u
"a.
THE BLESSINGS OF GOVERNMENT, LIKE THE DEWS OF HEAVEN, SHOULD BE DISTRIBUTED ALIKE UPON THE HIGH AND THE LOW, THE RICH AND THE POOR.
0 SERIES.
EBENSBXJItG, APRIL 14, 1858.
VOL,. 5. NO 22.
T K 5 31 S :
will I
'i,'i-hiHl every Wednesday Morning at
f.Uar and Fifty Cents er
i' ...........
y n ,t paid within six mcnths, and
"two dollars
til the termination 01 the year.
nw;ll I'C laKcn ior a snorter
it -.a.! it. i till pni'tl.Av ii-ill ln
lull- :ul ' 1 u ai-1 1 1 1 1 1 L v
ar-the
until r.ll
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1 1 . r.,...vthui.' Ins paper
ircvl,'.xTt at the option
i ;J.?ii'r f, ir s.i'c month will lm
i ..... mi ess the monev is liaiil
idverflsln? Rates.
i user r it. Tiro dn. Three do
' line-1
':'4 lines'
lines
ire.
at'S
12 !me
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am a.
A I .I'l1-''! USflllflMS
...lior cf insertions
$ 50 I 75 $1 00
1 00 1 00 2 0o
1 CO 2 00 3 00
S months, f, do. 12 do
il .0 $3 00 00
2 SO 4 50 9 00
J 00 7 00 12 CO
0 00 0 00 14 00
10 00 12 00 20 00
15 00 22 00 35 00
must l'C marked with
desired, or they will be
;iJ until !rbi-l. and charged accordingly.
SPEECH
OF
ION- WM. BIGLER
0K t'KSXALVAMA.
Suite of tut Lmtnl (ttlf
u fm it JCtm&ts into t'tr
en the
L'iiiuit as a
, 1 had not intended to dis
l'uither, and 1 do not now
. J?.
Net
loutr,
INFCfcl
iiirnncjii
lions i
Street
tv nrWeJ
I chj
n th.il I
he f!
arketjt
gnl
A inert
rtnunf
lii.-ler. Mr. President, whilst the
jt-at-Arins in bringing in the abseu
iioro is no objection, I will speak to
inflation. "No objection." "Go
I'rolloiit
,; s:it-et
i.j i.jsit at any considerable length
:;tit ) make myself understood on a
ri.-iu-u points ; to make a recoid ot a
; atrial idus fur my own u.o Iiereaf
A: autaily date in l ho session I ur
!ii' vvxe.l controversy at seme length,
L'.cvl nut uuW repeal its general histo
First. then, a- to the legality aijd reg
v f t'ae ir"ee''.itigs for the organization
ansiis as a cvaic : i inuiK, as 10 iiuse,
van no Iou.'.t ir reasonable douLt. The
ry ut t lie eri'.iiiizAUon ot tnc several
tally rinJicdtii Kansas ou thesi: points,
(.. tno orOC2eo.iu":3 in h'.-r ease
back counties? In my judgment, and I
have repeatedly expressed the opinion before,
those counties could not, at that time, hate
coataiued more than six or eight hundred vo
ters. This was the only vital point ever pre
sented against the authority of the Lecomp
ton convention, and certainly this has been
completely removed by the facts I have sta
ted. The opportunity to vote was sufficient.
The authority of the convention was there
fore perfect, and its proceedings were regular.
Mr. Doolittle The question whiclI de
sire to put to the Senator is this : whether
more voters did "not reside in the counties
which had no register at all than all the vo
ters that voted for the delegates to the Le
compton convention ?
Mr. liigler Certainly not, Mr. Presi
dent. Mr. Doolittle. Did not Governor Walker
so sdatc ?
Mr Diglcr. Gov. Walker did substanti
alby so state. Governor Walker made other
statements iu reference to this question in
which I cannot concur. Sir, the evidence is
conclusive against the objiction presented by
the Senator from Wisconsin. In January,
when there was no registry, and no qualifi
cation except the age of twenty-one, only one
thousand four hundred votes were cast in all
the nonregistered counties.
Now, sir, I repeat, the opinion expressed
heretofore, from what I saw -in tue Territory
early in the season, that at the time that reg
istry was made in April, before the spring
immigration could have pa3sed to the back
part of the Territory, there were not more
than from six to eight hundred votes in the
whole of those counties. That is the answer
to the questiou which the Senator propoun
ded ; and I trut I have convinced him that
the defects in the registry could not have
"thereafter slavery shall not exist in the new
State of Kansas,", the institution would have
been abolished, and there would have been
abolished, and there would have been com
plete authority in the Legislature to have
wiped out the remnant of slavery, that had
been previously planted in the Territory.
Mr. Doolittle. I desire to ask the Sen
ator, does not the schedule expressly estab
lish that property in slaves in the Territory
eliall not be interfered with ?
Mr Bigkr. The property value in slaves
is protected. . I never heard anybody even in
Kansas object to that. But the Senator is
certantly aware that there is another provis
ion in that constitution, which says that the
Legislature shall not emancipate the slaves
without remuneration of the owners ; they
shall interdict the immigration of slaves into
the Territory so long as similar persons are
held in bondage in the Territory.
Mr, Doolittle. That is in the slavery ar
ticle. Mr. Bigler. But they can, by making
compensation, emancipate the slaves. The
Legislature has that power, The Senator
from Virginia, on Friday last, in his able
and eloquent speech, pointed cut clearly the
power in the Legislature to get clear of sla
very in that Territory without any amend
ment of the . constitution whatever. There
fore I answer that, so far as regards the ques
tion of slavery, taking these clauses together.
the power is complete in the Legislature as
it now stand?.
Mr. Doolittle. Let me understand the
Senator. Is it complete with the slavery art
icle in or with it out 'I
Mf. Bigler. I said if the slavery article
had been voted out.
Mr. Doolittle. Well, what then?
Mr. Bigler. Then slavery would have
I extremity to the other abovt an alleged des-
? r t - . ir- . i
ign to iorce Biavcry mio Jtvansas ; ana yet.
sir, .within" th last . nine montLs, the party
claiming to have the absolute power, and tho
will to do the deed, have had two opportuni
ties" of abolishing and forever interdicting
the Institution ; but- they would not. How
many opportunities must they have? How
long is the country to be harrassed by the
complaints of men who will not avail them
selves of their prerogatives as freemen ? Thf-y
cannot be made to vote against slavery, aud
the Union with the Constitution, and resist that popular sovereignty la to kave unrostra
the waves of sectionalism, come whence they J ined sway. It is in this way thai it rise to
may. But, sir, it is no difficult task to" dis- j the complete majesty of its power Thoa
cover that the rejection of Kansas would ! claiming and having that power, can hare bo
tend to the perpetuity and aggravation of this ! well founieti-olfjection to tha remedy. Now,
fruitless strife about slavery this bitter feud j the power of the people of Kansas isot equal
which is so rapidly estranging the feelings of
cne section of our country from the other;
rapidly exhausting those sources of fraternal
affection without which your Federal tics wo'd
be a rope of sand. I believe in the cultiva-
j tion of good feeling and affection amongst the
how can they be counted against it until they people as the greatest agency in maintaining
do vote ? the family of States That can only be done
been sufficient to impair the legal or moral i been completely abolished in the Territory by
cflcct of the election tor delegates.
But it is said that but a meager vote was
cast for delegates, and that is true ; but that
does not impair the force or eSect of the elec-
; lion. Governor Yalkcrgave the discontents
! full notice on this j oint. He tuld them that
! they would be responsible whether they vo
j ted or not. That any other doctiine would
j lead to anarchy. Aud there never was a
truo a: l.tiu.eiit. W'e must c ither accept or
t reject thii doctrine ; if we reject it, aud hold
that it requires an active agency oti the part
of the elector to give consent, then we lay
down a di-ctrine that would lead to anarchy
iu probably every State in this Union. In
my own State, on this principle, the funda
mental law could be repudiated any day
That tjlate contains five hundred thousand
voters ; at the last election certain amend-
ua'j more regular, legal and bind-
the people. That is what I said. I knew
what the Senator had in view, that, because
the schedule" potected the property value in
slaves, he would hold that the prostcrity of
the slaves were to remain in boudagj , that
there was no power in tho Legislature to
wipe cut that remnant or root of the institu
tion. That is "where he is mistaken.
Now, I wish to nolico the extraordinary
course and policy which has, from time to
time r.isrked the conduct of the anti-slavery
party in Kansas. I do not intend to review
their acts of fully and insubordination, in
standing out against the laws; nor their con
stant and persistent efforts to produce vio
lence, rebellion, and civil war. Governor
Walker's dispatches arc full and complete en
this point, lie discribes tho Republican part'
as in epen rebellion to the laws during nearly
all his service, and as r.lottiujl for the ovcr-
But, Jlr. President," t do not understand
bow honorable Senators on the other side can
feel so free tpi, interpose mere formal objec
tions" to the admission of Kansas as a'Statc
how they can talk about informalities and ir
regularities, or usurpations and frauds They
have claimed admission for Kansas on the
Topeka Constitution a -movement commen
ced without the authority of any law, territo
rial or congressional, and in derogation of
fhe authority of the United States. It was
conceived in avowed rebellion, and prosecu
ted in menace of the Federal authority. Nor
was it sustained by the popular will. It had
its origin in a mass meeting of one political
party, avd had the sanction, its advocates
say, of seventeen hundred votes at the polls ;
whilst its enemies say it did not receive ex
ceeding seven hundred votes in all. . In no
particular, then, does it stand s well as the
Lecompton movement, either ss to regularity
or authority. Nor will the historian be able
to understand now a majority of five to one
have been so constantly oppressed in that un
happy territory how one roan has usurped
the rights and powers of five or six or ten, as
we are told In one breath it is asserted that
the Free State party are as five to one, or ten
to one , and in the next that they h ave been
bunted down, driven from their property, and
deprived of their political rights. Some lo
gicians have a convenient mode of making
out a proposition; but this is a little too sharp
1 have noticed in the discussion, that Gover
nor Walker is given by Senators on the other
side, as conclusive authority as to the nine
teen disfranchised counties; as to the strength
uy ucaiinir jnsiiv CO an, cpecilly iuhiiud iug
weak. Tne Constitution must be our bond
and our guide Let the two States of Kan
sas and'Minnesota come in,one Blaveand one
free, as an exemplification of the compromi
sca of 1850, and the beauties of the Demo
cratic faith. This will be wiser than the per
petuity of the war of crimination and recrimi
nation, of assault on the one hand, repulse on
the other. But if Kansas be rejected, what
will be the truth of history on the subject? -Will
it be that the State was refused because
the mode of getting it up was not satisfactory
or because the Constitution recognized sla
very ? 1 am confident some northern mem
bers of Congress are going against the adiuis
rion of the State, who would not do so were
the proceedings in Kansas satisfactory to
them ; but I am still mere confident that but
for the slavery article the opposition to the
admission would scarce have amounted to re
spectability. On the s'and as a witness I
could give no other testimony. There may
be those who differ with me in this opinion ;
but, sir, it is too clear that whilst it is conco
ded on all hands that Kansas is to be a Free
State, the shadow of slavery that appears in
the Constitution is the real cause of hostility
to the admission on the Republican side.
Then, again, sirs what would follow in
Kansas were "she rejected on her present ap
plication ? Let her be turned over to the
tender mercies of General Lsne and his fol
lowers, and what will they do? Who will
guarantee that they will make a constitution,
that could Le accepted by Congress? What
reason have we to believe that we should not
i a
lueiits were adopted to the constitution, and
in most cases, but that in these par- j the wr.ulo veto lor aud against did not exceed ' throw of the Government. Against the other
excci.tion to the ceneral : one nuuviriu ana iniriy eiu; tuousan'J votes; partv. tiic J,ccompton party, nc maae no
is an
Jtne States have been prepared
.tauv act ot Congress, terruoiial or
- ; some by enabling acts; some u:i
2npi).sitions o' (.'ongress ; some by
al Legislature, W.lhout
j .!!. S -me of the con-
i. ..;iYe been submitted to the popular
ati'.l others have not. But iu Kan-
- movement commenced at tl.C very I
- of felitieal p 'Wi r. The pe' pie, at j
;ul.tr election of 18-").", were consulted j
iiicir tlesiic to change their form cf j
:;ient from a territorial to a Slate, and
tlu; 1 ..Tutor;
'.htiii,' the no'
the
;ind the highest amrmativc vote reached only complaints prior to Lis departure trotu the
one hundred and seventeen thousand ; who ' Territory. But I wish to look for the cvi
thinks of doubting the authority of those ! dences in the career of the Bcpublican party
amendments? Uu this principle and none ' in Kansas that they ever desired to settle the :
other can be couuteuanced the Lecoiiipton ' quettiru of slavery. I can find no evidence j
Cons'atu'.iou had a more complete authority, ! that they did so desire; but much that they j
venture to say, thaa any other similar body did not. In the language of a distinguished j
wnich ever preceded it. J New York politician, (John Van Buren,) I;
Now,- sir, as to the cction cf the conven- I do not understand "this free State party in j
t'on. The only objection raised worthy of ! Kansas, who arc all the while trying to make j
notice is that it did not admit the entire con- Kansas a slave State
of the Free State party, and the malpractices j have a repetition of the scenes of violence
of the other party : but when he testified offi
cially as to the rebellious movements, and the
mischievous designs of the Topekaites, his
views are promptly discarded and denounced.
This is not fair to him, or to the country.
The Governor has made up an issue against
this party, and it should be met and answered
But, Mr. President, holding as I do, that
the application of the people of Kansas for
admission as a State has been made iu due
form that their appearance at the doors cf
Congress with a Constitution and Sutc gov
canmect is the legal and conclusive evidence
of their application for admission, I conclude
that au allowable opportunity is presented to
admit them as a State ; and it is to tue altcr-
and excess that have so far marked tlu pro
gress of that distracted people ? Who believei
that Lane aud his party would exercise pow
er with moderation ? The conduct of tho re
cent Republican Legislature is suggestive on
tin point. I should be disappointed agiec
ably disappointed, sir if the rejection did
not renew and heighten the strife and ccm
plications in the Territory. If the one party
proceeded to make a State, the other would
abstain from all agency in the work. Indeed
one party in the Territory are at this time
engaged in electing delegates to another con
vention, to make another constitution. The
other part- refuse to participate, and allege
that the electien is being held without the au
thority of any law, the Governor having re
fused to sanction it ; so we arc to have a new
i'd to have a Stati
rovernment
did !.
stitution to a vq e of the people.
heretofore that, at the time. I
I have gaii ! tv ari
perterrsd thev
E;ute
t ci
to t
; truts that the lopeka pnrty
T. they had been chtUiO,'U.'. .t
men iron.' -nc begr-.ujr. jaw was
"Iwiiigly, picvidiog for a coiiven-Idcg-ttes
of the people to form a cou
w.l State government, preparatory
to'Wv.tmto thu Union. This law. it is
,J'cJ, was well adapted to the end in
U lias been 'pronounced 4 -right and
3 al its objects aud purpose.." It was
1 in.iiulv. after a bill wh eh this i
of Congress had passed to accomplish :
"je end" It was welt designed to pro-
purity of the ballot-box, and at the
time to cxUud to each citizen a lair
unity to exercise the higu Junction ot
ependeut elector lhe opportunity to
r delegates it is not pretended wasuni
or unexceptionable, Lut it certainly
itr, considering the character of the
v, The registry of voters only was li-
iv reasonable complaint ; but no can
The rcniak is vit-
,ue. lue tree cute party in ivau-
sas have never exercised their power when
they could touch the fUCstion of slavery.
In June last, when they had the opportunity
the Territory should or should not come into of voting for delegates to make a free State,
the Union as a State. It was more inportaut 1 and when they daily boasted of being three or
to know that what the people did was right i five to one of the population, they would not
iu itselt than to inquire into the way which ! vote. D.fTerent pretexts were set up in differ
that light tiling had been done. They had j cut parts of the Territory, as I know of my
full authority to do it iu
houll do s: ut I never regarded ihn m
of making the constitution as a reason whv
The right ot tho people
delegates, to make
' their own way.
in convention, by
nd adort a constitution,
conceded by even Governor Walker. This
was one of his .special reasons for urging the
people to vote tor delegates. I think adop
tion by popular veto a good mode of making
a constitution. I certainly do not thick it
ihe only good way. It is nut the way iu
which tho constitution of nearly all the orig
inal States of thU happy Confederacy were
made iu the earlier aud purer days of the
Beiu'olier My own cherished State, than
whom there is not a happier or greater in
the Union, did nut make her fundamental law
in this way prior to the year 1838, when am-
"we
which
will
this
bogus laws."
beeauso all
au V;U pretend that it was so imperfect ! eiad.nehts to that instrument were submitted
to a vote of tho people, aud adopted by a min
! ority ot the voters ot tue fatate
J 1 did hold, Mr. President, that the spirit
j of the compr.omi.ses of 1850, and the organic
I act for this Territory, looked to the decision
nduaive authoi itv. seven out of eight ! of the question ol slavery by somo direct ac-
1-gal voters were registered and had ! tion of the people; that there was a general
impair the legality or authority of the
n tor delegates. Whilst all were not
-rrd it will uot be pretended that those
ttrc !ial uot tho proper authority to
a constitution ; for,
according to
tli
r-t to vote.
I" tats exhibited by the Senator from
r'lie other day. has completely put to
understanding throughout the country that
the question of slavery should not come back
to Congress unaccompanied by an expression
legation that nineteen counties had j of popular will I therefore, regard the Le
aauhised I need not repeat these ! compton convention as under special obliga
tions to submit the question of slavery to a
enough to satisfy any reasonable J vote of the people. But I never thought we
i few general facts. Nine thoustud ' outsiders had the power to dictate on even
'sked aud fiftv-ono names were regis- i that point, and there never was a time when
5 Uay; a clamor was immediately rai- , I would not cave &aio cue auumissiou ui tue
4 the Republicans cught not to vote ! vexed eiuestten of slavery is all that the peo-
'gitcs because the registry was o cx- ! pic of other btates had any right cvon to in
r7 dcTe"""" vat ', vuife into; mucj less nave tuey a
Ut the end of a "violent nLrtisan con- 1 dictate a mode of making a constitution
" party chargi g the
Si votes, only eleven tho
right to
as a
personal Knowledge, some saia
not vote because the laws under
cocventiou are to assemble are
Others said, "none shall vote,
were not registered."
I am sony that I" do not see my friend
from'Massachusetts in his scat ; for as he took
the liberty, the other day, of asking me a
question relating to my experience in Kan
sas, he would not take it unkind if I asked
natives thus presented that I wish to turn my
thoughts lor a few minutes. j
ell, tir, 1 have held that the application
is legal and proper, and that I may vote for !
the admission of Kansas as a State, if I deem j
it wise to do so. slavery feature, havirg the effect to keep tue
Ou the great question of admission or re- J State out of the Union. They may interrupt
the execution ot the lugitive slave law, or
confiscate the property iu the slaves that are
now in the Territory. It is evident that ev-
complication. This new convention will be
violently anti-slavery; and I shall be amazed
if they do uot incorporate some extreme anti-
him one
country
touching his career in that noted
eightv were cast for the Dcle-
1 Consress. Here is corclusive evi-
other with noi- condition en which the people who are to live j
thousand seven ' ttider it uis.J P?cPnje a State, let, tuis i
i .1 -O
'at the disfranchised vote as it is ter-
nave been very meager. But the
Melilb:ted in flip
in the whole of the nineteen couu
"u January election, when theic was
r5'1"! and no qualification except the
'y-one years, was
unties cei.taiucd but fourteen hun
Hi Jahliarv' ulint ti-vh.Iht .liil
h j;wm when the rraifctry was taken in
l 'l. 'a ?"uih cf April, before tho
"atauoa -could huro reached tho
less tnau lour-
is pertectly conclusive.
high-handed dictation has been attempted by
; those who call themselves nouinterveatton
: is is. That vexed question was presented ;
J that question was voted upon. Novr Mr.
1'resident
Mr. Doolittle. Upon that point will tho
honorable Seua;or allow me to put a ciues-
1 tion ?
3Ir. Bigler. Certainly.
: Mr Doolittlo. Was the slavery question
iu fact submitted to the people of Kansas?
Mr Biglur. Undoubtedly it was. 1 hold,
Mr. President, that if the majority of the
r-oople had ctc-d dovn ths t'averj article,
tu.it, ;u its o.ii IvBuje cf the schedule,
I heard it said on more occasions
than one that during that honorable Seqator's
tour in the Territory he had advised the free
State party in Kansas not to vote ; and that
he also coucurrcd in the policy of attempting
to make Kansas a free State by allowing the
pro-slavery party to elect all the dellcgates to
make the constitution. I know not whether
the rumor be correct or not. It is not im
portant to my purpose. But it is a signifi
cant fact that the Republican, or free-State
party, dhl not vote in June when the fate of
slavery was involved and that in October,
when nothing was at stake but offices and a
Delegate in Congress, they did vote they
did rush to the polls and carry the election,
regardless of the humiliation implied in the
recognition of the "bogus laws." Then, a
gam, in December following, on the direct
question of whether slavery should or should
not exist in the new State of Kansas, these
anti-slavery- men did not vote. The "bogus
laws" and the' ' "bogus convention" forbid
that they should condescend to vote agaiDSt
slavery, and they did not vote. But less
than a month afterwards, when the question
of slavery was not involved, when office and
honor and emoluments were staked, they
readily gol over iuZl'c scrup!ca Cf conscience
against the Lecompton usurpation, and ral
lied to the polls and secured all the offices
under, what they term, the "Lecompton swin
dle." Cotfliuent caunot add to the strength
of this history. It is painfully significant,
WThen it was necessary to get office, the "bo
gus laws" were promptly recognized ; when
slavery was at stake they were shrunk from
as from the touch of death. Constantly
boasting their , power and determination to
make Kansas a free State, these anti-slavery
jection, 1 have reflected long and seriously.
aud am a firm believer m the policy of ad
mission I think it best for Kansas, and for
the whole family of States. And I believe,
in addition, sir, that so soon as the popular
mind is turned from the unpleasant strife in
Kansas from 'that war of crimination and
recrimination of alleged fraud aud usurpa
tions on the ouo hand, and persistent rebel
lion and violence on tho other, to contemplate
and count the consequences of admission
against those ol rejection, the measure will
encounter much less opposition from the peo
ple. What great wrong can flow from admis
sion? What interest or right of the people
is to be damaged ? Our ears are daily as
saulted with graphic descriptions of the great
wrong of forcing a government upon tho peo
ple ot Kansas. Yet no one proposes to do
this. We make no government for them
They make it for themselves. If they do not
like it, after they get into the Union they can
abolish it and adopt other forms. No power
on the face of the earth, outside of the Terri
tory, will dare to dispute their right to do
thiSi lhat there is nothing in the constitu- j
tion to interfere with this right for a single i
day, has been made so clear by the President
and by Senators, that I shall not discuss it
again. It is a little singular, however, that
this allegation of the want of power in the peo
pie by virtue of their "inalienable and inde
feasible right" to alter, amend or supersede
their form of government at pleasure, should
come from the advocates par excellence, of
popular sovereignty. Not only in this par
ticular ; but as to the right of the people to
make a State constitution throngh the agen
cy of delegates, have these expounders of
popular sovereignty sought to impose serious
restrictions upon the rights of the people.
They would pursuade the people that they
are on the side of popular rights, whilst in
fact their doctrines are the reverse.
But, sir, who can foretell the consequences
of the rejection of the State ? Ilcw wiil the
act be interpretated by the people of the Sou
thern fctates? Will they believe that it was
the consequence of the informalities or the
"vrint of popular saaction of the Constitution,
CI nul iuCT pelieye that was the couscqucnce
of nominal slavery in the State, and that they
are bound to treat it as practical and positive
evidence that no more slave States are to be
admitted into the Union ; that the faith of the
compromises of 1850 is not to be carried out?
It does not become me to say what they sho'd
believe, or what they should do if they be
lieve the worst. . I should, for ose, hope for
en the benator trom i isconsin does not liKe
the Constitution now before the Senate, be
cause it protects the property value in the
slaves now in ' the Territory; Is this to be
tl e policy? Is this to beau issue? Is it to
be held that, under the doctrines of the com
promises guaranteeing to the Territories ad
mission, with or without slavery slave own
er are liable to lose the property value in
slaves whenever a decision is made against
the institution ? When the prop le of all the
States go to tho Territories, carrying with
them their property, of whatsoever kind, in
case the Territory should become a frco State
are the owners of slaves to lose the property
value in such slaves ? That has not been my
understanding of the Government. Thcso
complications and new issues could scarcely
fail to perpetuate this ' bitter controversy,
which is so rapidly uprooting fraternity and
confidence between the northern and south
ern States, aud even poisoning the very chan
nels of communication bctwrxn the people of
the several States
On the other hand, as I have inquired,
what evil consequences are to flow from the
admision of the State ? As was 60 forcibly
remarked the oher day by the Senator from
Lousianna, (Mr. Benjamin,)' what possible
wrong do we inflict on the people of Kansas
by conferring upon them the rights and dig
uitiee of a sovereign State? We hear. much
about forcing a government upon Kansas :
whilst the truth is, she has proposed to come
in, and Congress is about to accept her pro
position. That is all. It is said the Consti
tution is not acceptable to the will of the ma
jority. Well, sir, that is their business, not
ours. If they do not like their fundamental
law, they can chance it. Some gentlemen
talk about this constitution as t".. j- was
to be, like tL i-rvs 0f JC(JCS aml lCrs:ans,
unalterable. But so far from this, the ques
tion of slavery, like every other feature of
the instrument, will be forever subject to the
will of the majority. When this issue first
came up, in December bust, it was a question
between admission under the Lecompton Uon
gtitutjoii ou the 000 band, aud au enabling
act ou the other. An enabling act what
for? Wl.y, to enable tl e reoplc to make a
State government to suit themselves the au
swer is, whv not do this under the suspiccs of
a State Constitution h the best enabling ac-t
that the wit of man cau doviso. It has all
the good qualities of an enabling act, without
ta the abol.tion of slavery, islarcs are now
in that Territory ; slaves can go there and be
held there. Congress cannot prevent it.
The people, or the majority, cannot prevent
it, so loug; as they remain a Territory. Bat .
when clothed with the sovereignty of a State,
they will become equal to the task. I anr
for admission. I am for giving the peopla
that power. Senators on the other side,
whilst claiming a large majority for the free
State party, object to admission ; object te
giving the people the. power to immediately
abolish slavery ; and yet they will tell me
that I am for slavery and they are against it.
I seek to confer upon the people the power
to abolish slavery They object, and yet t
tcmpt to make the world believe that they are
the peculiar friends of a free State. That is
much after the plan that their friends in Kan
sas have used to abolish slavery. They would
always vote when they could uot vote against
slavery. They would not go to the clectioa
on the 21st December, because they could
have rejected slavery.
Now sir, a few words more as to popular
sovereignty. There are those who hold that,
because the constitution was not submitted to
a popular vote as u entirety, the process of
making it was iu violation of popular sover
eignty, as recognized iu the creed of the Dem
ocratic party. This is a fallacious view, un
less our representative syst; m be abolished
and a common Democracy be embraced as
the syste:n we prefer. Recognizing the rep
resentative system, it is perfectly competent
for the people the delegate their sovereign
power and authority, to a convention to make
and adopt a constitution and State govern
mcntfMy State did this ; more than half the
original States did it.
The di c'rine of non-int :rvcntion seems to
have confused and coafounded some people lat
terly. They talk as though congress hail
guarantied that men thould not cheat each
other in Kansas ; as though one political par
ty should not take the advantage of the other
as though' representatives should net deceive
their constituents. This is more than wn
bargained for, Congress agreed that they
would not interfere with the domestic affairs
of the Territories, and that the States, as such
should not interfere ; but that was all,- It
nover was pretended that the Federal govern
ment could interfere between the pcoplo and
ileu prcp-?r local representatives. Nor did
Congress guaianty that those t'-'O donOtTte
should carry the election ; nor yet thst the
majoriiy should ru.Jo, if they dil uot do so
through the agency of the law. It is tho
right of the law to rule, and the right of the
majority to make the law ; but the majority
is as much bound by the law, whilst it is such,
as is the miuority.
I intend to vote for the admission of Kansas as
a State; s.nd in doing this" I do not wish to much
as to signify my appiov.il of the manner cf get
ting up the State, and the circumstances sur
rounding the application, as I do declare my con
viction that admission, prompt admission, is the
best jvnd. wisest cf the alternatives that are before
us. There is innch in the details of the procwl
ings in Kansas that is unpleasant and distasteful
partaking of evident abuse of the elective fran
chise on one hand, and the attempt to supersede
its law ful use by violence and fac tion on the oth
er. Kansas should rot c an example for future
States; and I trust our country- may rcver to
required to witness such scenes again. But, ir,
whatever may Ik the defects on the Lecompton
si c. on tho other is mature 1, persistent and avow
td insubjrdinatinif to the laws, if not rebellion to
the Government. Between these, I prefer rha
former side.
- The addition cf two members to the family of
Slates should be the cause cf general joy, as an
event bringing fraternal affection. energy, power,
stability, progress and general prosperity to tlio
family of States and t'M.ur common country.
That these blessings are to follow the admission
of the two States now on tho threshhold of the
Union, I hope and believe.
Volunteers for Utah.
New Yof.k. April 3. It is reported that
Col. Burreham's regiment of New York vol
unteers have been accepted by the President.
Another authorized regiment will be taken
from Pennsylvania. Arrangements arc com
plete to enact a rigid enforcement of tho
quarantine, and all arrivals arc subject 'to tho
visit of the heaith officer.
Sam no ox womkx. Dey may Tail against
women as much as dey like, can.t "set me
against dem. I had always in my life found
dem to be fust in lub, fust in a quarrel, fust
iu de dance, "dc fust in the ico cream saloon
and de fust, best and last in do sick room.
What would wc do wrhcut them? Let ut he
bom as young as ugly and as helpless as wo
please, and a woman's arms are open to r
cebc u?. She am it who gives Us castor oil.
and piU ya .ur n-alifi-d h'e-plcss Um"bt'
and cubbers up our fects and nosc3 iu long
long flannel peticoat s, and it am she as tva
grovs up, fills our dinner baskets with dough
nuts and apples as wc start to school, and
licks us when we tears our trowsis.
The latest case of abseuco of mind is
that of a young lady Vrho, on returning from
a walk with her lover, the other evening, rap
ped him ii t' c face, anl b id; good night to
tho door. "
- A bachelor friend of ours has la ft a
i boirding-hoiiiO, in which was a number of
tho best and struggle to the end to maiutain i its bad ones. It would termiuatc, instead
those fiaternal relations between the States extend the strife.
I men carciuiiy rcirainea irom aeaticgtne Diow, uuuer which v.u uai t- w iuuggmau .uuVi- ,
I when the institution came within their reach. ! percd a; a nation.. The State I represent j
they boasted of the poyrer, but would not, do iil contend the just rights cf ad the
t 2uatH from "ue Mates. -North or toulh .-he will siami cy
0f j old maids, on account of the miserable fair
iiiX before him at the table.
Thau, again, it as aH.-gcd. the popular will j .. a
s been (-mothered hy thi 1 .eeompton party. ' A J'0" mm " ni" 'y among tho ymii g
the- deed
count rv
has been
ad mi -tion i
vindication.
the Viiot ilitwt mil.!
If i 'jnder .i Srait'
cf t in. j lc 1 e
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