IIARVEY SICIiXjEn, Proprietor.] NEW SERIES, jgm# fhitiifji fjfiimcraf. A weekly Democratic paper, devoted to Pol- */• tics, News, the Arts an ! Sciences Ac. Pub- fished every Wednes- ?■ day, t Tunkhannock, *1 Wyoming County,P.i. "• A-'EffX 1 1J ~['J BY HARVEY SICKLER. V wffs Term*- 1 copy 1 year, (in advance) $1.50. If not pain within six months, $2.00 will be charged AUVEIITISISffG, 10 1'ncs ort . } i i less, make three >Joitr ; tiro three si. v i one one square weeks ' weeks' mo'lh mo'lh mo'th year 1 Square I,oo} 1,25, !.'>•>, 2.9,7, 3.00; 5,00 2 do. 2,00! 2.50? 3,25 350 4,50? 6.00 3 do. 3,001 3,73? 4.75 5.50, 7,00 0,00 1 Column. 4.00? 4,50 6.5' i 6,00> 10,00* 15,60 i do. 6.00? 7,00 10.00 IDO 17,00 25,00 1 do. 8.00'; 9,50 14,00 13.00 23.00 35,00 1 do. 10,00 12,00; 17,00 22,00, 28,00 40,00 Business Cards of one square, with paper, $5. JOB woriir <f all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit lh* times. |3usinfss ;?lotirrs. BACON STAND Nicholson. Ia C. L JACKSON, Proprietor. (vln49cfj HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON • Newton Centre, Luzerne County l'a. f* EO. 8. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW, v J T'lnkhnnnock, Pa. Office in Stark's Brick liloek, Tu>* street. HTM. !f. PIATT. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of- YV fice in Stark's Prick Block, Tioga St., Tunk hannsck. l'a. T ITTI.E .k; DEWITT, ATTORNEY'S AT 1J LAW. Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock. Pa H. 12. I.ITTI.I*. .T PKWITT. T V. SMITH, M. D.„ PHYSICIAN A SURGEON, • "fn -e on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo er.it Office, Tunkhannock. l'a. UVR\ EY SICKLER, ATTORNKY AT LAW and GENERAL INSI'RANCE XG EXT - Of h e, Bridge street, opposite Wall's lbitcl, Tunkhan nock Pa. nR.LC.CORiiEI.IUS, HAYING LOCAT- J .* ED AT IHE FALLS, WILL promptly attend all calls in the line of his profession- -may be found #' Becmer'f Hotel, when not professionally absent. Falls, Oct. 10, 1361. I>D. -J. a BECKER A- <"o., PHYSICIANS A SURGEONS, V: ould respectfully announce to the citizens of Wv ming that thev have located at Tunkhannock tvher hey will promptly attend to all eal'* in 'he line of nrdr profession. May he found at his Drug Storo bcn not professionally absent. TM. C AREY. >l. I> (Graduate of the • M- Institute, Ciii innati) woutd respectfully announce to the citizens of Wyoming an i Luzerne Counties, that he continues his regular practice in the various departments of his profession. May ne found at his office or residence, when not profit.-locally ab enf Particular attention given to t!io treatment Chronic I iscas. entremonsland, Wyoming Co. Pa.— v2n2 WALL'S HOTEL, LATE AMERICAN HOUSE, TUN KHAN NOCK, WYOMING CO, PA. •"PIIIS establishment has recently been refitted and -1- furnished in the latest style. Every attention will be given to the comfort and convenience ot those who patronize the House. T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor. Tunkhannoek, September 11, IS6I. WORTH SRABSH HOTEL, MKSIIOPPEN, WYOMING COI'XTY, PA Wbi. 11. CORTIiIGIIT, Prop'r HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to tender the house an agreeable place ol sojourn for •11 who may favor it with their custom. Wtn. II C< RTRIIIHT. June, 3rd, 1863 MAYHARD'S HOTEL, TUNKHANNOCK, WY OM IX(J COU NT Y , PENXA JOHN MAY'NAUD, Proprietor. HAVING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of Tunkbanncck, recently occupied by ltiley Warner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share of public- patronage. The House has been thoroughly repaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a first clags Hotel, will be found by all who may favor t with their custom. September 11. 1861. M. GILMAN, DENTIST. M GILMAN, has permanently located in Tnnk • bannock Borough, and rosjiectfully tenders his professional services to the citizens of this place and urroundiujj country. WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS _.J-'^*^® C ® ov r Tut ton's Law Office, near th c Pos Office. ' Dec. 11, 1861. Blanks!! Blanks!!! BLANK DEEDS SUMMONSES SUBPOENA ES EXECUTIONS CONSTABLE'S SALES tina ß^?' 8 ' < -' on4 t" I ble's, and legal Blanks of all jJ' 'atly and. Corrtelly printed on good Paper, Democrat" 111 co 'he " North Branch FA RMERy," AS" A FERTIXIZK Meshoppen.Sept 18 1861. FSISTSLS' W'""" I WkoFpen oy L.