u "a. THE BLESSINGS OF GOVERNMENT, LIKE THE DEWS OF HEAVEN, SHOULD BE DISTRIBUTED ALIKE UPON THE HIGH AND THE LOW, THE RICH AND THE POOR. 0 SERIES. EBENSBXJItG, APRIL 14, 1858. VOL,. 5. NO 22. T K 5 31 S : will I 'i,'i-hiHl every Wednesday Morning at f.Uar and Fifty Cents er i' ........... y n ,t paid within six mcnths, and "two dollars til the termination 01 the year. nw;ll I'C laKcn ior a snorter it -.a.! it. i till pni'tl.Av ii-ill ln lull- :ul ' 1 u ai-1 1 1 1 1 1 L v ar-the until r.ll of i ... .t n:Ua i .'. .... cn- 11V 1 1 . r.,...vthui.' Ins paper ircvl,'.xTt at the option i ;J.?ii'r f, ir s.i'c month will lm i ..... mi ess the monev is liaiil idverflsln? Rates. i user r it. Tiro dn. Three do ' line-1 ':'4 lines' lines ire. at'S 12 !me J J I n- . .. am a. A I .I'l1-''! USflllflMS ...lior cf insertions $ 50 I 75 $1 00 1 00 1 00 2 0o 1 CO 2 00 3 00 S months, f, do. 12 do il .0 $3 00 00 2 SO 4 50 9 00 J 00 7 00 12 CO 0 00 0 00 14 00 10 00 12 00 20 00 15 00 22 00 35 00 must l'C marked with desired, or they will be ;iJ until !rbi-l. and charged accordingly. SPEECH OF ION- WM. BIGLER 0K t'KSXALVAMA. Suite of tut Lmtnl (ttlf u fm it JCtm&ts into t'tr en the L'iiiuit as a , 1 had not intended to dis l'uither, and 1 do not now . J?. Net loutr, INFCfcl iiirnncjii lions i Street tv nrWeJ I chj n th.il I he f! arketjt gnl A inert rtnunf lii.-ler. Mr. President, whilst the jt-at-Arins in bringing in the abseu iioro is no objection, I will speak to inflation. "No objection." "Go I'rolloiit ,; s:it-et i.j i.jsit at any considerable length :;tit ) make myself understood on a ri.-iu-u points ; to make a recoid ot a ; atrial idus fur my own u.o Iiereaf A: autaily date in l ho session I ur !ii' vvxe.l controversy at seme length, L'.cvl nut uuW repeal its general histo First. then, a- to the legality aijd reg v f t'ae ir"ee''.itigs for the organization ansiis as a cvaic : i inuiK, as 10 iiuse, van no Iou.'.t ir reasonable douLt. The ry ut t lie eri'.iiiizAUon ot tnc several tally rinJicdtii Kansas ou thesi: points, (.. tno orOC2eo.iu":3 in h'.-r ease back counties? In my judgment, and I have repeatedly expressed the opinion before, those counties could not, at that time, hate coataiued more than six or eight hundred vo ters. This was the only vital point ever pre sented against the authority of the Lecomp ton convention, and certainly this has been completely removed by the facts I have sta ted. The opportunity to vote was sufficient. The authority of the convention was there fore perfect, and its proceedings were regular. Mr. Doolittle The question whiclI de sire to put to the Senator is this : whether more voters did "not reside in the counties which had no register at all than all the vo ters that voted for the delegates to the Le compton convention ? Mr. liigler Certainly not, Mr. Presi dent. Mr. Doolittle. Did not Governor Walker so sdatc ? Mr Diglcr. Gov. Walker did substanti alby so state. Governor Walker made other statements iu reference to this question in which I cannot concur. Sir, the evidence is conclusive against the objiction presented by the Senator from Wisconsin. In January, when there was no registry, and no qualifi cation except the age of twenty-one, only one thousand four hundred votes were cast in all the nonregistered counties. Now, sir, I repeat, the opinion expressed heretofore, from what I saw -in tue Territory early in the season, that at the time that reg istry was made in April, before the spring immigration could have pa3sed to the back part of the Territory, there were not more than from six to eight hundred votes in the whole of those counties. That is the answer to the questiou which the Senator propoun ded ; and I trut I have convinced him that the defects in the registry could not have "thereafter slavery shall not exist in the new State of Kansas,", the institution would have been abolished, and there would have been abolished, and there would have been com plete authority in the Legislature to have wiped out the remnant of slavery, that had been previously planted in the Territory. Mr. Doolittle. I desire to ask the Sen ator, does not the schedule expressly estab lish that property in slaves in the Territory eliall not be interfered with ? Mr Bigkr. The property value in slaves is protected. . I never heard anybody even in Kansas object to that. But the Senator is certantly aware that there is another provis ion in that constitution, which says that the Legislature shall not emancipate the slaves without remuneration of the owners ; they shall interdict the immigration of slaves into the Territory so long as similar persons are held in bondage in the Territory. Mr, Doolittle. That is in the slavery ar ticle. Mr. Bigler. But they can, by making compensation, emancipate the slaves. The Legislature has that power, The Senator from Virginia, on Friday last, in his able and eloquent speech, pointed cut clearly the power in the Legislature to get clear of sla very in that Territory without any amend ment of the . constitution whatever. There fore I answer that, so far as regards the ques tion of slavery, taking these clauses together. the power is complete in the Legislature as it now stand?. Mr. Doolittle. Let me understand the Senator. Is it complete with the slavery art icle in or with it out 'I Mf. Bigler. I said if the slavery article had been voted out. Mr. Doolittle. Well, what then? Mr. Bigler. Then slavery would have I extremity to the other abovt an alleged des- ? r t - . ir- . i ign to iorce Biavcry mio Jtvansas ; ana yet. sir, .within" th last . nine montLs, the party claiming to have the absolute power, and tho will to do the deed, have had two opportuni ties" of abolishing and forever interdicting the Institution ; but- they would not. How many opportunities must they have? How long is the country to be harrassed by the complaints of men who will not avail them selves of their prerogatives as freemen ? Thf-y cannot be made to vote against slavery, aud the Union with the Constitution, and resist that popular sovereignty la to kave unrostra the waves of sectionalism, come whence they J ined sway. It is in this way thai it rise to may. But, sir, it is no difficult task to" dis- j the complete majesty of its power Thoa cover that the rejection of Kansas would ! claiming and having that power, can hare bo tend to the perpetuity and aggravation of this ! well founieti-olfjection to tha remedy. Now, fruitless strife about slavery this bitter feud j the power of the people of Kansas isot equal which is so rapidly estranging the feelings of cne section of our country from the other; rapidly exhausting those sources of fraternal affection without which your Federal tics wo'd be a rope of sand. I believe in the cultiva- j tion of good feeling and affection amongst the how can they be counted against it until they people as the greatest agency in maintaining do vote ? the family of States That can only be done been sufficient to impair the legal or moral i been completely abolished in the Territory by cflcct of the election tor delegates. But it is said that but a meager vote was cast for delegates, and that is true ; but that does not impair the force or eSect of the elec- ; lion. Governor Yalkcrgave the discontents ! full notice on this j oint. He tuld them that ! they would be responsible whether they vo j ted or not. That any other doctiine would j lead to anarchy. Aud there never was a truo a: l.tiu.eiit. W'e must c ither accept or t reject thii doctrine ; if we reject it, aud hold that it requires an active agency oti the part of the elector to give consent, then we lay down a di-ctrine that would lead to anarchy iu probably every State in this Union. In my own State, on this principle, the funda mental law could be repudiated any day That tjlate contains five hundred thousand voters ; at the last election certain amend- ua'j more regular, legal and bind- the people. That is what I said. I knew what the Senator had in view, that, because the schedule" potected the property value in slaves, he would hold that the prostcrity of the slaves were to remain in boudagj , that there was no power in tho Legislature to wipe cut that remnant or root of the institu tion. That is "where he is mistaken. Now, I wish to nolico the extraordinary course and policy which has, from time to time r.isrked the conduct of the anti-slavery party in Kansas. I do not intend to review their acts of fully and insubordination, in standing out against the laws; nor their con stant and persistent efforts to produce vio lence, rebellion, and civil war. Governor Walker's dispatches arc full and complete en this point, lie discribes tho Republican part' as in epen rebellion to the laws during nearly all his service, and as r.lottiujl for the ovcr- But, Jlr. President," t do not understand bow honorable Senators on the other side can feel so free tpi, interpose mere formal objec tions" to the admission of Kansas as a'Statc how they can talk about informalities and ir regularities, or usurpations and frauds They have claimed admission for Kansas on the Topeka Constitution a -movement commen ced without the authority of any law, territo rial or congressional, and in derogation of fhe authority of the United States. It was conceived in avowed rebellion, and prosecu ted in menace of the Federal authority. Nor was it sustained by the popular will. It had its origin in a mass meeting of one political party, avd had the sanction, its advocates say, of seventeen hundred votes at the polls ; whilst its enemies say it did not receive ex ceeding seven hundred votes in all. . In no particular, then, does it stand s well as the Lecompton movement, either ss to regularity or authority. Nor will the historian be able to understand now a majority of five to one have been so constantly oppressed in that un happy territory how one roan has usurped the rights and powers of five or six or ten, as we are told In one breath it is asserted that the Free State party are as five to one, or ten to one , and in the next that they h ave been bunted down, driven from their property, and deprived of their political rights. Some lo gicians have a convenient mode of making out a proposition; but this is a little too sharp 1 have noticed in the discussion, that Gover nor Walker is given by Senators on the other side, as conclusive authority as to the nine teen disfranchised counties; as to the strength uy ucaiinir jnsiiv CO an, cpecilly iuhiiud iug weak. Tne Constitution must be our bond and our guide Let the two States of Kan sas and'Minnesota come in,one Blaveand one free, as an exemplification of the compromi sca of 1850, and the beauties of the Demo cratic faith. This will be wiser than the per petuity of the war of crimination and recrimi nation, of assault on the one hand, repulse on the other. But if Kansas be rejected, what will be the truth of history on the subject? -Will it be that the State was refused because the mode of getting it up was not satisfactory or because the Constitution recognized sla very ? 1 am confident some northern mem bers of Congress are going against the adiuis rion of the State, who would not do so were the proceedings in Kansas satisfactory to them ; but I am still mere confident that but for the slavery article the opposition to the admission would scarce have amounted to re spectability. On the s'and as a witness I could give no other testimony. There may be those who differ with me in this opinion ; but, sir, it is too clear that whilst it is conco ded on all hands that Kansas is to be a Free State, the shadow of slavery that appears in the Constitution is the real cause of hostility to the admission on the Republican side. Then, again, sirs what would follow in Kansas were "she rejected on her present ap plication ? Let her be turned over to the tender mercies of General Lsne and his fol lowers, and what will they do? Who will guarantee that they will make a constitution, that could Le accepted by Congress? What reason have we to believe that we should not i a lueiits were adopted to the constitution, and in most cases, but that in these par- j the wr.ulo veto lor aud against did not exceed ' throw of the Government. Against the other excci.tion to the ceneral : one nuuviriu ana iniriy eiu; tuousan'J votes; partv. tiic J,ccompton party, nc maae no is an Jtne States have been prepared .tauv act ot Congress, terruoiial or - ; some by enabling acts; some u:i 2npi).sitions o' (.'ongress ; some by al Legislature, W.lhout j .!!. S -me of the con- i. ..;iYe been submitted to the popular ati'.l others have not. But iu Kan- - movement commenced at tl.C very I - of felitieal p 'Wi r. The pe' pie, at j ;ul.tr election of 18-").", were consulted j iiicir tlesiic to change their form cf j :;ient from a territorial to a Slate, and tlu; 1 ..Tutor; '.htiii,' the no' the ;ind the highest amrmativc vote reached only complaints prior to Lis departure trotu the one hundred and seventeen thousand ; who ' Territory. But I wish to look for the cvi thinks of doubting the authority of those ! dences in the career of the Bcpublican party amendments? Uu this principle and none ' in Kansas that they ever desired to settle the : other can be couuteuanced the Lecoiiipton ' quettiru of slavery. I can find no evidence j Cons'atu'.iou had a more complete authority, ! that they did so desire; but much that they j venture to say, thaa any other similar body did not. In the language of a distinguished j wnich ever preceded it. J New York politician, (John Van Buren,) I; Now,- sir, as to the cction cf the conven- I do not understand "this free State party in j t'on. The only objection raised worthy of ! Kansas, who arc all the while trying to make j notice is that it did not admit the entire con- Kansas a slave State of the Free State party, and the malpractices j have a repetition of the scenes of violence of the other party : but when he testified offi cially as to the rebellious movements, and the mischievous designs of the Topekaites, his views are promptly discarded and denounced. This is not fair to him, or to the country. The Governor has made up an issue against this party, and it should be met and answered But, Mr. President, holding as I do, that the application of the people of Kansas for admission as a State has been made iu due form that their appearance at the doors cf Congress with a Constitution and Sutc gov canmect is the legal and conclusive evidence of their application for admission, I conclude that au allowable opportunity is presented to admit them as a State ; and it is to tue altcr- and excess that have so far marked tlu pro gress of that distracted people ? Who believei that Lane aud his party would exercise pow er with moderation ? The conduct of tho re cent Republican Legislature is suggestive on tin point. I should be disappointed agiec ably disappointed, sir if the rejection did not renew and heighten the strife and ccm plications in the Territory. If the one party proceeded to make a State, the other would abstain from all agency in the work. Indeed one party in the Territory are at this time engaged in electing delegates to another con vention, to make another constitution. The other part- refuse to participate, and allege that the electien is being held without the au thority of any law, the Governor having re fused to sanction it ; so we arc to have a new i'd to have a Stati rovernment did !. stitution to a vq e of the people. heretofore that, at the time. I I have gaii ! tv ari perterrsd thev E;ute t ci to t ; truts that the lopeka pnrty T. they had been chtUiO,'U.'. .t men iron.' -nc begr-.ujr. jaw was "Iwiiigly, picvidiog for a coiiven-Idcg-ttes of the people to form a cou w.l State government, preparatory to'Wv.tmto thu Union. This law. it is ,J'cJ, was well adapted to the end in U lias been 'pronounced 4 -right and 3 al its objects aud purpose.." It was 1 in.iiulv. after a bill wh eh this i of Congress had passed to accomplish : "je end" It was welt designed to pro- purity of the ballot-box, and at the time to cxUud to each citizen a lair unity to exercise the higu Junction ot ependeut elector lhe opportunity to r delegates it is not pretended wasuni or unexceptionable, Lut it certainly itr, considering the character of the v, The registry of voters only was li- iv reasonable complaint ; but no can The rcniak is vit- ,ue. lue tree cute party in ivau- sas have never exercised their power when they could touch the fUCstion of slavery. In June last, when they had the opportunity the Territory should or should not come into of voting for delegates to make a free State, the Union as a State. It was more inportaut 1 and when they daily boasted of being three or to know that what the people did was right i five to one of the population, they would not iu itselt than to inquire into the way which ! vote. D.fTerent pretexts were set up in differ that light tiling had been done. They had j cut parts of the Territory, as I know of my full authority to do it iu houll do s: ut I never regarded ihn m of making the constitution as a reason whv The right ot tho people delegates, to make ' their own way. in convention, by nd adort a constitution, conceded by even Governor Walker. This was one of his .special reasons for urging the people to vote tor delegates. I think adop tion by popular veto a good mode of making a constitution. I certainly do not thick it ihe only good way. It is nut the way iu which tho constitution of nearly all the orig inal States of thU happy Confederacy were made iu the earlier aud purer days of the Beiu'olier My own cherished State, than whom there is not a happier or greater in the Union, did nut make her fundamental law in this way prior to the year 1838, when am- "we which will this bogus laws." beeauso all au V;U pretend that it was so imperfect ! eiad.nehts to that instrument were submitted to a vote of tho people, aud adopted by a min ! ority ot the voters ot tue fatate J 1 did hold, Mr. President, that the spirit j of the compr.omi.ses of 1850, and the organic I act for this Territory, looked to the decision nduaive authoi itv. seven out of eight ! of the question ol slavery by somo direct ac- 1-gal voters were registered and had ! tion of the people; that there was a general impair the legality or authority of the n tor delegates. Whilst all were not -rrd it will uot be pretended that those ttrc !ial uot tho proper authority to a constitution ; for, according to tli r-t to vote. I" tats exhibited by the Senator from r'lie other day. has completely put to understanding throughout the country that the question of slavery should not come back to Congress unaccompanied by an expression legation that nineteen counties had j of popular will I therefore, regard the Le aauhised I need not repeat these ! compton convention as under special obliga tions to submit the question of slavery to a enough to satisfy any reasonable J vote of the people. But I never thought we i few general facts. Nine thoustud ' outsiders had the power to dictate on even 'sked aud fiftv-ono names were regis- i that point, and there never was a time when 5 Uay; a clamor was immediately rai- , I would not cave &aio cue auumissiou ui tue 4 the Republicans cught not to vote ! vexed eiuestten of slavery is all that the peo- 'gitcs because the registry was o cx- ! pic of other btates had any right cvon to in r7 dcTe"""" vat ', vuife into; mucj less nave tuey a Ut the end of a "violent nLrtisan con- 1 dictate a mode of making a constitution " party chargi g the Si votes, only eleven tho right to as a personal Knowledge, some saia not vote because the laws under cocventiou are to assemble are Others said, "none shall vote, were not registered." I am sony that I" do not see my friend from'Massachusetts in his scat ; for as he took the liberty, the other day, of asking me a question relating to my experience in Kan sas, he would not take it unkind if I asked natives thus presented that I wish to turn my thoughts lor a few minutes. j ell, tir, 1 have held that the application is legal and proper, and that I may vote for ! the admission of Kansas as a State, if I deem j it wise to do so. slavery feature, havirg the effect to keep tue Ou the great question of admission or re- J State out of the Union. They may interrupt the execution ot the lugitive slave law, or confiscate the property iu the slaves that are now in the Territory. It is evident that ev- complication. This new convention will be violently anti-slavery; and I shall be amazed if they do uot incorporate some extreme anti- him one country touching his career in that noted eightv were cast for the Dcle- 1 Consress. Here is corclusive evi- other with noi- condition en which the people who are to live j thousand seven ' ttider it uis.J P?cPnje a State, let, tuis i i .1 -O 'at the disfranchised vote as it is ter- nave been very meager. But the Melilb:ted in flip in the whole of the nineteen couu "u January election, when theic was r5'1"! and no qualification except the 'y-one years, was unties cei.taiucd but fourteen hun Hi Jahliarv' ulint ti-vh.Iht .liil h j;wm when the rraifctry was taken in l 'l. 'a ?"uih cf April, before tho "atauoa -could huro reached tho less tnau lour- is pertectly conclusive. high-handed dictation has been attempted by ; those who call themselves nouinterveatton : is is. That vexed question was presented ; J that question was voted upon. Novr Mr. 1'resident Mr. Doolittle. Upon that point will tho honorable Seua;or allow me to put a ciues- 1 tion ? 3Ir. Bigler. Certainly. : Mr Doolittlo. Was the slavery question iu fact submitted to the people of Kansas? Mr Biglur. Undoubtedly it was. 1 hold, Mr. President, that if the majority of the r-oople had ctc-d dovn ths t'averj article, tu.it, ;u its o.ii IvBuje cf the schedule, I heard it said on more occasions than one that during that honorable Seqator's tour in the Territory he had advised the free State party in Kansas not to vote ; and that he also coucurrcd in the policy of attempting to make Kansas a free State by allowing the pro-slavery party to elect all the dellcgates to make the constitution. I know not whether the rumor be correct or not. It is not im portant to my purpose. But it is a signifi cant fact that the Republican, or free-State party, dhl not vote in June when the fate of slavery was involved and that in October, when nothing was at stake but offices and a Delegate in Congress, they did vote they did rush to the polls and carry the election, regardless of the humiliation implied in the recognition of the "bogus laws." Then, a gam, in December following, on the direct question of whether slavery should or should not exist in the new State of Kansas, these anti-slavery- men did not vote. The "bogus laws" and the' ' "bogus convention" forbid that they should condescend to vote agaiDSt slavery, and they did not vote. But less than a month afterwards, when the question of slavery was not involved, when office and honor and emoluments were staked, they readily gol over iuZl'c scrup!ca Cf conscience against the Lecompton usurpation, and ral lied to the polls and secured all the offices under, what they term, the "Lecompton swin dle." Cotfliuent caunot add to the strength of this history. It is painfully significant, WThen it was necessary to get office, the "bo gus laws" were promptly recognized ; when slavery was at stake they were shrunk from as from the touch of death. Constantly boasting their , power and determination to make Kansas a free State, these anti-slavery jection, 1 have reflected long and seriously. aud am a firm believer m the policy of ad mission I think it best for Kansas, and for the whole family of States. And I believe, in addition, sir, that so soon as the popular mind is turned from the unpleasant strife in Kansas from 'that war of crimination and recrimination of alleged fraud aud usurpa tions on the ouo hand, and persistent rebel lion and violence on tho other, to contemplate and count the consequences of admission against those ol rejection, the measure will encounter much less opposition from the peo ple. What great wrong can flow from admis sion? What interest or right of the people is to be damaged ? Our ears are daily as saulted with graphic descriptions of the great wrong of forcing a government upon tho peo ple ot Kansas. Yet no one proposes to do this. We make no government for them They make it for themselves. If they do not like it, after they get into the Union they can abolish it and adopt other forms. No power on the face of the earth, outside of the Terri tory, will dare to dispute their right to do thiSi lhat there is nothing in the constitu- j tion to interfere with this right for a single i day, has been made so clear by the President and by Senators, that I shall not discuss it again. It is a little singular, however, that this allegation of the want of power in the peo pie by virtue of their "inalienable and inde feasible right" to alter, amend or supersede their form of government at pleasure, should come from the advocates par excellence, of popular sovereignty. Not only in this par ticular ; but as to the right of the people to make a State constitution throngh the agen cy of delegates, have these expounders of popular sovereignty sought to impose serious restrictions upon the rights of the people. They would pursuade the people that they are on the side of popular rights, whilst in fact their doctrines are the reverse. But, sir, who can foretell the consequences of the rejection of the State ? Ilcw wiil the act be interpretated by the people of the Sou thern fctates? Will they believe that it was the consequence of the informalities or the "vrint of popular saaction of the Constitution, CI nul iuCT pelieye that was the couscqucnce of nominal slavery in the State, and that they are bound to treat it as practical and positive evidence that no more slave States are to be admitted into the Union ; that the faith of the compromises of 1850 is not to be carried out? It does not become me to say what they sho'd believe, or what they should do if they be lieve the worst. . I should, for ose, hope for en the benator trom i isconsin does not liKe the Constitution now before the Senate, be cause it protects the property value in the slaves now in ' the Territory; Is this to be tl e policy? Is this to beau issue? Is it to be held that, under the doctrines of the com promises guaranteeing to the Territories ad mission, with or without slavery slave own er are liable to lose the property value in slaves whenever a decision is made against the institution ? When the prop le of all the States go to tho Territories, carrying with them their property, of whatsoever kind, in case the Territory should become a frco State are the owners of slaves to lose the property value in such slaves ? That has not been my understanding of the Government. Thcso complications and new issues could scarcely fail to perpetuate this ' bitter controversy, which is so rapidly uprooting fraternity and confidence between the northern and south ern States, aud even poisoning the very chan nels of communication bctwrxn the people of the several States On the other hand, as I have inquired, what evil consequences are to flow from the admision of the State ? As was 60 forcibly remarked the oher day by the Senator from Lousianna, (Mr. Benjamin,)' what possible wrong do we inflict on the people of Kansas by conferring upon them the rights and dig uitiee of a sovereign State? We hear. much about forcing a government upon Kansas : whilst the truth is, she has proposed to come in, and Congress is about to accept her pro position. That is all. It is said the Consti tution is not acceptable to the will of the ma jority. Well, sir, that is their business, not ours. If they do not like their fundamental law, they can chance it. Some gentlemen talk about this constitution as t".. j- was to be, like tL i-rvs 0f JC(JCS aml lCrs:ans, unalterable. But so far from this, the ques tion of slavery, like every other feature of the instrument, will be forever subject to the will of the majority. When this issue first came up, in December bust, it was a question between admission under the Lecompton Uon gtitutjoii ou the 000 band, aud au enabling act ou the other. An enabling act what for? Wl.y, to enable tl e reoplc to make a State government to suit themselves the au swer is, whv not do this under the suspiccs of a State Constitution h the best enabling ac-t that the wit of man cau doviso. It has all the good qualities of an enabling act, without ta the abol.tion of slavery, islarcs are now in that Territory ; slaves can go there and be held there. Congress cannot prevent it. The people, or the majority, cannot prevent it, so loug; as they remain a Territory. Bat . when clothed with the sovereignty of a State, they will become equal to the task. I anr for admission. I am for giving the peopla that power. Senators on the other side, whilst claiming a large majority for the free State party, object to admission ; object te giving the people the. power to immediately abolish slavery ; and yet they will tell me that I am for slavery and they are against it. I seek to confer upon the people the power to abolish slavery They object, and yet t tcmpt to make the world believe that they are the peculiar friends of a free State. That is much after the plan that their friends in Kan sas have used to abolish slavery. They would always vote when they could uot vote against slavery. They would not go to the clectioa on the 21st December, because they could have rejected slavery. Now sir, a few words more as to popular sovereignty. There are those who hold that, because the constitution was not submitted to a popular vote as u entirety, the process of making it was iu violation of popular sover eignty, as recognized iu the creed of the Dem ocratic party. This is a fallacious view, un less our representative syst; m be abolished and a common Democracy be embraced as the syste:n we prefer. Recognizing the rep resentative system, it is perfectly competent for the people the delegate their sovereign power and authority, to a convention to make and adopt a constitution and State govern mcntfMy State did this ; more than half the original States did it. The di c'rine of non-int :rvcntion seems to have confused and coafounded some people lat terly. They talk as though congress hail guarantied that men thould not cheat each other in Kansas ; as though one political par ty should not take the advantage of the other as though' representatives should net deceive their constituents. This is more than wn bargained for, Congress agreed that they would not interfere with the domestic affairs of the Territories, and that the States, as such should not interfere ; but that was all,- It nover was pretended that the Federal govern ment could interfere between the pcoplo and ileu prcp-?r local representatives. Nor did Congress guaianty that those t'-'O donOtTte should carry the election ; nor yet thst the majoriiy should ru.Jo, if they dil uot do so through the agency of the law. It is tho right of the law to rule, and the right of the majority to make the law ; but the majority is as much bound by the law, whilst it is such, as is the miuority. I intend to vote for the admission of Kansas as a State; s.nd in doing this" I do not wish to much as to signify my appiov.il of the manner cf get ting up the State, and the circumstances sur rounding the application, as I do declare my con viction that admission, prompt admission, is the best jvnd. wisest cf the alternatives that are before us. There is innch in the details of the procwl ings in Kansas that is unpleasant and distasteful partaking of evident abuse of the elective fran chise on one hand, and the attempt to supersede its law ful use by violence and fac tion on the oth er. Kansas should rot c an example for future States; and I trust our country- may rcver to required to witness such scenes again. But, ir, whatever may Ik the defects on the Lecompton si c. on tho other is mature 1, persistent and avow td insubjrdinatinif to the laws, if not rebellion to the Government. Between these, I prefer rha former side. - The addition cf two members to the family of Slates should be the cause cf general joy, as an event bringing fraternal affection. energy, power, stability, progress and general prosperity to tlio family of States and t'M.ur common country. That these blessings are to follow the admission of the two States now on tho threshhold of the Union, I hope and believe. Volunteers for Utah. New Yof.k. April 3. It is reported that Col. Burreham's regiment of New York vol unteers have been accepted by the President. Another authorized regiment will be taken from Pennsylvania. Arrangements arc com plete to enact a rigid enforcement of tho quarantine, and all arrivals arc subject 'to tho visit of the heaith officer. Sam no ox womkx. Dey may Tail against women as much as dey like, can.t "set me against dem. I had always in my life found dem to be fust in lub, fust in a quarrel, fust iu de dance, "dc fust in the ico cream saloon and de fust, best and last in do sick room. What would wc do wrhcut them? Let ut he bom as young as ugly and as helpless as wo please, and a woman's arms are open to r cebc u?. She am it who gives Us castor oil. and piU ya .ur n-alifi-d h'e-plcss Um"bt' and cubbers up our fects and nosc3 iu long long flannel peticoat s, and it am she as tva grovs up, fills our dinner baskets with dough nuts and apples as wc start to school, and licks us when we tears our trowsis. The latest case of abseuco of mind is that of a young lady Vrho, on returning from a walk with her lover, the other evening, rap ped him ii t' c face, anl b id; good night to tho door. " - A bachelor friend of ours has la ft a i boirding-hoiiiO, in which was a number of tho best and struggle to the end to maiutain i its bad ones. It would termiuatc, instead those fiaternal relations between the States extend the strife. I men carciuiiy rcirainea irom aeaticgtne Diow, uuuer which v.u uai t- w iuuggmau .uuVi- , I when the institution came within their reach. ! percd a; a nation.. The State I represent j they boasted of the poyrer, but would not, do iil contend the just rights cf ad the t 2uatH from "ue Mates. -North or toulh .-he will siami cy 0f j old maids, on account of the miserable fair iiiX before him at the table. Thau, again, it as aH.-gcd. the popular will j .. a s been (-mothered hy thi 1 .eeompton party. ' A J'0" mm " ni" 'y among tho ymii g the- deed count rv has been ad mi -tion i vindication. the Viiot ilitwt mil.! If i 'jnder .i Srait' cf t in. j lc 1 e 'onviitiitt-tt ; 1.1. Ui i Mi. he T - 5S1: -Jv :llU'i. 00 00 00
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers