IIARVEY SICIiXjEn, Proprietor.]
NEW SERIES,
jgm# fhitiifji fjfiimcraf.
A weekly Democratic
paper, devoted to Pol- */•
tics, News, the Arts
an ! Sciences Ac. Pub-
fished every Wednes- ?■
day, t Tunkhannock, *1
Wyoming County,P.i. "• A-'EffX 1 1J ~['J
BY HARVEY SICKLER. V wffs
Term*- 1 copy 1 year, (in advance) $1.50. If
not pain within six months, $2.00 will be charged
AUVEIITISISffG,
10 1'ncs ort . } i i
less, make three >Joitr ; tiro three si. v i one
one square weeks ' weeks' mo'lh mo'lh mo'th year
1 Square I,oo} 1,25, !.'>•>, 2.9,7, 3.00; 5,00
2 do. 2,00! 2.50? 3,25 350 4,50? 6.00
3 do. 3,001 3,73? 4.75 5.50, 7,00 0,00
1 Column. 4.00? 4,50 6.5' i 6,00> 10,00* 15,60
i do. 6.00? 7,00 10.00 IDO 17,00 25,00
1 do. 8.00'; 9,50 14,00 13.00 23.00 35,00
1 do. 10,00 12,00; 17,00 22,00, 28,00 40,00
Business Cards of one square, with paper, $5.
JOB woriir
<f all kinds neatly executed, and at prices to suit
lh* times.
|3usinfss ;?lotirrs.
BACON STAND Nicholson. Ia C. L
JACKSON, Proprietor. (vln49cfj
HS. COOPER, PHYSICIAN A SURGEON
• Newton Centre, Luzerne County l'a.
f* EO. 8. TUTTON, ATTORNEY AT LAW,
v J T'lnkhnnnock, Pa. Office in Stark's Brick
liloek, Tu>* street.
HTM. !f. PIATT. ATTORNEY AT LAW, Of-
YV fice in Stark's Prick Block, Tioga St., Tunk
hannsck. l'a.
T ITTI.E .k; DEWITT, ATTORNEY'S AT
1J LAW. Office on Tioga street, Tunkhannock.
Pa
H. 12. I.ITTI.I*. .T PKWITT.
T V. SMITH, M. D.„ PHYSICIAN A SURGEON,
• "fn -e on Bridge Street, next door to the Demo
er.it Office, Tunkhannock. l'a.
UVR\ EY SICKLER, ATTORNKY AT LAW
and GENERAL INSI'RANCE XG EXT - Of
h e, Bridge street, opposite Wall's lbitcl, Tunkhan
nock Pa.
nR.LC.CORiiEI.IUS, HAYING LOCAT-
J .* ED AT IHE FALLS, WILL promptly attend
all calls in the line of his profession- -may be found
#' Becmer'f Hotel, when not professionally absent.
Falls, Oct. 10, 1361.
I>D. -J. a BECKER A- <"o.,
PHYSICIANS A SURGEONS,
V: ould respectfully announce to the citizens of Wv
ming that thev have located at Tunkhannock tvher
hey will promptly attend to all eal'* in 'he line of
nrdr profession. May he found at his Drug Storo
bcn not professionally absent.
TM. C AREY. >l. I> (Graduate of the
• M- Institute, Ciii innati) woutd respectfully
announce to the citizens of Wyoming an i Luzerne
Counties, that he continues his regular practice in the
various departments of his profession. May ne found
at his office or residence, when not profit.-locally ab
enf
Particular attention given to t!io treatment
Chronic I iscas.
entremonsland, Wyoming Co. Pa.— v2n2
WALL'S HOTEL,
LATE AMERICAN HOUSE,
TUN KHAN NOCK, WYOMING CO, PA.
•"PIIIS establishment has recently been refitted and
-1- furnished in the latest style. Every attention
will be given to the comfort and convenience ot those
who patronize the House.
T. B. WALL, Owner and Proprietor.
Tunkhannoek, September 11, IS6I.
WORTH SRABSH HOTEL,
MKSIIOPPEN, WYOMING COI'XTY, PA
Wbi. 11. CORTIiIGIIT, Prop'r
HAVING resumed the proprietorship of the above
Hotel, the undersigned will spare no effort to
tender the house an agreeable place ol sojourn for
•11 who may favor it with their custom.
Wtn. II C< RTRIIIHT.
June, 3rd, 1863
MAYHARD'S HOTEL,
TUNKHANNOCK,
WY OM IX(J COU NT Y , PENXA
JOHN MAY'NAUD, Proprietor.
HAVING taken the Hotel, in the Borough of
Tunkbanncck, recently occupied by ltiley
Warner, the proprietor respectfully solicits a share of
public- patronage. The House has been thoroughly
repaired, and the comforts and accomodations of a
first clags Hotel, will be found by all who may favor
t with their custom. September 11. 1861.
M. GILMAN,
DENTIST.
M GILMAN, has permanently located in Tnnk
• bannock Borough, and rosjiectfully tenders his
professional services to the citizens of this place and
urroundiujj country.
WARRANTED, TO GIVE SATIS
_.J-'^*^® C ® ov r Tut ton's Law Office, near th c Pos
Office. '
Dec. 11, 1861.
Blanks!! Blanks!!!
BLANK
DEEDS
SUMMONSES
SUBPOENA ES
EXECUTIONS
CONSTABLE'S SALES
tina ß^?' 8 ' < -' on4 t" I ble's, and legal Blanks of all
jJ' 'atly and. Corrtelly printed on good Paper,
Democrat" 111 co 'he " North Branch
FA RMERy," AS" A FERTIXIZK
Meshoppen.Sept 18 1861.
FSISTSLS' W'""" I
WkoFpen oy L.*ers, now formal* „ ,
R Mowny Jr !
ADDRESS
OK THE
DEMOCRATIC STATE OP.N
THAL COMMITTEE.
To the People of Pennsylvania :
Aii important election is at hand, ami the
Dsiies involved in it may now claim your at
tention. The tide of war has been rolled
back from our borders ; and with thanks to
God, and gratitude to the skill and valor
which, by his favor achieved the prompt de
liverance of our invaded Commonwealth, we
may now give our solemn consideration to th e
causes that have brought to its present con
dition a country once peaceful, united and
secure. It is now the scene of a great civil
war, between States that lately ministered to
each other's prosperity in a Union founded
for their c>mn >n good. It was their Union
that gave them peace at home and respect
abroad. They coped successfully with Great
Britian on the ocean, an 1 the " doctrine " ut
tered by President Monroe warned off the
tnonarchs of Europe from the whole Ameri
can Continent. Now, France carves out of it
an empire, and snips built in England plun
der our commerce on every sea. A grea 1
public debt and a conscription burden the
people. The strength and wealth of the na
tion are turned from p iductivo industry and
consumed in the destructive arts of war.—
Our victories fail to win peace. Troughout
the land, arbitrary power encJoaches upon
civil liberty
What has wrought the disastrous change ?
No natural causes embroiled the North and
l hc South. Their interchangeable products
and commodities, and various institutions,
were sources of reciprocal benefit, and ex
cluded competition and strife. But an artifi
cial cause of dissension was found in the posi
tion <>f the African race; and the ascendency
in the national councils of men pledged to art
aggressive and unconstitutional Abolition
policy: has brought our country to the condi
tion of " the cause divided against itself."—
The danger to the Union began where states
men bad forseen it: it began in the triumph
of a sectional party, founded on principles of
revolutionary hostility to the Constitution
and the laws. The leaders of this party
were pledged to a conflict " irrrepressible;"
and whenever one party is determined to at
tack what another is determined to defen d, a
conflict can always be made ,: irrepre ssib'e."
They counted on an easy triumph through
the aid of insurgent slaves, and in this reli
ance, were careless how soon they provoked
a collision. Democrats and Conservative
strove to avert the conflict. They saw that
Union was the paramount interest of their
country, and they stood by the great bond of
Union, the Constitution of the United States.
They went to leave debatable questions un
der it to the high tribunal framed to decide
them : they preferred it to the sword as an
arbiter between the the States : tliey strove
hard to merit the title which their opponents
gave them in scorn—the title of " Union sav
crs." We will not at length rehearse their
efforts. In the Thirty sixth Congress the
Republican leaders refused their assent to the
Crittenden Compromise. On this point the
testimouy of Mr. Douglas will suffice. He
said :
" I believe this to ho a fair basis of amicrhlc ad
justment. If you of the Republican side are not will
ing to accept this, nor the proposition of the Senator
from Kentucky. (Mr. Crittenden), pray tell us what
you are willing to do 7 I address the inqu.ry to the
Republicans alone, for the roason that, in the Com- I
mittee of Thirteen, a few days ago, every member
from the South, including those from the Cotton
Sta.es (Messrs. Davis and Toombs., expressed their
readiness to accept the proposition of my venerable
friend from Kentucky, Mr. Crittenden, as a final set
tlement of the controversy, if tendered and sustained
by the Republican members. Hence the sole respon
sibility of our disagreement, and the only difficulty
in the way of an amicable adjustment, is with the
Repitblicvn party." —Jan 3, 1861.
The Ileace Congress was another means by
which the border States strove to avert the
impending strife. How the Republican lead
ers then conspirped against the peace of their
country may be seen in a letter from Senator
Chandler, of Michigan, to the Governor of
that State :
'' To His Excellency, Tustin Blair :
" Governor Bingham and myself telegaaphed you
on Saturday, at the request of Massachusetts and
New York, to send delegates to the Peace or Compro
mise Congress. They admit that we were right and
that they were wrong; that no Republican State
'hould have sent delegates; but they are here and
cannot get away. Ohio, Indiana and Rhode Island
are caving in, and there is danger of Illinois ; and
now they beg us for God's sake to come to their
rescue, and save the Republican party from rupture.
I hope ysu will send stiff -backed men or none. The
whole thing was gotten up against my judgment and
advice, ard will endlin thin smoke. Still I hope as
a matter of courtesy to some of our erring brethren
that you will send the delegates.
" Truly, your friend.
" Z. CHANDLER."
"P. S.—Some of the manufacturing States think
that a fight would be awful. Without a little blood
(citing this Union will not iamy estimation, be worth
a rush.
" WASHINGTON, Feb, 11, 1861,"
In Pennsylvania, too, the same spirit pre
vailed. It was not seen how neccessarily her
position united her in interest with tho bor
der States. She has learned it since, from
contending armies trampling out her harvests
and deluging ber fields with blood. Govern
-r Curtin sent to the Peace Congress Mr.
MT. Meredith.
"TO SPEAK HIS TIIOUGTS IS EVERY FREEMAN'S RIGHT. "—Thomas Jefferson.
TUNKHANNOCIv, PA., WEDNESDAY, AUG. 19 1863.
Mr. Wilmot was chiefly known from the
connection of his name with the attempt to
embroil the country by the ' Wilmot Provi
so," baffled by patriotic statesmanship, in
which Clay and Webster joined with the
Democratic leaders ; just as Clay and Jackson
had joined in the Tariff Compromise of 18G3 .
Mr. Meredith had published his belief that
the mutterings of the rising storm were what
he called " stridulous cries," unworthy of the
slightest attention.
By Mr. Lincoln's election, in November,
iB6O, the power to save or destroy the Union
was in the hands of his party ; and no ad
justment was possible with men who rejected
the judgment of the Supreme Court, who
scorned conciliation and compromise, and
who looked to a " little bloodletting" to ce
ment the American Union. Till this time,
the Union men of the South had controlled,
with little difficulty, the small but restless
class among them who desired a separate na
tionality. The substantial interests of the
South, espectal'y the slaveholding interest,
were drawn reluctantly into secession. Gen
P. P. Blair, of Missouri, an eminent Republi
can, said very truly, in the last Congress :
" Every man acquainted with the facts knows that
it is fallacious to call thi9 'a slaveholders' rebellion.
* * * * A closer scrutiny demonstrotes the con"
trary to bo true ; such a scrutiny demonstrates that
tho rebellion originated chiefly with the non-slave
holders resident in tho strongholds of the institution,
not springing, however, from any love of slavery, but
from an antagonism of race and hostility to the idea
of equality with the blacks involved in simple eman
cipation.,'
It was the triumph of the Abolitionists over
the Democrats and Conservatives of the
North, that secured alike triurnpfh to the
secessionists over the Union men of the
South. The John Brown raid was taken as
a'practical exposition of the doctrine of " ir
repressible contllct." The exultation over
its momentary success, the lamentation over
its failure, had been swelled by the Aboli
tionists, so as to seem a general expression
of Northern feeling. Riots and rescues had
nulified the constitutinal provision for the
return of fugitives. The false pretence that
slavery woul 1 monopolize the territories,
when we had no territories in which it could
exist, had baen use 1a- a means of constant
agitation against slavery in the S mthern
States*. A plan of attack u;>n it hal been
published in "Helper's book," form illy en
dorsed and recommended by the leaders of
the party *hat was about to ass im ! the A 1-
ministratiou of the Federal G iver.imont
leaders who openly inculcated contempt for
the Constitution, contempt f>r the Supreme
Court, and professed to follow a " higher
law." Thus the (lime of revolution it the
South was kindled anl fed with fuel furnish
ed by the Abolitionists. It nrght seem su
perfluous to advert now to what is past and
irrevocable, were it not that it is against the
same men anl the si n • influences, still d >;n
inant in the councils of the A lininistr iti >n,
that an appeal is now to be made to the in
telligence of the people. The Abolitionists
deprecate these allusions to the past. T >
cover up their own tracks, they invite us to
spend all our indignation upon "Southern
traitors;" but truth compels us to add, that,
in the race of treas >n, the Northern traitors
to the Constitution had the start. They
tell us that slavery was the cause of the war;
thereiore, the Union is to be restored by
waging a war upon slavery. This is not
true; or only true in the sense that any in
stitution, civil or religious, may be a cause
of war, if war is made upon it.. Nor is it a
just conclusion that if you take from your
neighbor his " man-servant or his maid, or
anything that is his," you will thus estab
lish harmony between you. No danger to
the Union arose from slavery whilst the peo
ple of each State dealt calmly and intelli
gently with the question within their own
State limits. Where little importance at
tached to it, it soon yielded to moral and
economical considerations, leaving the negro
in a position of social and political subordi
nation no where more clearly marked than
in the Constitution and laws of Pennsylvan
ia* The strife began when people in States
where it was an immaterial question under
took to prescribe tho course of duty upon it
to States in which it was a question of great
importance and difficulty. This interference
became more dangerous when attempts were
made to use the power of the General Gov
ernment, instituted for the benefit of all the
States, to the iojury and proscription of the
interests of some of the States. It was not
merely a danger to tho institution of slavery,
but to our whole political system, in which
separate and distinct colonies became, by
the Declaration of Independence, " free and
independent States," and afterwards estab
lished a Federal Union under the Constitu
tion of the United States. That instrument,
with scrupulous care, discriminates the pow
err delegated to tire General Government
from those reserved "to the States respec
tively, or to the people." And let it be not
ed, that in speaking of the powers so dele
gated and reserved, we refer to no vague
doctrines or pretensions, but to the clear
provisions of the written- instiument which
it is the duty of every citizen, anrl especially
of every public functionary, to respect and
maintain. The protection of American lib
erty against th 6 enroachments of centraliza
tion was left to jbe States by the framers of
the Constitution. Hamilton, the most in-
dulgent of them to Federal power, says :
:! It may be safely received as ail axiom in
onr political system, that the State Govern
ments will, in all possible contingencies, af
ford complete security against invasions of
public liberty by the national authority.' 1 —
Who can be blind to the consequences that
have followed the departure from the true
principles of our G >veni;ujnt ? "Abolition"
vies with" secession,, in sapping the very
foundations of the structure reared by our
forefathers. In Pennsylvania, the party on
1 whose acts you will pass at the ballot-hox
has trampled upon the great rights of per
sonal liberty and the freedom of the press,
which every man who can read may find as
serted in the C institution of the State and
the Constitution of the United States. The
dignity of onr Common wealth has been in
suited in the outrages pepetrated upon her
citizens. At Philadelphia and at Ilirris
burg, proprietors of newspapers have been
seized at midnight and hurried off to milita
ry prisons beyond the limits of the State.
Against acts like these, perpetrated before
the eyes of the municipal and State authori
ties, there is neither protection nor redress
The seizure of a journal at West Chester
was afterwards the subject of a suit for dam"
ages in the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania"
It came to trial before Chief Justice Lowrie.
Rehearsing the ancient principles of English
and American justice, he condemned the acts
of the federal officers as violations of the law
jhtt bin Is alike the private citizen anl the
public function ary. llistil: "All public
functionaries in this tan 1 are under the law,
anl n me, fro n the highest to the 1 r.vest, are
above it." Impatient from any restraint
from law, a partisan myority in Congress
hastenod to piss an act to take from the
to the United States courts, all
suits or prosecutions " for tresspasses or
wrongs done or c n uitte 1 by virtue or un
der color of any authority derived from or
exercised under the President of the United
States;" and such authority was declare 1 to
be a full defence for the wrongdoer in any
action, civil or criminal. The American
Executive is, as the world imports, the exec
utor of the duly cnactel la vs. Yet the pre •
tension is in vie that his will cm take the
place of the laws. The liberty, the charac
ter of every citizen, is put at the mercy of
new functionaries cilled 44 provost marshals."
Secret accusation beforo these officials takes
the place of open hearing before a lawful
magistrate, and no writ of habciis corpus
may inquire the cause of the arrest. To ille
gal arrests have been added the mockery of
a trial of a private citizen for his political
opinions before a c mrt-maatial, ending in
in the infliction af a new an 1 outrageous pen
alty, invented by the President of the United
States. need not comment upon acts
iika these. The President of the United
States has no authority, in peace or war to
try, even an enlisted soldier by court-martial,
save by virtue and iu strict conformity with
the military law laid down in the act of Con
gress " establishing rules and articles for the
government of the armies of tho United
States." Yet by his proclamation of Sep
tember 24th, 1802, he has assumed to make
all citizens amenable to military courts. He
has violated the groat principle of free gov
ernment, on which Washington conducted
tho war of the Revolution, and Manison the
war of 1812—the principle of the subordina
tion of tho military to the civil power. He
has assumed to put 44 martial law," which is
the rule of Jorce at a spot where all laws arc
silenced, in the place of civil justice through
out the land, an I has thus assailed, in some
of the States, even the freedom of the bal
lot box- These are not occasional acts, done
in haste, or heat, or ignorance : but a new
system of government put in the place of
that ordained and established by Jtlie people.
That the Queen could not do what he could,
was Mr. Reward's boast to the British Min
ister. The " military arrests" of Mr. Stan
ton received tho " hearty commendation" of
the Convention that renominated Governor
Curtin : and It pledged him and his party to
" hearty co-operation" in such acts of the
Administrat : on in future. Such is the de
grading platform on which a candidate for
Chief Magistrate of Pennsylvania stands be
fore her people. Those pretensions to ar
bitrary power give ominous significance to a
late change in our military establishment
The time honored American system of call
ing on the States for drafts from their mili
tia, has been replaced by a Federal conscrip
tion, on the model of European despotisms.
We would not minister to the excitement
which it has caused among men of all par
ties. Its constitutionality will be tested be
fore the courts. If adjudged to be within
the power of Congress, the people will de
cide on the propriety of a stretch of power
on which the British Parliament—styled
omnipotent—has never ventured. On this
you will pass at the polls, and the next Con
gress will not bo deaf to the voice of tho peo
ple. For all political evils, a constitutional
remedy yet remains, in the ballot-bo*. We
will not entertain a fear that it is not sate in
the guardiauship of a free people. If men iu
office should seek to perpetuate their power
by wresting from the people of Pennsylvania
th 6 right of suffrage—if the servants of the
people should rebel against thhir master—"ii
them will rest the responsibility of an at-
tempt at revolution, of which no man can
foresee the consequences of the en 1. But in
now addressing you upon the political issues
of the time*, we assume that the institutions
of our country are destined to endure .
The approaching election derives further
importance from the influence it will exercise
upon the policy of tho Government. The
aim of men not blinded by fanaticism and
party spirit would be to reap tho bost fruit
from the victories achieved by our gallant
armies—the best fruit would be peace and
restoration of the Union. Such is not the
aim of the party in pjwer. Dominated by
its most bigoted members, it urges a war
for the negro and not for tho Union. It
avows the design to protract the war till sla
very shall be abolished in all the States ; in
the langnage of one of its pamphleteers
" how can a man, hoping and praying for the
destruction of slavery, desire that the war
shall be a short one?" Mr. Thaddcus Stev
ens, the Republican leader in the last House
of Representatives, declared, "The Union
shall never, with my consent, be restored
under the Constitution as it is, with slavery
to be protected by it." The same spirit ap
pears in Mr. Lincoln's late answer to citizens
of Louisiana who desired the return of that
State under its present Constitution, Mr.
Lincoln postponed them till that Constitu
tion shall be amended. The Abolitionists
desire the war to last till freedom is secured
to all the slaves. Hordes of politicians, and
contractors, and purveyors, who fatten on
the war, desire it to last forever. When the
slaves are all emancipated by the Federal
arms, a constant military intervention will
be needed to keep them above or equal with
the white race in the Southern States—
Peace has no place in their platform. It
proclaims confiscation ar.d abolition as the
objects of the war, and tho Southern leader
catches up the words to stimulate his follow
ers to tight to the last. It is not the inter
tcrcst of Pennsylvania that a fanatical fac
tion shall pervert and protract the war, for
ruinou*, perhaps unattaiurble ends. What
the North needs is the return of the South
with its people, its territory, its staples, to
complete the integrity of our common coun
try. This, and not mere devastation and so
cial confusion, would be the aim of patriots
and statesmen. The Abolition policy prom
ises us nothing better than a Southern Po
land, ruled by a Northern despotism. But
history is full of examples how wise rulers
have assuaged civil discord by moderation
and justice, while bigots and despots, relying
soltsly on force, have been batfi -J by feeble
opponents. That a temperate constitutional
policy will fail, in our ease, t> reap the fruit
of success in arms, cannot be known till it be
tried. The times are critical. France, un
der a powerful and ambitious monarch, is
entering on the scene, willing again to play
an important part in an} American revolution.
The English Government is hostile to us :
it has got all it wanted from abolition, ami
will have nothing more to do with it. The
secession leaders, and the presses under their
control, oppose reunion, preferring, perhaps,
even an humble dependence upon European
powers. But from many parts of the South,
and across the picket lines, and from the
prisoners aud the wouuded, has come the
proof of a desire among the people of the
South to return to constitutional relations
with the people of tho North. Early in the
contest this desire was shown in North Caro
lina, one of the old thirteen associated with
Pennsylvania on the page of Revolutionary
history. But the majority in Congress made
haste to show that Abolition, not reunion
was their aim. In a moment of depression,
on the 221 of July, 18CI, being tlic day af
ter the battle of Bull Run, they allowed the
passage of a resolution, offered by Critten
den, defining a policy for the restoration of
the Union. But they soon rallied, and filled,
the statute-book with acts of confiscation
abolition, aud emancipation, against the re
monstrances of eminent jurists and conserv
ative men of all parties. Mr. Lincoln, too,
yielding, lie said, "to pressure," put his
prcclamation in place of the Constitution
and the laws. Thus every interest a sen
timent of tho Southern people were enlisted
on the 6ide of resistance by the policy of a
party which, as Mr. Stevens said, will not
consent to a restoration of the Union with
" the Constitution as it is." It is this poli
cy that has protracted the war, and is now
the greatest obstacle to its termination.
The reunion of the States can alone give
them their old security at home and power
and dignity abroad. This end can never be
reached upon the principles of the party now
in power. Their principles are radically
false, and can never lead to a good conclusion
Their hope of setting up the negro in the
place of the white man runs counter to the
laws of race, the laws of nature. Their
statesmanship has been weighed in the bal
ance and found wanting ; their 44 little blood
letting" has proved a deluge. Their inter
ference with onr armies has often frustrated
and never aided their success, till it has be
come a military proverb that tho best thing
for a general is to be out of reach from
Washington. The party was fouuded un<m
the political aud moral heresy of opposition
to Compromise, which is the ontv means of
Union among States, and of peace and good
will on caith among men.
ITERMS: SI.SO PER ANNTJIMf
In a popular Government, the people are
sovereign, and the sound sense of the whole
community corrects, at the polls, the errors
of political parties. The people ot Pennsyl
vania have seen, with regret, the nnconstitu--
| tional aims of the Abolitionists substituted
for the original ohj;cts of the war. They
have seen with indignation inany gallant sol
diers of the Union driven from its service,
because they have not bowed down to the
Abolition idol. They will see with horror
the war protracted in order to secure the
triumphofaparty platform, or, as .Mr. Chand
ler said "to save the Republican party from
rupture." The time is now at hand when
the voice of the people will be heard. The
overthrow of the Abolitionists at the polls
and the re-establishment of constitutional
principles at the North is the first, the in
dispensable stop towards the restoration of
the Union and the vindication of civil liberty-
To this great service to his country etch
citizen may contribute by his vote. Thus
the people of the North may themselves ex
tend the Constitution to the people of the
South. It would not be a specious offer of
politicians, to be observed with no better
faith than the resolutions of July, 'CI, It
would be a return to the national policy o
the better days of the Republic, through the
intelligence of the people, enlightened be ex
perience. It would strengthen the Govern
ment; for a constitutional government is
strong when exercising with vigor its legiti
mate powers, and is weak when it sets an ex
ample of revolutionary violence by invading
the rights of the peiple. Gar priuciples and
our candidates are kaown to you. The reso
lutions of the late Convention at Ilarrisburg.
were, with some additions, the same that
had been a lopted by the Democracy in sev
eral States, and by the General Assembly of
Pennsylvania. They declare authoritatively
the principles of the Democratic party. It is,
as it always has been, for the Union and the
constitution against all opposers. The
twelfth resolution declares," that while this
General Assembly condemns and denouncer
the faults of the Administration and the en
croachments of the Abolitionists, it does, also
most thoroughly condemn and denounce the
heresy of secession as unwarranted by the
Constitution, and destructive alike of the se
curity and perpetuity of Government and of
the peace and liberty of the people and it
does hereby most solemnly declare that the
people of this State are unalterably opposed
to an) division of the Union, and persist
ently exert their whole influence and power,
under the Constitution, to maintain and dc-
feud it.',
We have renominated Chief Justice Low no
for the beach vhicli lie adorns. Our candi
date for G iveraorj Judge Woodward, in his
public an 1 private character, ati >r.ls best
assurance that he will biing honesty, capacity
firmness an l piti iotisin to the direction of
the affairs of tne Commonwealth, Long with
drawn, by judicial functions, from the politi'-
cal arena, he did not withhold his warning
voice when conservative men took counsel
together upon the dangers that menaced oar
country. His speech at the town meeting at
Philadelphia in December, 18C0, has been
vindicated by subsequent events as a signa
exhibition of statesmanlike sagacity.
Under his administration we may hope
that Pennsylvania, with Clod's blessing, wil
resume her place as " the Keystone of the
Federal arch."
CHART.ES J. RIDDLE, Chairman
THE PLETHORA OF SILVER IS CANADA
In some of the Canadian towns the " silver
nuisance" is practically at au end. Thus in
London, in Canada "West, the merchants
adopted the plan of refusing all American
silver except at a discount of four per cent,
and the result is seen in rhe increased circu
lation of bank bills, the gradual disappear
ance of the American silver, and the greater
supply of Canadian coinage. Instead of mer
chants now receiving four dollars in silver to
one dollar in bills (as was the case a month
since,) the reverse is now the fact; and the
Free Press believes that if the merchants
will but remain firm for another month, the
annoyance will wholly chase. The Press
advises farmers,, workinginen and all others
to refuse silver entirely in the future, except
at a considerable discount, and argues tbat
no notice or encouragement whatever, should
be given to speculators and others, whoso'
object Is to buy up the silver and pay it ont
at par, thus making a direct shave on every
transaction."
— - ... ;
A GLEAM OF HOPE. —Jane ft. Thurston of
fers, through a Portland (Maine) journal,
" to furnish, for the sum ol SSOO (which sum
will be given for the relief of the sick and
wounded soldiers) a plan which will close up
the rebellion and unite all the States in six
months, or refund the money !" Jane ought
no tto lot a beggarly SSOO stand between her
and the salvation of her country.
GREEN BACKS NOT A LEGAL TENDER.— The*
Supreme Court ot Xew York, on Wednesday*,
unanimously decided that Treasury notes are
not a legal tender in the discharge of Debts
contracted and due before the Act of Coa>.
gress was passed. The Judges making,this
decision, are Ingrham, Sutherland and Peck-,.,
ham Their opinions have been submitted lt\
writing.
VOL. 3, NO. 2.