*ers, now formal* „ , R Mowny Jr ! ADDRESS OK THE DEMOCRATIC STATE OP.N THAL COMMITTEE. To the People of Pennsylvania : Aii important election is at hand, ami the Dsiies involved in it may now claim your at tention. The tide of war has been rolled back from our borders ; and with thanks to God, and gratitude to the skill and valor which, by his favor achieved the prompt de liverance of our invaded Commonwealth, we may now give our solemn consideration to th e causes that have brought to its present con dition a country once peaceful, united and secure. It is now the scene of a great civil war, between States that lately ministered to each other's prosperity in a Union founded for their c>mn >n good. It was their Union that gave them peace at home and respect abroad. They coped successfully with Great Britian on the ocean, an 1 the " doctrine " ut tered by President Monroe warned off the tnonarchs of Europe from the whole Ameri can Continent. Now, France carves out of it an empire, and snips built in England plun der our commerce on every sea. A grea 1 public debt and a conscription burden the people. The strength and wealth of the na tion are turned from p iductivo industry and consumed in the destructive arts of war.— Our victories fail to win peace. Troughout the land, arbitrary power encJoaches upon civil liberty What has wrought the disastrous change ? No natural causes embroiled the North and l hc South. Their interchangeable products and commodities, and various institutions, were sources of reciprocal benefit, and ex cluded competition and strife. But an artifi cial cause of dissension was found in the posi tion <>f the African race; and the ascendency in the national councils of men pledged to art aggressive and unconstitutional Abolition policy: has brought our country to the condi tion of " the cause divided against itself."— The danger to the Union began where states men bad forseen it: it began in the triumph of a sectional party, founded on principles of revolutionary hostility to the Constitution and the laws. The leaders of this party were pledged to a conflict " irrrepressible;" and whenever one party is determined to at tack what another is determined to defen d, a conflict can always be made ,: irrepre ssib'e." They counted on an easy triumph through the aid of insurgent slaves, and in this reli ance, were careless how soon they provoked a collision. Democrats and Conservative strove to avert the conflict. They saw that Union was the paramount interest of their country, and they stood by the great bond of Union, the Constitution of the United States. They went to leave debatable questions un der it to the high tribunal framed to decide them : they preferred it to the sword as an arbiter between the the States : tliey strove hard to merit the title which their opponents gave them in scorn—the title of " Union sav crs." We will not at length rehearse their efforts. In the Thirty sixth Congress the Republican leaders refused their assent to the Crittenden Compromise. On this point the testimouy of Mr. Douglas will suffice. He said : " I believe this to ho a fair basis of amicrhlc ad justment. If you of the Republican side are not will ing to accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky. (Mr. Crittenden), pray tell us what you are willing to do 7 I address the inqu.ry to the Republicans alone, for the roason that, in the Com- I mittee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member from the South, including those from the Cotton Sta.es (Messrs. Davis and Toombs., expressed their readiness to accept the proposition of my venerable friend from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, as a final set tlement of the controversy, if tendered and sustained by the Republican members. Hence the sole respon sibility of our disagreement, and the only difficulty in the way of an amicable adjustment, is with the Repitblicvn party." —Jan 3, 1861. The Ileace Congress was another means by which the border States strove to avert the impending strife. How the Republican lead ers then conspirped against the peace of their country may be seen in a letter from Senator Chandler, of Michigan, to the Governor of that State : '' To His Excellency, Tustin Blair : " Governor Bingham and myself telegaaphed you on Saturday, at the request of Massachusetts and New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compro mise Congress. They admit that we were right and that they were wrong; that no Republican State 'hould have sent delegates; but they are here and cannot get away. Ohio, Indiana and Rhode Island are caving in, and there is danger of Illinois ; and now they beg us for God's sake to come to their rescue, and save the Republican party from rupture. I hope ysu will send stiff -backed men or none. The whole thing was gotten up against my judgment and advice, ard will endlin thin smoke. Still I hope as a matter of courtesy to some of our erring brethren that you will send the delegates. " Truly, your friend. " Z. CHANDLER." "P. S.—Some of the manufacturing States think that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood (citing this Union will not iamy estimation, be worth a rush. " WASHINGTON, Feb, 11, 1861," In Pennsylvania, too, the same spirit pre vailed. It was not seen how neccessarily her position united her in interest with tho bor der States. She has learned it since, from contending armies trampling out her harvests and deluging ber fields with blood. Govern -r Curtin sent to the Peace Congress Mr. MT. Meredith. "TO SPEAK HIS TIIOUGTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RIGHT. "—Thomas Jefferson. TUNKHANNOCIv, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUG. 19 1863. Mr. Wilmot was chiefly known from the connection of his name with the attempt to embroil the country by the ' Wilmot Provi so," baffled by patriotic statesmanship, in which Clay and Webster joined with the Democratic leaders ; just as Clay and Jackson had joined in the Tariff Compromise of 18G3 . Mr. Meredith had published his belief that the mutterings of the rising storm were what he called " stridulous cries," unworthy of the slightest attention. By Mr. Lincoln's election, in November, iB6O, the power to save or destroy the Union was in the hands of his party ; and no ad justment was possible with men who rejected the judgment of the Supreme Court, who scorned conciliation and compromise, and who looked to a " little bloodletting" to ce ment the American Union. Till this time, the Union men of the South had controlled, with little difficulty, the small but restless class among them who desired a separate na tionality. The substantial interests of the South, espectal'y the slaveholding interest, were drawn reluctantly into secession. Gen P. P. Blair, of Missouri, an eminent Republi can, said very truly, in the last Congress : " Every man acquainted with the facts knows that it is fallacious to call thi9 'a slaveholders' rebellion. * * * * A closer scrutiny demonstrotes the con" trary to bo true ; such a scrutiny demonstrates that tho rebellion originated chiefly with the non-slave holders resident in tho strongholds of the institution, not springing, however, from any love of slavery, but from an antagonism of race and hostility to the idea of equality with the blacks involved in simple eman cipation.,' It was the triumph of the Abolitionists over the Democrats and Conservatives of the North, that secured alike triurnpfh to the secessionists over the Union men of the South. The John Brown raid was taken as a'practical exposition of the doctrine of " ir repressible contllct." The exultation over its momentary success, the lamentation over its failure, had been swelled by the Aboli tionists, so as to seem a general expression of Northern feeling. Riots and rescues had nulified the constitutinal provision for the return of fugitives. The false pretence that slavery woul 1 monopolize the territories, when we had no territories in which it could exist, had baen use 1a- a means of constant agitation against slavery in the S mthern States*. A plan of attack u;>n it hal been published in "Helper's book," form illy en dorsed and recommended by the leaders of the party *hat was about to ass im ! the A 1- ministratiou of the Federal G iver.imont leaders who openly inculcated contempt for the Constitution, contempt f>r the Supreme Court, and professed to follow a " higher law." Thus the (lime of revolution it the South was kindled anl fed with fuel furnish ed by the Abolitionists. It nrght seem su perfluous to advert now to what is past and irrevocable, were it not that it is against the same men anl the si n • influences, still d >;n inant in the councils of the A lininistr iti >n, that an appeal is now to be made to the in telligence of the people. The Abolitionists deprecate these allusions to the past. T > cover up their own tracks, they invite us to spend all our indignation upon "Southern traitors;" but truth compels us to add, that, in the race of treas >n, the Northern traitors to the Constitution had the start. They tell us that slavery was the cause of the war; thereiore, the Union is to be restored by waging a war upon slavery. This is not true; or only true in the sense that any in stitution, civil or religious, may be a cause of war, if war is made upon it.. Nor is it a just conclusion that if you take from your neighbor his " man-servant or his maid, or anything that is his," you will thus estab lish harmony between you. No danger to the Union arose from slavery whilst the peo ple of each State dealt calmly and intelli gently with the question within their own State limits. Where little importance at tached to it, it soon yielded to moral and economical considerations, leaving the negro in a position of social and political subordi nation no where more clearly marked than in the Constitution and laws of Pennsylvan ia* The strife began when people in States where it was an immaterial question under took to prescribe tho course of duty upon it to States in which it was a question of great importance and difficulty. This interference became more dangerous when attempts were made to use the power of the General Gov ernment, instituted for the benefit of all the States, to the iojury and proscription of the interests of some of the States. It was not merely a danger to tho institution of slavery, but to our whole political system, in which separate and distinct colonies became, by the Declaration of Independence, " free and independent States," and afterwards estab lished a Federal Union under the Constitu tion of the United States. That instrument, with scrupulous care, discriminates the pow err delegated to tire General Government from those reserved "to the States respec tively, or to the people." And let it be not ed, that in speaking of the powers so dele gated and reserved, we refer to no vague doctrines or pretensions, but to the clear provisions of the written- instiument which it is the duty of every citizen, anrl especially of every public functionary, to respect and maintain. The protection of American lib erty against th 6 enroachments of centraliza tion was left to jbe States by the framers of the Constitution. Hamilton, the most in- dulgent of them to Federal power, says : :! It may be safely received as ail axiom in onr political system, that the State Govern ments will, in all possible contingencies, af ford complete security against invasions of public liberty by the national authority.' 1 — Who can be blind to the consequences that have followed the departure from the true principles of our G >veni;ujnt ? "Abolition" vies with" secession,, in sapping the very foundations of the structure reared by our forefathers. In Pennsylvania, the party on 1 whose acts you will pass at the ballot-hox has trampled upon the great rights of per sonal liberty and the freedom of the press, which every man who can read may find as serted in the C institution of the State and the Constitution of the United States. The dignity of onr Common wealth has been in suited in the outrages pepetrated upon her citizens. At Philadelphia and at Ilirris burg, proprietors of newspapers have been seized at midnight and hurried off to milita ry prisons beyond the limits of the State. Against acts like these, perpetrated before the eyes of the municipal and State authori ties, there is neither protection nor redress The seizure of a journal at West Chester was afterwards the subject of a suit for dam" ages in the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania" It came to trial before Chief Justice Lowrie. Rehearsing the ancient principles of English and American justice, he condemned the acts of the federal officers as violations of the law jhtt bin Is alike the private citizen anl the public function ary. llistil: "All public functionaries in this tan 1 are under the law, anl n me, fro n the highest to the 1 r.vest, are above it." Impatient from any restraint from law, a partisan myority in Congress hastenod to piss an act to take from the to the United States courts, all suits or prosecutions " for tresspasses or wrongs done or c n uitte 1 by virtue or un der color of any authority derived from or exercised under the President of the United States;" and such authority was declare 1 to be a full defence for the wrongdoer in any action, civil or criminal. The American Executive is, as the world imports, the exec utor of the duly cnactel la vs. Yet the pre • tension is in vie that his will cm take the place of the laws. The liberty, the charac ter of every citizen, is put at the mercy of new functionaries cilled 44 provost marshals." Secret accusation beforo these officials takes the place of open hearing before a lawful magistrate, and no writ of habciis corpus may inquire the cause of the arrest. To ille gal arrests have been added the mockery of a trial of a private citizen for his political opinions before a c mrt-maatial, ending in in the infliction af a new an 1 outrageous pen alty, invented by the President of the United States. need not comment upon acts iika these. The President of the United States has no authority, in peace or war to try, even an enlisted soldier by court-martial, save by virtue and iu strict conformity with the military law laid down in the act of Con gress " establishing rules and articles for the government of the armies of tho United States." Yet by his proclamation of Sep tember 24th, 1802, he has assumed to make all citizens amenable to military courts. He has violated the groat principle of free gov ernment, on which Washington conducted tho war of the Revolution, and Manison the war of 1812—the principle of the subordina tion of tho military to the civil power. He has assumed to put 44 martial law," which is the rule of Jorce at a spot where all laws arc silenced, in the place of civil justice through out the land, an I has thus assailed, in some of the States, even the freedom of the bal lot box- These are not occasional acts, done in haste, or heat, or ignorance : but a new system of government put in the place of that ordained and established by Jtlie people. That the Queen could not do what he could, was Mr. Reward's boast to the British Min ister. The " military arrests" of Mr. Stan ton received tho " hearty commendation" of the Convention that renominated Governor Curtin : and It pledged him and his party to " hearty co-operation" in such acts of the Administrat : on in future. Such is the de grading platform on which a candidate for Chief Magistrate of Pennsylvania stands be fore her people. Those pretensions to ar bitrary power give ominous significance to a late change in our military establishment The time honored American system of call ing on the States for drafts from their mili tia, has been replaced by a Federal conscrip tion, on the model of European despotisms. We would not minister to the excitement which it has caused among men of all par ties. Its constitutionality will be tested be fore the courts. If adjudged to be within the power of Congress, the people will de cide on the propriety of a stretch of power on which the British Parliament—styled omnipotent—has never ventured. On this you will pass at the polls, and the next Con gress will not bo deaf to the voice of tho peo ple. For all political evils, a constitutional remedy yet remains, in the ballot-bo*. We will not entertain a fear that it is not sate in the guardiauship of a free people. If men iu office should seek to perpetuate their power by wresting from the people of Pennsylvania th 6 right of suffrage—if the servants of the people should rebel against thhir master—"ii them will rest the responsibility of an at- tempt at revolution, of which no man can foresee the consequences of the en 1. But in now addressing you upon the political issues of the time*, we assume that the institutions of our country are destined to endure . The approaching election derives further importance from the influence it will exercise upon the policy of tho Government. The aim of men not blinded by fanaticism and party spirit would be to reap tho bost fruit from the victories achieved by our gallant armies—the best fruit would be peace and restoration of the Union. Such is not the aim of the party in pjwer. Dominated by its most bigoted members, it urges a war for the negro and not for tho Union. It avows the design to protract the war till sla very shall be abolished in all the States ; in the langnage of one of its pamphleteers " how can a man, hoping and praying for the destruction of slavery, desire that the war shall be a short one?" Mr. Thaddcus Stev ens, the Republican leader in the last House of Representatives, declared, "The Union shall never, with my consent, be restored under the Constitution as it is, with slavery to be protected by it." The same spirit ap pears in Mr. Lincoln's late answer to citizens of Louisiana who desired the return of that State under its present Constitution, Mr. Lincoln postponed them till that Constitu tion shall be amended. The Abolitionists desire the war to last till freedom is secured to all the slaves. Hordes of politicians, and contractors, and purveyors, who fatten on the war, desire it to last forever. When the slaves are all emancipated by the Federal arms, a constant military intervention will be needed to keep them above or equal with the white race in the Southern States— Peace has no place in their platform. It proclaims confiscation ar.d abolition as the objects of the war, and tho Southern leader catches up the words to stimulate his follow ers to tight to the last. It is not the inter tcrcst of Pennsylvania that a fanatical fac tion shall pervert and protract the war, for ruinou*, perhaps unattaiurble ends. What the North needs is the return of the South with its people, its territory, its staples, to complete the integrity of our common coun try. This, and not mere devastation and so cial confusion, would be the aim of patriots and statesmen. The Abolition policy prom ises us nothing better than a Southern Po land, ruled by a Northern despotism. But history is full of examples how wise rulers have assuaged civil discord by moderation and justice, while bigots and despots, relying soltsly on force, have been batfi -J by feeble opponents. That a temperate constitutional policy will fail, in our ease, t> reap the fruit of success in arms, cannot be known till it be tried. The times are critical. France, un der a powerful and ambitious monarch, is entering on the scene, willing again to play an important part in an} American revolution. The English Government is hostile to us : it has got all it wanted from abolition, ami will have nothing more to do with it. The secession leaders, and the presses under their control, oppose reunion, preferring, perhaps, even an humble dependence upon European powers. But from many parts of the South, and across the picket lines, and from the prisoners aud the wouuded, has come the proof of a desire among the people of the South to return to constitutional relations with the people of tho North. Early in the contest this desire was shown in North Caro lina, one of the old thirteen associated with Pennsylvania on the page of Revolutionary history. But the majority in Congress made haste to show that Abolition, not reunion was their aim. In a moment of depression, on the 221 of July, 18CI, being tlic day af ter the battle of Bull Run, they allowed the passage of a resolution, offered by Critten den, defining a policy for the restoration of the Union. But they soon rallied, and filled, the statute-book with acts of confiscation abolition, aud emancipation, against the re monstrances of eminent jurists and conserv ative men of all parties. Mr. Lincoln, too, yielding, lie said, "to pressure," put his prcclamation in place of the Constitution and the laws. Thus every interest a sen timent of tho Southern people were enlisted on the 6ide of resistance by the policy of a party which, as Mr. Stevens said, will not consent to a restoration of the Union with " the Constitution as it is." It is this poli cy that has protracted the war, and is now the greatest obstacle to its termination. The reunion of the States can alone give them their old security at home and power and dignity abroad. This end can never be reached upon the principles of the party now in power. Their principles are radically false, and can never lead to a good conclusion Their hope of setting up the negro in the place of the white man runs counter to the laws of race, the laws of nature. Their statesmanship has been weighed in the bal ance and found wanting ; their 44 little blood letting" has proved a deluge. Their inter ference with onr armies has often frustrated and never aided their success, till it has be come a military proverb that tho best thing for a general is to be out of reach from Washington. The party was fouuded un<m the political aud moral heresy of opposition to Compromise, which is the ontv means of Union among States, and of peace and good will on caith among men. ITERMS: SI.SO PER ANNTJIMf In a popular Government, the people are sovereign, and the sound sense of the whole community corrects, at the polls, the errors of political parties. The people ot Pennsyl vania have seen, with regret, the nnconstitu-- | tional aims of the Abolitionists substituted for the original ohj;cts of the war. They have seen with indignation inany gallant sol diers of the Union driven from its service, because they have not bowed down to the Abolition idol. They will see with horror the war protracted in order to secure the triumphofaparty platform, or, as .Mr. Chand ler said "to save the Republican party from rupture." The time is now at hand when the voice of the people will be heard. The overthrow of the Abolitionists at the polls and the re-establishment of constitutional principles at the North is the first, the in dispensable stop towards the restoration of the Union and the vindication of civil liberty- To this great service to his country etch citizen may contribute by his vote. Thus the people of the North may themselves ex tend the Constitution to the people of the South. It would not be a specious offer of politicians, to be observed with no better faith than the resolutions of July, 'CI, It would be a return to the national policy o the better days of the Republic, through the intelligence of the people, enlightened be ex perience. It would strengthen the Govern ment; for a constitutional government is strong when exercising with vigor its legiti mate powers, and is weak when it sets an ex ample of revolutionary violence by invading the rights of the peiple. Gar priuciples and our candidates are kaown to you. The reso lutions of the late Convention at Ilarrisburg. were, with some additions, the same that had been a lopted by the Democracy in sev eral States, and by the General Assembly of Pennsylvania. They declare authoritatively the principles of the Democratic party. It is, as it always has been, for the Union and the constitution against all opposers. The twelfth resolution declares," that while this General Assembly condemns and denouncer the faults of the Administration and the en croachments of the Abolitionists, it does, also most thoroughly condemn and denounce the heresy of secession as unwarranted by the Constitution, and destructive alike of the se curity and perpetuity of Government and of the peace and liberty of the people and it does hereby most solemnly declare that the people of this State are unalterably opposed to an) division of the Union, and persist ently exert their whole influence and power, under the Constitution, to maintain and dc- feud it.', We have renominated Chief Justice Low no for the beach vhicli lie adorns. Our candi date for G iveraorj Judge Woodward, in his public an 1 private character, ati >r.ls best assurance that he will biing honesty, capacity firmness an l piti iotisin to the direction of the affairs of tne Commonwealth, Long with drawn, by judicial functions, from the politi'- cal arena, he did not withhold his warning voice when conservative men took counsel together upon the dangers that menaced oar country. His speech at the town meeting at Philadelphia in December, 18C0, has been vindicated by subsequent events as a signa exhibition of statesmanlike sagacity. Under his administration we may hope that Pennsylvania, with Clod's blessing, wil resume her place as " the Keystone of the Federal arch." CHART.ES J. RIDDLE, Chairman THE PLETHORA OF SILVER IS CANADA In some of the Canadian towns the " silver nuisance" is practically at au end. Thus in London, in Canada "West, the merchants adopted the plan of refusing all American silver except at a discount of four per cent, and the result is seen in rhe increased circu lation of bank bills, the gradual disappear ance of the American silver, and the greater supply of Canadian coinage. Instead of mer chants now receiving four dollars in silver to one dollar in bills (as was the case a month since,) the reverse is now the fact; and the Free Press believes that if the merchants will but remain firm for another month, the annoyance will wholly chase. The Press advises farmers,, workinginen and all others to refuse silver entirely in the future, except at a considerable discount, and argues tbat no notice or encouragement whatever, should be given to speculators and others, whoso' object Is to buy up the silver and pay it ont at par, thus making a direct shave on every transaction." — - ... ; A GLEAM OF HOPE. —Jane ft. Thurston of fers, through a Portland (Maine) journal, " to furnish, for the sum ol SSOO (which sum will be given for the relief of the sick and wounded soldiers) a plan which will close up the rebellion and unite all the States in six months, or refund the money !" Jane ought no tto lot a beggarly SSOO stand between her and the salvation of her country. GREEN BACKS NOT A LEGAL TENDER.— The* Supreme Court ot Xew York, on Wednesday*, unanimously decided that Treasury notes are not a legal tender in the discharge of Debts contracted and due before the Act of Coa>. gress was passed. The Judges making,this decision, are Ingrham, Sutherland and Peck-,., ham Their opinions have been submitted lt\ writing. VOL. 3, NO. 2.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers