seen in letter to Mr. Denny," &c. But it! seems that Major Gwynne was thairsnat. of a cumiiiiit e of the citizens of Cincin cati, or Hamilton county. When the la• mous Oswego letter was received, it was read and na usual with such letters, I en dowsed it, soil handed it to Miijur Liwynne. But, it seems, when the answer was pre• pared it was signed also by his colleagues of the county or city committee. Of all this I know nothing, innr in their capacity of Committee hail they any thing to do with my letters. Yet by a little mistake and much perversion these geidlernen have been erected into a committee of illy conscience-keepers and made to shut me up in a cage to pi event me from answer• trig interrogatories." Gen Harrison re marked that, had he, indeed, called to his assistance the services of a friend in con ducing his correspondence, he would have had high authority to jestily him in the measure. it had been said of lien Wash. ington that many of the papers which bear his sign:nut it were written by others, and he believed it was never contradicted ; and Gen Brackenridge, Aid to lien Jack son in the late war, had represented him self to be the author of much of Gen Jack eon's correepondence: but he nail not done so, to any extent or in any other sense than as he had now explained it ; in re qiiesting Major Gwynne to refer those ad. dressing inquiries to him, to the public sources of information. And he would here say, that in all his public lite, civil and military, there was nn letter, report speech or order, blaring his name, which was not written wholly by his own hand. lie said, to open, read arid answer all the letters received by him was physically impossible, though he should do nothing else whatever. 'Fo give his hearers art idea of the labor it would require, he said a !gentleman then present was with him the morning he left Ciocinnatti when he took hunt the Post Office 16 letters, there were usually halt the number at the Post Office near his residence, 2-1 letters per day. Could any man, he asked, give the requisite attention to such:a daily corres pondence, even to the neglect of every o- I ther engagement. True it was, that many communications were sent hint which were nut entitled to his notice—sent by persons who hat no other object but to draw front him something which might be used to his injury and the injury of the cause with which he was identified—yet, there were enough of those which claim ed his respectful consideration for the sources from which they came and the subjects to which they referred, to occupy more time and labor than any one man could bestow upon them. Gen Ilarrison said he alluded particu larly to this matter of the Committee be cause it had so recently been occasion of so much animadversion by his political ad versartes. But it was one wily of many misrepresentations of him, his conduct, his principles and his opinions with which the party press was teeming. lie said it would occwoy him many hours to discuss them, if it were necessary or proper for him to do so. Ile referred, however to the Richmond Enquiren—and expressed his surprise at the manner in which his name and character had been treated by that paper. He did so, as it afforded an example of the prostitution of the press to party purposes. That paper which for merly did him more than justice andpaid him the highest compliments as a soldier and civilian—whose editor at one time could designate no other titan whom he considered so well qualified for the re sponsible place of Secretary of . War— was now :ending itself to the circulation of the most discreditable calumnies a gainst him and endeavoring to pursuade his countrymen that lie was a coward and a federalist. He alluded to the evidence upon which the Enquirer sought to fass ten the accusation that he was a blacic.coe cade federative, i. e. the remarks of Mr. Randolph in the Senate of the U. States. He said that the attack of Mr. Randolph was met at the moment it was made and effectually disproved. He passed a high encomium up the genius of that remarka ble malt, and said, that those who knew Mr. Randolph, knew that he never gave up a point in debate, or recede.' from his ground any where, until convinced of Cr ror. The fact that he made no reply to the his answer to the charge, was pool tir any familiar with his character that he him self was satisfied that lie has erred. Gen. Harrison explained the foundation of Mr Randolph's charge, made at a moment of temporary irritation. Ile said that old Mr Adams refused to adopt against France the measures which his party de sired and showed himself in that report, at least, more an American than a Parti san. It was that course of policy of Mr. Adams which commanded his approbation and induced him so to express himself, at the time. Mr. Randolph remembered the but probably forgot the particular subject of it, and thus the very fact which proved him to belong to the Republican party of 1800, long years alterwarcfs, is separated from its attendant circumstances and used to prove him a Federalist. Gen Ilan i son expressed himself with much earnest ness on the injustice which was duo; at. tempted to be inflicted on his character in his native State, in which, when truth and virtue and honor hail suffered vio lence every where else, lie hoped they would survive. Gen llarrisun alluded to several other misrepresentations or absolute falsehoods --industriously and shamefully propaga• ted by a party press. "It seeina almost incredible, fellow citizens," added he, "but it is true that from u long speech, filling several columns of a paper, two short sentences have been taken from tilt ferent parts of it,—these two sentence: set crated from their contest, are put to gether, my Millie attached An them, am published throughout the land :man au thentic thicument." lie deplored tha state of public sentiment which could tol erate such a system of party action ann trusted for the honor of his country and the Lopes ol liberty that the reformatimi nit such abuser would soon be wrought out be the force of a pure and healthy public "Why, fellow citizens,"said Gen liar. rison, "1 have recently in thet Loess qiuinting to the State House) been char- 1 Aeil with high offences against my coun try, which if true might to cost me in) life. Yes," continued he ..accusations were there laid to my charge which bein established, would subject me, even now, to the severest penalties which military law inflicts, for I have always held tha , an (Alleer may not escape the responsibil ities of misconduct by resigning his corn. mission. These charges are not midi' by my companions in arms, by the eye witnesses of my actions, by the great and good and brave men who fought by my side or under my conimattd- They tell ii different story. Rut their evidence, clear, unequivocal and distinct; the testi mony of Gov Shelby, the venerable hero of Kings Mountain, of the gallant Perry, and rat many brave and gene;ous spirits who saw and knew and participated in all the operations connected with the battle of the Thames; the evidence of impartial and honorable men, the concurrent re cords of history and the authority of uni versal opinion, are all cast aside, in de ference to the reckless assertiens of those who were either not in being or dandled in the arms of their nurses:" Gen liar. risers said, he acknowledged that these calumnies were disagreeble to him. His good name, such as it was, was his most precious treasure • and he did not like to have it mangled by such calumniators Were it his land they were seeking to de• stroy, were it his title deeds to ills farm that they are endeavoring to mutilitate. he could bear their elSirts with patience and smile even at their success. But lie confessed, ootwithstanding, his perfect confidence in the justice of his country and the decision of an impartial posterity that these ruthles attacks upon his milita ry character afflicted him unpleasantly. This policy of his adversaries constrain ed hint to consider himself now on trial before his country.—lle was not reluc tant lobe tried fairy. The American peo pie being his Court and Jury—his adver saries held to those rules of evidence es tablished by common sense and common right—he feared not the result of the stric test scrutiny and would :cheerfully sub mit to the decision of a virtuous and en lightened community. He asked but lair dealing and final justice—no more. Gen llarrison alluded to several other instances of gratuitous ',and unfounded calumny, having . no shadow of apology in any fact for their invention and publica tion. Re spike of the battle of Tippeca noe of the death of the brave and lamen• ted Davies, whose fall had been ascribed to him. Ile said the whole story about the White Horse was entirely false, and that the fate of this gallant Kenttickiiin hail no connection whatever, with his white mare, which by accident, was not rode on that occasion by any one. In re marking upon the slanders connected with the battle of Tippenanoe he said their res futation. one and all was founded in the Proceedings of the Legislature of Kentue• ky, and especially in the extraordinary confidence reposed in him by the gallant Governor and people of that State, when they subsequently honored him with the command of their army, composed of the choice spirits of the laml, the best blood of Kentucky. Gen Harrison spoke with deep emotion of the trust reposed in him lay Kentucky on the occasion alluded to, and said, that the commission which made him the commander of that brave and pat riotic army of Kentuckians, he hail always held as the the must honoroble commis sinn which it had been the fortune of his life.to have conferred upon him. Ile referred to a very recent story— got up in his own neighborhood, and sent forth to the world, corroberated by the sanctity of an affidavit —which represen ted him as confessing to a young man on a steamboat that he was an abolitionist, and that although he voted against restric Lions upon Missouri, he did so in opposi . tiou to the suggestions of his conscience, .3-e. He said the nareative bore on its face the proolit of its absolute falsity, and when he pronounced it a fabrication, with, out the semblance of a fact or a word for ! , its basis, it was wit because he thught it required a contradiction, but to evince the recklessness and desperation of his puliti cal enemies, who seemed to have given up every ground of hope, save that which they found in villifying his name. "It is a melancholy tact, fellow citizens," said Gen benison, "that the advocates of Mr, V. Buren should so far for g et what be longs to the character of an American cit izen, and do so much violence to the na ture of our free institutions, as to place the great political contest in which we are now striving upon an issue such as this. I would not accept the hilly station to which some of you are proposing to ele vate nie, if it canoe to me by such means. I would nut, if I hail the power to prevent it, allow the fair fame of my competitor to unjustly assailed and wounded, even for the attainment of that lofty aim of a noble ambition. Nay, I have often defen ded Mr. Van Buren against what l believ ed to be the misrepresentations of my friends and others. Fellow citizens, if Mr. V, Buren be the better statesman, let is say so. I shall be the last man to rise n objection against it, or to desire to im- Hise restrains upon the utmost indepen lence of thought and action, and the freest , xpression of opinion and feeling. I love frank and generous adversary—such a man 1 delight to embrace—and will serve sun according to my ability, as cheerfully as my professed friend. But that politi•' cal warfare which seeks success by fold letraction, and et' ices fur ascendency by he ruin of personal character, merits the ntlignation of honest men, is hateful to ev 'lvy generous mind, and tends to surely to he destruction of public virtue, and as a .ainsequence, to the downfall of public lib •rty” lien Harrison apologised fur occupying lie time of his fellow-citizens so long. de said lie would but mention one more if the latest Islanders which had come to, !o his knowledge. A German paper, pub' :fished io Cincinnati, almost under his own :!ye, puts it forth with apparent sincerity, l that "Gen llareison, now a candidate fur the Presidency of the U. States, was ma !years ago, when a young man, an aid to General Wayne during his Indian wars —and that whenever young Harrison found that a battle was coming on he al ways ran off into the woods." (Again there were loud and irrepressible laugh ter.) The editor forgot said the General when lie served up this little dish, that die only possible security to young Har rison's scalp, on the approach of a battle with the Indians, was in keeping- out of the woods Such a story as this can on ly excite a smile here, it is true, said Gen H. but this paper circulates not alone in the United States; copies of it are prob ably read in Europe, where our history is less known, and where the contradiction of such silly falsehmals may never come. "It has long been proverbial of soldiers fellow citizens, continued Gen H. that they delighted to go back to other days and fight their battles over again. When I began this address to you, I in tended only to speak of my tar-famed "Committee of Conscience keepers" and the :Aron Cagc" in which they confine me but I find 1 have unwittingly taken advan tags of tour kind disposition to listen to ine, and extended my remarks to other though kindred topics. I will only add that although they have made a wide mis take who made me dwell in an 'iron cage' the unlucky wight who put me in a Log Cabin was a little nearer the truth than he probably supposed himself to be. It is true that part of my dwelling house is a log cabin, but as to the hard cide—[the laughter which followed the allusion to the "hard cider" branch of the story drow ned the voice of the speaker.]; But, said Gan Harrison, adinonisLed by the proverb, that you may ascribe my long speech to the common infirmity of an old soldier, and bring me under the suspicion of the loquacity of age, I will conclude these hasty and unpremeditated remarks by thanking my fellow citizens of Columbus for their politeness on the present occasion as well as for the friend ly feelings of which they have uniformly given me so many gratifyinr, proofs. The following eloquent tribute to Gee. Harrison we extract from a speech of John Clayton of Delaware, delivered on Mr. Foot's resolution in the Senate of the United States in the year 1830. It is the inure to be valued, as it was uttered at a period long before the gallant soldier of the Thames was presented as a candidate for the highest office in the gilt of the peo ple. There was nothing in Mr. Clayton's appeal, therefore, that can be mi sconstru• ed into a thrift-pursuing flattery: "Take another case, and inform us why the gallant Harrison, the hero of Fort Meigs, the victor at Tippecanoe and the Thames—a veteran in council, as well as in the field—distinguished for his virtues in all the relations of a citizen, the soldier and the statesman ; why 1 ask, was he proscribed as unfit to represent his coun try abroad, and withdrawn from Columbia to make rosin for Thomas P. Moore. He had scarcely arrived at Bogota—the ink was still fresh on Executive record, which informed the President that it was the advice of the Senate that he should repre sent us there, w hen the order fur his re movel was annouced. This could not: have been done for any official miscon duct. There had been no time to inquire into that. Was his fidelity mistrusted', then? Or how did the public good re- , 1 quire his dismissal? Think you it will: tell well in the annals of history, that he l l who had so often perilled life and limb in the vigor of manhood to secure the bles sings of liberty to others, was punished for the exercise of the elective franchise in his old days? S:r, it was an act, dis guise it as we may, which by holding out the idea that he had lost the confidence of Ins country, might tend to bring down his grey hairs with sorrow to the grave. But the glory he acquired by the campaign on the NV abash, and by those hard earned victories foi which he received the warm• est acknowledgments of merit from the Legislature of Kentucky, and the full measure of a nation's thanks in the reso lotion of Congress, can never be effaced ;' and any effort to degrade their honored will recoil on those who make it, until : other men in better days shall properly estimate his worth, and again cheer his declining years with proofs of his coun try's confidence and gratitude." Charleo City County, Virginia—the birth place of both Harmon and Tyler— gives them a unanimous vote. THE JOURNAL. I' One country,one conetitution e destiny Huntingdon, July 1, 1 S4O. Deniorrafic .4nlitnasonic CANDIDATES. FOR Pit ESIDENT, GEN.WM.H. HARRISON OF OHIO FOR VICE PRESIDENT, JOHN TYLER , OF VIRGINIA. FLAG OF THE PEOPLE 0* - A single term for the Presidcney, and the office talministered for the whole I'LU• PL K. and not for a PARTY. A sound, uniform and convenient Na tional C URRENCY, adapted to the wants of the whole COUNTRY, instead of the SHIN FLAW!. ERS brought about by our preset) Rut.ERS. rrECONOMY, R ETR ENCHM ENT, and R E • FORM in the administration of public affairs,' 17Tired of Experiments and Experi menters, Republican gratitude will reward unobstrusive merit, by elevating the sub altern of WASHINGTON and the desciple of JEFFERSON, and thus resuming the safe anp beaten track of our Fathers,—L. Gazette Cie ctorial Ticket. JOHN A. SHULZE,?Screto'l . JOSEPH RlTNER,Selcctors Ist Disirict LEVIS PA SSMORE, 2d do CADWALLADER EVANS. do CHARLES WATERS, 3d do JON. GILLINGHAM, 4th do AMOS ELLMAKER, do JOHN K. ZELLIN, do DAVID POTTS, sth do ROBERT sTINSON, 6th do WILLIAM S. HINDEU, 7th do J. JF.NKINS ROSS, Bth do PETER FILBERT, 9th do JOSEPH H. SPAYD 4 10th do JOHN HARPER, 11th do WILLIAM M'ELVAINE, 12th do JOHN DICKSON, 13th do JOHN M'KEEIIAN, 14th do JOHN REED, 15th do NATHAN BEACH, 16th do NEIL MIDDLESWARTH, 17th do GEORGE WALKER, 18th do BERNARD CONNEI LY, 19th do Glor. JOSEPH MARKLE, 20th do JUSTICE G.FORDYCE, 21st do JOSEPH HENDERSON, 22d do HARMAR DENNY, 23,1 do JOSEPH BIIFFINGTON, 24th do JAMES MONTGOMERY, 25th do JOHN DICK. What is the reason? Can any honest . American tell why it is that llarrison is now proclaimed a cow ard, and a fool? Twenty-five, or thirty years ago, his praises hung on every tongue. Congress gave him a gold medal for Ills deeds of valor—the Legislature of different States passed resolutions, adding fresh laurels to his chaplet of fame— Rich ard M. Johnson praised him, as the bra vest among the brave—lsaac Shelby hon ored him—Simon Snyder returned him thanks publicly in his message—and thou• sands of others gave their shouts of thanks and praise to the old hero, fur his deeds of valor. Then no one dared to say he was not all that was just—all that was brave, and all that was prudent and wise- If hat is the reason? we ask, that now his name is traduced—and his acts of bra• very urns' epresehted? What is the reas on, that the miserable dotard, coward, and imbecile, as they term him, got none of the abuse and slang, at the time he led the frontier soldiers to victory against a savage and wiley toe? When his whole army had no coveting at night, but the star spangled covering of the sky, nor no pillow but the cold damp earth; what was the reason? Let us answer. Then the gratitude of the American people fur the glorious and generous deeds of their war, and toil worn soldiers, was a subject of, pride, and the man that would dare at. tempt to rob them of one leaf of their well earned laurel wreath, would have Leen impaled upon the first stake. What is the reason that Harrison is traduced now? Because the hired scrib lers of Van Buren, and his thousands of office holders, are directed to scatter their falsehood and calumny among the unsus. peeling ; and mislead them with the foetid infamy of their breath! What is the reason they call him a coward now? when it is written on the pages of our National History that a braver, wiser, and better soldier, never entered the tented field?— Is it not that they may retain the power, and patronage of Government? Will the people submit to it any longer? or will they spurn the defamers from their presence? October will answer. To the Farmers & Meehan. ies—Yo. 5. Perhaps there is no one thing whic h has ended to bring our country into its present unsettled, and distressed coniliiion, more than the willingness a a great portion of ihe people to remain inactil e, and say, "it makes no difference to me, I don't care wko is President." The direct tendency of , which, is to make the cunning, time-ser ving politician, take advantage of this want of watchfulness. If a farmer or mechanic employs a man to perform cer tain work, and says publicly, he don't care who he gets, whether he is honest and industrious, or not, why the chances are ten to one, that some cunning and dishonest fellow will take advantage of him. Every man, be he farmer or me chanic, when he wants to hire a man, makes inquiry whether he ran trust bin, with his business; and should you nut, when you are about hiring a man to take charge of those institutions, which cost so much suffering, and so much blood, be as careful as you would in getting a black smith to shot your horse. We have attempted to show, that those who have had the charge of our govern ment machine so long, and have let its machinery get out of order, are to blame for it. They in turn attempt to show you that those who oppose them deserve the censure. 11'hat would be thought of a sea captain who took charge of a vessel, and let her run on the rocks, and charge the blame one one of his sailors, who had told him he would du so if he did not change his course. The sailor never touched the tiller. Yet such is just the way with the nation administration. They have had the good old ship United States in their hands during a time when there was no storm, yet they admit she is foun dered amid the disasters of the times; and they say they are not to blame, it is those who have been telling them they would du so if they did not steer some other way. Or It is something like this: A farmer tells his wagoner not to drive a certain road, or he will stick in the mud ; contrary to his direction, hr. takes that course, and sticks in the mud, but says, "Oh, the fault is not mine, st is the rascal ly wheel horses ; I had hard work to make them come this road, and they won't help pen out—they are to blame." He blames his horses, although he held the reins and guided them wrongly. Would not every farmer tell such a man to get down from his saddle, and lay down his rein ; and that the horses knew more than he did? Yet it is so with the present men in power. 'they were told that they would stick in the mud, if they took their anti-credit road. Still they did take it, and are now sticking in the mud, but they say they are not to blame—it is the fault of their opponents, who tried to prevent them te ing as they pleased, and now they will not help them pull out. What course ought the people take? Why tell them to lay down the rein, sod get out of the saddle. Let us too, in a short paragraph show, that they are nut the friends of their em ployers—their masters. Every thing that honest industry, or wealthy indolence and luxury want, can be manufactured or grunt n in this coun• try. And every man that is a practical friend of the farmer and mechanic of this ( country, will say so. Yet how is it now? One half that we consume is the produce of other countries. We send out our ships and buy from France, England, Germany, &c., and are obliged to send the pay in specie. In those countries, a poor laborer or mechanic, is the very slave of his master ; he toils night and day for a miserable pittance, hardly suf ficient to feed and clothe him ; conse quently, their manufactured articles are brought and sold for less than our me chanics can make them. They will nut exchange the produce of our labor fur this, No, they put on an enormous tariff, to keep out our tobacco and grain from their countries. Cannot every one see the ef• fezt then, of our having a tariff on their articles? Would it not protect us from their oppressive system of crushing the pour, to get our silver and gold? A pro• tective tardrexisted when the preaent par ty came into power. It is now taken off; and a Pennsylvania senator, in the Hall of Congress, openly advocates the outra • geous doctrine of reducing thc wages of the laborer and mechanic. Is this the way to compete with them? Shall we oppress the poor of our land, because kings and tyrants make slaves of their poor sub jects? Is thiq friendship for the poor mut is this kintlncss to the met hanic7 is this the doctrine of true Democracy? No! our silver and gold is taken Crum our coon try, to fill the cotters a the princely fac tors of the old world 7 nod rather than to protect our mechanics, they insult them, by saying, "your wages ate too high! -- mahe your goods at eheap as they do irt Holland or Antwerp, and then we will bs'l them; and this is called friendship to the poor. We shall conclude our present article thee, and leave until some ether number to continue our notions of the American' system. What we have said here, is to . call the attention of the mechanics to the subject, that they may make up their ' minds whether they are willing to let their felluw citizens have some chance to com pete with the mechanics of Europe, or whether they will take sides with those who advocate the reduction of thefk her , gee to a levy a day, ant say that w wheat will bring only sixteen cents a bushel, times will be better than they are now. In our next we intend to examine a lit tle into what is called patriotism in the present day—or what we call humbug to gull the people ; and thus make them stick to party at the expense of country. 4th of July. Why is it, that on this day, the people of our town cannot forgot their dissensions and strifes ; and fur one little hour mingle their prayers and praises around the altar of their country? Why not meet on that day, as their fathers met, to commemorate the birth of that freedom, which they so highly prize? Shake on their party feel ings, party animosities, and party thicker logs ; and meet to show other nations that they can still devote one day to their country? Yet it cannot be. Party cele brations are becoming fash;onable ; and the citizens of our little borough, are ein -11101114 of the same thing. If they cannot meet around that altar on that day, as friends ; we tear the day is not far distant, when, called to the field, to meet a common foe, dissension may sow her bitter and poisonous seeds there; which may destroy the fair fabric of our glory. Yet we trust in God, that day may never come. The bitterness of party strife is fast sapping the foundations of our free insti• tutions, and corrupting the fountains of morality, The people must shun this fanatical madness for party triumphs, or too soon they will find the temple of our liberty, a disgraced and crumbling ruin. This day should be the Sabbath of our nation. There should be no party dis tinctions named on that day ; and we should think that an American freeman should learn to discourage it. The Bet of $lOO In the last "Aden cgc . ' there ist bin: ter to bet a hundred dollars that our state , ment on the subject of Van Buren's opin. ion, relative to the property qualification of a voter, is not true. You bet a hurl.. Bred dollars, indeed ! and where would you get the money ? You have no more than we have ; and well you know we had not the quarter of it ; or you would not dare to have bantered. We would nut mind betting him a shirt patron ; and that 'is more than either of us can afford to lose that Van Buren did make a speech in the New York Convention in favor of a household qualification fur a voter. But we will not be driven from our course because we do not happen to have a hundred ,dollars to Vet; or pay what we owe either. We will tell the gentleman what we can do. If what he says is true, he can 'make five hundred dollars, and run no iisk. The following extracts from the "People's Press" printed in Colum bus, Ohio, %ill explain, From the Columbus Ohio, Peepls's Press Fair and Gentlemanly 0111brs MARTIN VAN BUREN AGAINST TWA PEOPLE. His vole in the New York Conrention, a gainst Universal H hite Suffrages es— tablished by undeniable authority. We have su ellen called the attention of our residers to this subject, that we deem it only necessary, at this time, for the benefit of those who choose to exam ine the subject, to refer to the specific pa ges of the authority where the proof may be obtained. Ist. As to prevent the people from elect ing •, S II Elil FFS.I . _ . — On the 17th Sept, 1821, Mr. V. Buren introduced the following, to be adopted as a part of the !New Constitution of N. York, to wit:— "That the GOVERNOR shall womi "nate, and by and with the consent of the "Senate, shall APPOINT the attorney "general, SHERIFFS, and all judicial "officers." See the proceedings in tb,e N, .1. Convention, Page 160.
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