 7th chapter of Ist Corinthians. I beg to premise that the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament recognize, without objection, the relation of master and slave.— The acceptance of the Gospel of Christ by faith and practice makes individuals better husbauds and wives, parents and children, and masters and slaves. There are rules pre sented for slaves as well as for masters. Ser vants —the Greek word is doulei, that jg to 6ay slaves—are required to be obedient to 1 their masters, and count tlieni worthy of all honor. And St. Paul says, that if any man teach otherwise, " he is proud, knowing noth ing, but doling about questions and strifes of words whereof cometh envy, strife, railing evil surmisuigs, perverse dsiputings of men of corrupt minds and destitute of the truth." From such we are commanded to withdraw ourselves. The text to which you refer tne enjoins upon every one to be contented with his condition in life. " Art thou called being a servant (slave)? care not for it: butif thou mayest be made free, use it rather." j n oth er words, Grace knows no distinction of free dom or servitude ; therefore bear it patiently. The learned Grotius. who is good legal as well as Biblical authority says : " And,'above all. let it not drive the slave to seek his free dom by unjustifiable means." He is not to quit the service of his master except with his consent. Christianity does not favor the vi olation of any civil obligation, either by the party in interest, or by any one else for him. Referring to the last words of the text in question, I understan that yoo incline to the opinion that the Emancipation Proclamation ot President Lincoln gives the slave the right of freedom. But where do you find the au thority for the President to exercise such a power ? The Constitution of the United : States recognizes the relation of master and slave. The right to dissolve this relation is not one of tho powers delegated to the Con gress of the United States, nor to the General Government, much less to the Executive au thority of the Government; it is among the rights reserved to the States and to the peo ple. 1 know that this arbitrary power is claimed to be a part of the military law But this law only extends to the government of the army and navy of the Uinted States and to the militia of the States when called' into the service of the United S'ates. Neith er is it within the scope of martial law. This law at the most only gives authority over per sons and property under the actual control and dominion of the military commander As to the right of the President to issue the proclamation iu question, I be" to refer to the opinion of the Hon. B. F. Curtis late a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States. He ought to be considered good au thority on subjects of this character, especial ly as he delivered the dissenting opinion in the Dred Scott case. Judge Curtis says: • Whence, then, do those edicts of the President spring 1 They spring from the assumed power to extend inartial-law over the whole United States ; a power for the exercise of which there is no warrant whatever in the Constitution ; a pow which no people could confvr upon an Execu tive officer and remain a free people for it would nuke him absolute master of their lives, their liberties and their property. * * * * * Uet U6 beware how wc borrow weapons from the armory of arbitrary power. They cannot be wielded by the hands of a free people. Their blows will finally fall up on themselves. Distracted councils, divided strength, are the very earliest effects of an attempt to use thorn. What lies beyond no patriot is willing to look upon." I close this communication by presenting the following points, which are, in my opin ion, established by the authorities referred to herein : First. The relation of master and slave is recognized aa a lawful relation in the Sacred Scriptures, and herein: 1. In the covenant with Abraham. 2. In the laws of Moses. ITHRMS: 81.50 FBI\ APTSTXJaff 3. In the Gospel and the Epistles of the New Testament. 4. These various authorities preacibe rules for the master and for the slate. Second. The relation is sauctioncd by the highest and mo6t obligatory civil authorities of our country, and herein t 1. By the Constitution and laws of the United States. 2. By the Constitutions and laws of the several States in which negro slavery exist*. 3. By the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, and these decisions are declared by the Constitution to be the Su preme law of the land. Third. 1. A relation thus sanctioned can n't, with propriety, be etated to be an unlaw ful relation. 2. It cannot be dissolved, except by the authority which established it—namely the State Governments, or the voluntary act of the master. Fourth. There is no authority given to Congress or the Government at Washington to abolish this relation ; that power being among those which are retained by the peo ple, or by the States affected thereby. It hence follows, as a logical conclusion, that no proclamation or edict by the Presi dent of the United States, or by Congress, or by both, or by other States, can legally affect the relation of master or slave in the State® where it is established. These outside au thorities cannot say to the slave—"Thou mayest be made free." I beg to add that this argument does not assert the relation of master and slave to btf of Divine appointment, like that of husband and wife, aud parent and child, but only that it is a lawful one, such as master and appren tice. guardian and ward, trustee and cestui que trust , and others which might be stated. The parties who hold these relations to each other have certain rights and duties, which can only be set aside or controlled by the ex ercise of a lawful authority having jurisdic tion of the subject. I am. with sincere regard, your friend and obedient servant. J. R. S. This admirable letter, it is understood, was written by our well known townsman, Hon. j JAMES ROSS SXOWDEN. Its re-publication at i this time is very opportune, and will enable our friends to give a good answer to those fanatics and pharfsees who have, a holy hor ror of the relation of negro slavery, whilst they neglect the weightier matters of the law, justice, tnercy and h\th. —Philadelphia Age. THE TONNAGE TAX SWINDLE. Tax-payers of Wyoming county ! you have an account to settle with Gov. Curtm. The Legislature of this State, in 18G1, released by law. the Pennsylvania Rail Road Company i from the payment of Tonnage Tax, which J prived the State of a just Revenue to the i amount of some three hundred thouaand dob j lars a year I Nay more, at that time the ■ Kail Road owed the State seven hundred i thousnnd dollars for the two previous years ; tax. The Legislature, in a section of the I same bill repealing the Tonnage Tax, wipod ' out this debt ! So by this ono act of the Legislature—which was then composed of a two-thirds Republican majority in botli Houses—the State sustained a loss of the Tonnage Tax then amounting to §300,000 a .rear (it would be a million a j r ear by this time,) and also the §700,000 that was due her ! Gov, Curtin engineered this plundering Bill through the Legislature and placed hie signature to it. Remember these facts, peo ple of Wyoming, when you go to vote on the 13th inst. WHICH IS RIGHT —Hon. George W. Wood ward is a Supreme Judge— paid by the peo ple for his services. He does not take the Stump—though a much abler speaker than Curtin. lie gives his time for which he is paid to the State, in the performance of his duties. Andrew G. Curtin is also paid by the State to pet form the duties of Governor. He takes the money but spends the time for which he is paid, in making STCMP SPEECHES FOR HIMSELF— thus defrauding the tax pay ers and receiving money for service which ho does not perform. Which of the two is act ing iu the best faith to the tax payers of this State. HISI NIOMST —On the Ist of February, 1850, Senator Hale, of New Hampshire, now a '' loyalist,*' presented to the Senate of the Lnited States, two petitions from citizens of Pennsylvania, praying, that "some plan might be devised for the dissolution of the American Union." Every Republican Senator voted jor the pe titions. Mark the names of the traitors : John P. Hale, of Massachusetts. William H.Seward, of New York. Salmon P.Chase, of Ohio. In the House, on the 25th of the samo month, the petitions were presented by Josh ua R. Giddings, now an officer under Lin coln's Inion Administration. Every Repub lican Representative voted for the petitions to wit: Chas. Allen, of Massachusetts. Chas. lJurkee, of Wisconsin. Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio. llufus K. Goodoow, of Maine. Hartley Free Press. A BAD CASE OF " NIGGER ON THE BRAIN." Col. Wm. M. Stone, the Administration candidate for Governor of lowa, in a recent speech made at Keokuk, said : " I admit that this is an Abolition war. It was not such in the start; but the Ad ministration has discovered that it oould not subdue the South else than by making it an Abolition war, and they have done so ; and it will be continued as an Abolition war so long as there is ono sl&vo at the South to be made few. . * * * I would rather eat with a nigger, drink with a nigger, Jive with a nigger, and aleep with a Digger, than with a Copperhead. ' VOL. 3, NO. 9.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers