'A S, AA IN 1 I II I 111 III I I.I s TECS OZ QOVESUItEST, UXE THE DEWS OF HEAVES, SHOTTED BE DISTRIBUTED ALEE UPON THE HIQ2 AD THE LOW, THE RICH AND THE POOR. JVEW, SERIES. EBEISBURG, DECEMBER 14, 1854. VOL. 2. NO. 12. 11 X. J ' XT' TBRMS: THE DEMOCRAT & SENTINEL, is. publish ed every Thursday morning, in Ebensburg, Cambria Co., Pa;, at $1 50 per annum, if paid is advance, if not $2 will be charged. ADVE11TISEMENTS will bo conspicuously in sertea at the ioiiowing raxes, viz: ' 1 square 3 Insertions, . . Every subsequent insertion, ( 1 sqare 3 months, . i 6 f " " 1 year, . . " col'a 1 year, 1 " " - " $1 oo -25 ;s oo i 00 12 00 25,00 50 00 Business Cards w ith one copy of the . , -Democbat & gEKTiNix. pt-r year, 5 00 : 1 " : : T7 - THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE. - J IWow CiUnent of th Semite and ILriue of Representatives : The past lias been an event ful year, and will be hereafter referred to as a marked epoch in the histoiy of the world. While we have, .been happily reserved from ke calamities ef war, our domestic prosperity has not been entirely uninterrupted . The crops in portions of ., the " country have been ' nearly eut.ofF. Diseasa ! has prevailed to a 'greater extent than usual, and. the sacrifice of human life, through casualties by sea and land, is without a parallel. But the pesti lence has swept by, and restored .salubrity invites the absent to their homes, and the re turn of business to its ordinary channels. If the', earth has rewarded the labor of the hus bandman less bountifully than in prececding seasons, it has left him with abundance for domestic wants, and a large surplus for ex portation.' In the present, therefore, as in the past, we find ample grounds for reverent thankfulness to the God of Grace and Provi dence, for His protecting care and merciful dealings with us, as a people. ... Although our attention has been arrested by painful interest in passing events, yet our country feels no more than the slight vibra tions of the convulsions which have shaken Europe. As individuals, wc cannot repsess sympathy with human suffering nor regret for the causes which produce it. As a nation, we are reminded that whatever interrupts the peace, or checks the prosperity, ,pf any part of Christendom, tends, more or less, to in volve our own. The condition of States is not unlike that of individuals, -v They are mu tually dependent upon each other. Amicable 'relation between them, and reciprocal good will, are essential for the promotion of what- Vcver is desirable in their moral, social, and 'political condition. llence it has been my earnest endeavor to maintain peace and friend- - ly intercourse with all nations - v .-- - The wise theory of this government, so early adopted and steadily pursued, of avoid- ing all entangling alliances, has hitherto ex empted it from many complications, in .which it : would otherwise have become involved. Notwithstanding this, our clearly defined and well-sustained course of action and our geo graphical position o remote from Europe, in creasing disposition has been manifested, by some of its governments, to supervise, and, in certain respects, to direct our foreign poli ey.; In plans for adjusting the balance of power among themselves, they have assumed to take us into account, and would constrain as to conform our conduct to their views. One or another of the powers of Europe has. from time to time, undertaken to enforce ar bitrary regulations, contrary in many respects to established principles of international law. -That law, hc United States have, in thoir foreign intercourse, uniformly respected and observed, and they cannot recognize any such interpolations therein, as the temporary in terests of others may suggest. They da not - admit, that the sovereigns of one continent, 1 or of "a particular community of states, can legislate for all others. Leaving the trans-atlantic nations to adjust their v political system in the way they may think best for their common welfare, the in dependent powers of this continent may well assert the right to be exempt from all annoy ing interference on their part. Systematic abstinence fiom intimate political connection with distant foreign nations does not conflict with giving the widest range to our foreign commerce. This distinction so clearly mark ed in history, seems to have been overlooked, or disregarded, by some leading foreign States. Our refusal to be brought within, and subject- d to, their peculiar system, has, I fear, cre ated a jealous distnwt of our conduct, and in- . duccd," on their part, occasional acts of dis turbing effect upon our foreign relations. , - Our present attitude and past course give -assurances which should not be questioned, that our purposes are not aggressive, nor 'threatening to the safety and welfare of other nations. Our military establishment, in time of peace," is adapted to maintain exterior de fences; and to preserve order among the abor- - igiuil tribes within the limits of the Union , Our naval force is intended only for the pro tection of our citizens abroad, and of our com merce, diffused as it is, over all the seas of the globe. The government of the , United States being essentially pacific in policy, stands prepared to repel invasion by the voluntary service of a patriotic people, and provides no permanent means of foreisn arssion Thw considerations should allay all apprehension that we are disposed to encroach, upon the rights, , or endanger the security- of other. States. 7-'- l': ' v . i Some European powers have regarded,, with 'drsqnieting.concertf, the territorial expansion of the United States. ' This rapid growth has ' resulted from the legitimate exercise of sover eign rights, belonging alike to all nations, aiid by many liberally exercised. Under such circumstances, it could hardly have been ex pected "that those "among them, which have within a comparatively recent period, subdued and absorbed ancient kingdoms, planted their standards on -every continent, and now pos sess, or claim the control of, the islands of ery ocean in their appropriate: domain, .would look, with unfriendly sentiments upon the acquisitions of this country, in every in stance honorably obtained, or would feel them selves justified in imputing our advancement to a spirit of aggression or a passknfor pol itical predominance. . - , Our foreign commerce has reached a mag nitude and extent nearly equal to that of the first maratime power of the earth, and exceed ing that of any other. Over this great inter est, in which not only our merchants . but all classes of citizens, at least indirectly, are con cerned, it is the duty of the executive and legislative branches of the government to ex ercise a careful supervision, and- adopt proper measures for its protection. The policy which Iliave had in view, in regard to this inter est, embraces its future as well as its present security. x ; ' .--tV ' Ixmg experience has shown that, in gener al, when the principal powers of Europe are engaged in war, the rights of neutral nations are endangered This consideration led in the progress of the war of our independence, to the formation of the celebrated confedera cy of armed neutrality,- a primary object of which wis, to assert the doctrine that free ships make free goods except in the case of articles contraband of war a doctrine which, from the very commencement of our national being, has been a cherished idea of the states men of this country At one peiiod or anoth er, every maratime power has by some solemn treaty stipulation recognized that principle ; and it might have been hoped that it would come to be universally recived and respected as a rjale of international law, But the refu sal of one power prevented this, and in the next great war which ensued that of the French revolution it failed to be respected among the beligeran,t States of Europe Not withstanding this, the principle is generally admitted to be a sound and salutary oute ; so much so, that, at the commencement of the existing war in Europe, Great Britain and France announced their purpose to observe it for the present ; not, however, as a recognized international right, ,but as a mere concession for the time being. The co-operation, however of these twb powerful . maratime nations of the interest of neitral rights, appeared to me to afford an occasion, inviting and justifying, on the part of the United States, a renewed effort to make the doctrine in question a principal of inter national law, by means of special conventions between the several Powers of Europe and America. Accordingly, a proposition, em bracing not only the rule, . that free ships make free goods, exqept contraband articles, but also the less contested one, that neutral property, other than contraband, though on board enemy's ships, shall be exempt from confiscation, has been submitted by this gov ernment to those of Europe and America. llussia acted promptly in this matter, and a convention was concluded between that coun try and the United States, providing for the observance of the principles announced, not only as - between themselves, but also as be tween them and all other nations, which shall enter into like stipulations. None of the other powers have as yet taken final action on the subject. -. I am uot aware, however, that any objections . to the proposed stipulations has been made; but, on the contrary, they are acknowledged to be essential to the security of neutral commerce; and the only apparent obstacle to their general adoption is in the possibility that it may be encumbered by in admissible conditions. ' . v f The3 King of the two Sicilies has expressed to our minister at Naples his readiness to con cur in our proposition relative to neutral rights, and to enter into convention on the subject.' - ' The King of Prussia entirely approves of the project of a treaty to the same effect, sub mitted to him, but proposes an additional ar ticle providing for the renunciation of priva teerjng. Such an article, for the most ob vious reasons, is much desired by nations having naval establishments, large in propor tion to tlleir foreign commerce. 4 If it were adopted as an intornatfcnal rule, the com merce of a nation having comparatively-a small naval force, would be very much at the mer cy of its enemy, in case of war with ajpower of decided naval superiority The bare state ment of the condition in which the United States would be placed, after having surren dered the right to resort to privateers, in the event of war with a beligerent of naval su premacy, will show that this government could never listen to such a proposition. The navy of the first maritime power in Europe is at least ten times as large as that of the Uni ted States. The foreign commerce of the two countries is nearly equ&l, and about equally exposed to hostile depredations. In war be tween that power and the United States, with out resort on ..our part to mercantile marine, the means of our enemy to inflict injury upon our cpmaierce would be tenfold greater than ours to retaliate We could not extricate our country from this unequal condition, with such an enemy, unless we at once departed trom our present peaceful policy, and become a great naval power. Nor would -this coun try be . better situated in war with one of the secondary naval powers. Though the naval disparity would be less, the greater extent, and more exposed condition of our wide-spread commerce, would give any of them a like ad vantage over us. The proposition to enter into engagements to - forego resort to privateers, in case this country should be forced into war with a great naval power, is not entitled to more favorable consideration than would be a proposition to agree not to accept the services of volunteers TGroperations on land. When the honor or the rights of our country require it to assume a nostlle attitude, it confidfr.tl-o- -rnlica tiiviti tliA PSri0ttm ? -te citizon8.' not ordinarily devo- u.b .unitary protession, to augment the akmy and the navy, so as to make them fully adequate to the emergency which calls them into action. The prorosal to surren.W t'nA right to employ privateers is professedly foun ded upon the principal that private property ui uuuncuuuig uou-comDatants, though ene- mies, should be exempt irom tne ravages oi war : but the proposed surrender goes but little way in carrying out that principlerwhich equally requires that such, private property should not be eeized or molested by national ships of war. Should the leading powers of Europe concur in proposing, as a rule of in ternational law, to exempt private property, upon the ocean, from seizure by public armed cruisers, as well as Dy pnvawers, tne united States will readily meet them upon that broad ground. ' fcince the adjournment of Uongress, the ratifications of the treaty between the United States and Great "Britain, relative to coast fisheries, "ted to reciprocal trade .with, tie British North American provinces, have been exchanged, and some of its anticipated ad vantages are already enjoyed by us, although its full execution was to abide certain acts of legislation not yet fully performed. So soon as it was ratified, Great t3ritain opened to our commerce the free navigation of the river St. Lawrence, and to our fishermen unmolest ed access to the shores and bays, from which they had been previously excluded, on the coasts of her North American provinces; in return for which, she asked for the introduc tion, free of duty, into the porta of the United States, of the fish caught on the same coast by British fishermen. This being the com pensation, stipulated in the treaty, for privil eges of the highest importance and value to the United States, which were thus volunta rily yielded before it became effective, the request seemed to me to be a reasonable one ; but it could not be acceded to, from want of authority to suspend our laws imposing duties upon all foreign fish, In. the meantime, the Treasury Department issued a regulation, for ascertaining the duties, paid or secured by bonds on fish, caught on the coasts of the British provinces, and brought to our markets by British subjects, after the hshing-grounds had been made fully accessible to the citizens of the United States. I recommend to jour favorable consideration a proposition, which will be submitted" to you", for authority to re fund the duties and cancel the bonds thus re ceived. The provinces ot Canada and New Brunswick have also anticapated the full op eration of the treaty, by legislative arrange ments; respectfully, to admit. Tree of duty, the products of the United States mentioned in the free list of the treaty; and an arrange ment, similar to that regarding British fish, has been made for duties now chargeable on the products " of those provinces enumera ted in the same free list, and introduced therefrom into the United States ) a proposi tion for refunding wnich will, in my judge ment, be in' like manner entitled to your fa vorable consideration. ; There is a difference of opinion between the United. States and Great Britain, as to the boundary line of the Territory of Washington adjoining the British possessions on the Pa cific, which has already led to difficulties on the part of the citizens and local authorities of the two governments. I recommend that pro vision be made for a commission, to be joined by one on the part of her Britannic Majesty, for the purpose of. running and establishing the line in controversy. Certain stipulations of the third a,nd fourth articles of the treaty concluded - between .the United States and Great Britain in 1846, regarding possessory rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, and property of the Puget's Sound Agricultural Company, have given rise to serious disputes, and it is important to all concerned, that sum mary means of settling them amicably should be devised. I have reason to believe, that an arrangement can be made pmjust terms, for the extinguishment of therights in ques tion, embracing, also, the rights of the Hud son's Bay Company to the navigation of the river Columbia ; and 1 therefore suggest to your consideration, the expediency of making a contingent appropriation lor the purpose. France was the early and cfHcient ally of the United States in their struggle for inde pendence. From that time to the present, with occasional slight interruptions, cordial relations of friendship have existed between the governments and people of the two coun tries. The kindly sentiments cherished alike by both nations, have led to extensive social and commercial intercourse, which, I trust, will not be interrupted or checked by any cas ual event of an apparently unsatisfactory char acter. The French Consul at San Francisco was, not long since, brought into the United States District Court at that place by com pulsory process, as a witness in favor of an other foreign consul, in violation, as the French government conceives, of his privi leges under our 'consular conventions with France. There being nothing in the trans action which could imply any disrespect to France or its consul, such explanation has been made, as I hope trill be satisfactory. ; Subsequently, misunderstanding arose on the subject of the i rench government having, as it appeared, abruptly excluded the Amer ican minister to. bnain from tiassine through France on his way from London to Madrid. But that Government has unequivocally dis avowed any design to deny the right of tran sit to-tho minister of the United States, and after explanations to this effect, he has resum ed, his journey, and actually returned through icance to Spam, therewith lay before Con press the correspondence on this subject ;be- tween our envoy at Paris and the minister of foreigh relations . of the . French Govern' ment. . " lhe position ot our an airs with fcpain re mains as at the close of your last session .- Internal agitation, assuming, very nearly the character of political revolution, has recently convulsed that country. The late ministers were violently expelled from power, and men, of verv different views in relation to its inter-; nal affairs, have succeeded. Since this change there has been no, . propitious, opportunity, to resume, and, press on, negotiations for - the adjudgement of serious questions of difficulty between the Spanish government and the United States. There is reason to believe. that our minisiter will find the government more favorably inclined than the .preceding, to comply with our iust demands, and to make, suitable arrangements for rstorinff harmony, and preserving peace , between the two countries. Negotiations are pending with Denmark to discontinue the practice of levying tolls on our .vessels and their cargoes, passing througn the sound. I do not doubt that we can claim ex emption therefrom, as a matter of right. It is admitted, on all hands, that this exaction is sanctioned not by the general principles of the law of nations, but only by special con ventions, which most of the ommercial na tions haya entered into with Denmark. The fifth article of our treatytf 182G with Den- mark, provides that there shall not be paid on the vessels of the United States and their cargoes when passing through the Sound, higher duties' than those of the most favored nations. This may be regarded as an im plied agreement tor submit to the tolls during the continuance of the treaty, and consequent ly may embarass the assertion of our right to be released therefrom.' There are also other provisions in the treaty which ought to be modified. , It was to remain in force ten years, and until one year alter either party should give notice to the other of intention to terminate it. . I deem it expedient that the contemplated notice should be given to the government of Denmark. lhe naval expedition despatched about two years since for the purpose of establish ing relations with the empire of Japan, has been ably and skillfully conducted to a sue cessful termination by the officer to whom it was entrusted A treaty, opening certain of the ports of that populous country, has been negotiated ; atjd in order to give full effect thereto, it only remains to exchange ratifica tions, and adopt requisite commercial regula tions. The treaty lately concluded between the United States and 3Iexico settled some of the most embarrassing difficulties with that coun try, but numerous claims upon it for wrongs and injuries to our citizens remained unad justed, and many new cases have been recent ly added to the former list of grievances. Our legation has been earnest in its endeav ors to obtain, from ths, Mexican government, a favorable consideration of these claims, but hitherto without success. This failure is, probably", income measure, to be ascribed to the disturbed condition of that country. 1 It has been my. anxious desire to maintain friendly relations with the Mexican republic, and to cause its rights and territories to be respected, . not only by our citizens but by foreigners, who have resorted to the United States for the purpose of organizing hostile expeditions against some of the States of that republic. The defenceless condition in which its frontiers have been left, has stimulated lawless adventurers to embark in these enter prises, and greatly increased the difficulty of enforcing our obligations of neutrality. ,lle- garding k as my solemn duty to fulfilefficient- ly, these obligations, not only towards Mexi co, but other foreign nations, '. I have exerted all the powers with which lam invested to defeat such criminal proceeding, and bring to punishment, those who, by taking a part therein, violated our laws. The energy and activity of our civil and military authorities have frustrated the de signs of those who meditated expeditions of histcharacter, except in two instances 0(ne of these, composed of foreigners, was at first countenanced and aided by the Mexican gov ernment itself, it having been deceived as to their rcal object. The other, small in num ber, eluded the vigilance of the magistrates at San Francisco, and succeeded in reaching the Mexican . territories; "but the effective measures taken by this government compelled lhe abandonment of the undertaking. ' The commission to establish the new line between the United States and 3Iexico, ac cording to the proyisions of the treaty of the 30th of December last, has been organized, and the work is already commenced Our, treaties with the Argentine Confederation,-and with the Republics of Uraguay and Paraguay, secure to us the free navigation of the river La Platte, and some of its larger tributaries ; bnt the same success has not at- tended our endeavors to open the Amazon. The reasons in favor of the free use of that river. I had occasion to present lull v. in a former message ; and, considering the cordial relations which have long existed between this government and Brazil, it may be expect ed that pending negotiations will, eventually, reach a favorable result. Convenient means of transit, between the several parts of a country, are not only de sirable for the objects of commercial and per sonal communication, but essential to its existence undeT one government. Separated as are die Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the United States6 by the whole breadth of the continent, still the inhabitants of each are .closely bound together by community of ori- hin and institutions, and by strong attach ment to the Union. Hence the constant anF increasing intercourse, and vast interchange of commercial productions,-between there re mote divisions of the ivepublic. At the pre sent time, the most practicable and only com modious routes for communication between them are by the way of the Isthmus,, of Cen tral America. ' It is the duty of the govern ment to secure these avenues against all danger of interruption. In relation to Central America, perplcxirig oucstions existed between the United States and Great Britain, at the.time of the cession of California. .These, as well s questions which subseauentlv arose concerning inter oceanic communication across the Isthmus, were, as.it was supposed, adjusted by the treaty of April 19, 1850; but, unfortunate ly, they have been re-opened by serious mis understanding as to the import of some of its provisions, a readjustment of which is now under consideration. ,Our minister at Lon don tas made strenuous efforts to accomplish this desirable object, but has not yet found it possible to bring the negotiations to a termin ation. . ' . ' As incidental to thesb questions, I deem it proper to notice an occurrance which .happen ed in Central America near the close of the last session of Congress. So soon as the necessity was perceived of establishing inter oceanic communications across the Isthmus, "a company was organized, under authority of the State of Nicaragua, but composed, for the most part, of citizens of the United States; -for the purpose of opening such a transit way, by the river San Juan and Lake Nicaragua which -soon became an eligible and much used route in the transportation of our eitizens and their property between the J Meanwhile, and in anticipation of the com pletion and importance of this transit way, a number of adventurers had taken possession of the old Spanish port at the mouth of the river San Juan ; in open defiance of the State or States of Central America, which, udou their becoming independent, had rightfully succeeded to the local sovereignty and juris- j diction of Spain. These adventurers under- ' took to change the name of the place from San Juan del Norte to Greytown, and though ' at nrst pretending to act as subjects of the fictitious sovereign of the Mosquito Indians , they subsequently repudiated the control of any power whatever, assumed to adopt a dis tinct political organization,' and declared themselves an independent sovereign state. if, at the same time, a faint hope was en tertained that they might become a stable and respectable community, that hope soon vanished.- They proceeded to assert unfound ed claims to civil jurisdiction over Puentos Arenas, a position on the opposite side of the river San Juan, which was in possession, under a title wholly independent of them, of citizens of the United States interested in the Nicaragua Transit Company, and which was indispensable necessary -to the prosperous operation of that route across the Isthmus; 1 he company resisted their groundless claims, whereupon they proceeded to destroy some of its buildings, and attempted violently to dis possess if. At a later period they organized a strong force for the purpose of demolishing the establishment at Puento Arena;; but this mischievous design was defeated by the inter- i position of one of our ships of war, at that time in the harbor of San Juan. Subsequent ly to this, in May last, a body of men from Greytown crossed over to Puenta Arenas, ar rogating authority to arrest, on the charge of murder, a captain of one of the steamboats of the Transit Company Being well aware that the claim to exercise Jurisdiction there would be resisted then, as it had been pn pre vious occasions, they went prepared to assert it by force of arms Our minister to Central America happened to be present on that occasion. Believing that the captain of the steamboat was inno cent, for he witnessed the transaction on which the-charge was founded, and believing, also, that the intruding party, having no jur isdiction over the place where they proposed to make the arrest, would encounter desperate resistance if they persisted in their purpose, he interposed, effectta'Iy to prevent violence and bloodshed. The American minister after wards visited Greytown, and whilst he was there, a mob, including certain of the bo called public functiobaries of the place, sur rounded the house in which he was, avowing that they had come to arrest him, by order of some person exercising the chief authority. hue parleying with them he was wounded by a missile from the crowd. A boat, des patched from the "American steamer "North ern Light" to release , him from the perilous situation in which he was understood to be, was fired into by the town guard, and com pelled, -t return. These incidents, together with the known character of the population of Greytown, and their excited state, induced just apprehensions that the lives and property of our citizens at 1'uento Arenas would be in imminent danger after the departure of the steamer, with her passengers, for New lork, unless a guard was left for their protection. For this purpose, and in order to ensure the safety of passengers, and property passing over the route, a temporary force was organized, at considerable expense to the United States, for which provision was made at the last session of Congress. This pretented .community, a heterogenous assemblage gathered from various countries, and composed, for the most part, of blacks and persons of mixed blood, had previously given other indications of mischievous and dangerous propensities. Early in the, same month, property was clandestine abstracted from the depot of the Transit Company and taken to Greytown. The plunderers obtain ed v shelter there, and their pursuers were driven back by its people, who not only pro tected the wrongdoers and shared the plunder, but treated with rudeness and violence those who sought to recover their property. Such, in substance, are the facts submitted to my consideration, and proved by trust worthy evidence. I could not doubt that the case demanded the interposition of this gov ernment. Justice required that reparation should be made for so many and such gross wrongs, and that a course of insolence and plunder, tcndingdircctly o the insecurity of the lives of numerous travelers, and of lhe rich treasure Dclonging to our citizens,' pass in" over. this transit way, should be perempt orily arrested. Whatever it might be in other respects, the community in question, in nower to do mischief, was not despicable. It was well provided with ordnance, small arms, and ammunition, and might easily seize on the urfarmed boats, freighted, with million? of property, which passed almost daily within its reach . It did not profess to belong to any regular government and bad, in fact, no recognised denendenco on. or connection with, any one fto which thc United States or their injured citizens might apply for redress, or which could be held responsible, in any way, for the outrages committed. Net standing be fore the world in the attitude of an organised political society, being neither competent to exercise the rights nor to discharge the obli gations of a government, it was, in fact, a marauding establishment, too dangerous to be disregarded, and too guilty too pass unpunish ed and yet incapable of being treated in any other way than as a piratical resort of out laws, or a camp of savages, depredating on -emigrant trains or caravans and the frontier vC settlements of civilized states. Seasonable notice was given to the people of Greytown that this government required. them to repair the injuries they had done to our citizens, and to" make suitable apology for their insult of our minister, and that m .ship of war would be dispatched thither to enforce compliance with these demands. But the notice passed unheeded. Thereup-,, ' on a commander of the navy in charge of the i sloop-of-war Cyane, was ordered to repeat the demands, and to insist upon a compliance therewith. Finding that neither the popu lace, nor those assuming to have authority over them, manifested any disposition to make the required reparation, or even to offer ex cuse for their conduct, he warned them by a public proclamation that if they did not give satisfaction within a time specified, he would bombard the town. By this procedure he afforded them oportunity to provide for their personal safety. To tliose also who desired to avoid losn of property, in the punishment about to be inflict ed on the offending town, he furnished the means of removing their effects by the boats of his own ship, and of a steamer" which ho procured and tendered to them for that pur pose. At length, perceiving no disposition on the part of the town to comply with his re quisitions he appealed to the commander of her Britanie Majesty's schooner "Bermuda," who was 6een to have intercourse, and appar ently much influence with the leaders among them to interpose, and persaude them to take some course calculated to save the neces sity of resorting to the extreme measure in dicated in his proclamation ; but that officer, instead of acceding to the request, did noth- " ing more than to protest against the bombard ment. ' . No steps of any sort were taken by the people to give the satisfaction required. No individuals, if any there were, who regarded themselves as not responsible for the miscon duct of the community, adopted any means to separate themselves from the fate of the guilty.. The several charges, on which the demands for redress were founded,. Lad been publicly known to all for Bome time, and were again announced to them. They did not deny any of these charges ; they offered no explanation, nothing in extenuation of their conduct; but contumaciously refused to hold any intercourse with the commander of the "Cyane." By their obstinate silence' they seemed rather desirous to provoke chastise ment than -escape it. There is ample reason to believe that this conduct of wanton defiance, on their part, is imputed chiefly to the delusive idea that the American Government would be deterred from punishing them, through fear of displeasing a formidable foreign power, which they pre- sumed to think, looked with complacency up on the aggressive and insulting deportment towards the United States. The "Cyane' at length fired upon the town. Before much injury had been done, the fire was twice bus- , pended, in order to afford ' an oportunity for an arrangement ; but this was declined. Most of the buildings of the place, of little value, were in the sequel destroyed ; but, owing to thfr considerate precautions taken by our naval commander, there was no destruc tion of life. ' . When the "Cyane" was ordered to Central America, it was confidently hoped and ex pected that no occasion would arise for "a resort to violence and destruction of property and loss of life. Instructions to that effect ' were given to her commander. And no ex treme act would have been repulsed had not the people themselves by their extraordinariy conduct in the affair, frustrated all the poss ble mild measures for" obtaining satisfaction. A withdrawal from the place, tbe object of his visit entirely defeated, would, under the cir cumstances in which the commander of the Cyane found himself, have been absolute aban donment of all claims of our citirens for in demnification, and submissive acquiescence in national indignity. It would have encour aged in these lawless men a ppirit of indolence and rnpine most dangerous to the lives and property of our citizens at Punta Arenas, and probably embolden them to grasp at the treas ures, and valuable merchandise continually passing over the Nicaragua route It cer tainly, would have been most satisfactory to me if the objects of the "Cyane's" mission could have been conumated without any act of public force ; but the arrogant contumacy of the offenders render it impossible to , avoid the alternative, either to break up their es tablishment, or to leave them impressed with the idea that they migjit persevere with im punity in a career of insolence and plun der. ' This transaction has been the subject of complaint on the part of some foreign Powers, and has been characterized with more, of harshness than justice. If comparisons were to be instituted, it would not be difficult to present repeated instances in the history of States,, standing in the very front of modern civization, where communities, far less of fending and more defenceless than Greytown, have been chastised with mu h greater eever ity, and where not cities only have hoc n laid in ruin, but human life has been recklessly sacrificed and the blood of the innocent made profusely to mingle with that of the guil ty. Passing from foreign to domestic affairs, your attention is naturally directed to the fi uaacial . condition of the country, always a r
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