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EBEISBURG, DECEMBER 14, 1854.
VOL. 2. NO. 12.
11 X. J
' XT'
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- THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE.
- J IWow CiUnent of th Semite and ILriue of
Representatives : The past lias been an event
ful year, and will be hereafter referred to as
a marked epoch in the histoiy of the world.
While we have, .been happily reserved from
ke calamities ef war, our domestic prosperity
has not been entirely uninterrupted . The
crops in portions of ., the " country have been
' nearly eut.ofF. Diseasa ! has prevailed to a
'greater extent than usual, and. the sacrifice of
human life, through casualties by sea and
land, is without a parallel. But the pesti
lence has swept by, and restored .salubrity
invites the absent to their homes, and the re
turn of business to its ordinary channels. If
the', earth has rewarded the labor of the hus
bandman less bountifully than in prececding
seasons, it has left him with abundance for
domestic wants, and a large surplus for ex
portation.' In the present, therefore, as in the
past, we find ample grounds for reverent
thankfulness to the God of Grace and Provi
dence, for His protecting care and merciful
dealings with us, as a people. ...
Although our attention has been arrested
by painful interest in passing events, yet our
country feels no more than the slight vibra
tions of the convulsions which have shaken
Europe. As individuals, wc cannot repsess
sympathy with human suffering nor regret for
the causes which produce it. As a nation,
we are reminded that whatever interrupts the
peace, or checks the prosperity, ,pf any part
of Christendom, tends, more or less, to in
volve our own. The condition of States is
not unlike that of individuals, -v They are mu
tually dependent upon each other. Amicable
'relation between them, and reciprocal good
will, are essential for the promotion of what-
Vcver is desirable in their moral, social, and
'political condition. llence it has been my
earnest endeavor to maintain peace and friend-
- ly intercourse with all nations - v .--
- The wise theory of this government, so
early adopted and steadily pursued, of avoid-
ing all entangling alliances, has hitherto ex
empted it from many complications, in .which
it : would otherwise have become involved.
Notwithstanding this, our clearly defined and
well-sustained course of action and our geo
graphical position o remote from Europe, in
creasing disposition has been manifested, by
some of its governments, to supervise, and,
in certain respects, to direct our foreign poli
ey.; In plans for adjusting the balance of
power among themselves, they have assumed
to take us into account, and would constrain
as to conform our conduct to their views.
One or another of the powers of Europe has.
from time to time, undertaken to enforce ar
bitrary regulations, contrary in many respects
to established principles of international law.
-That law, hc United States have, in thoir
foreign intercourse, uniformly respected and
observed, and they cannot recognize any such
interpolations therein, as the temporary in
terests of others may suggest. They da not
- admit, that the sovereigns of one continent,
1 or of "a particular community of states, can
legislate for all others.
Leaving the trans-atlantic nations to adjust
their v political system in the way they may
think best for their common welfare, the in
dependent powers of this continent may well
assert the right to be exempt from all annoy
ing interference on their part. Systematic
abstinence fiom intimate political connection
with distant foreign nations does not conflict
with giving the widest range to our foreign
commerce. This distinction so clearly mark
ed in history, seems to have been overlooked,
or disregarded, by some leading foreign States.
Our refusal to be brought within, and subject-
d to, their peculiar system, has, I fear, cre
ated a jealous distnwt of our conduct, and in-
. duccd," on their part, occasional acts of dis
turbing effect upon our foreign relations. ,
- Our present attitude and past course give
-assurances which should not be questioned,
that our purposes are not aggressive, nor
'threatening to the safety and welfare of other
nations. Our military establishment, in time
of peace," is adapted to maintain exterior de
fences; and to preserve order among the abor-
- igiuil tribes within the limits of the Union ,
Our naval force is intended only for the pro
tection of our citizens abroad, and of our com
merce, diffused as it is, over all the seas of
the globe. The government of the , United
States being essentially pacific in policy, stands
prepared to repel invasion by the voluntary
service of a patriotic people, and provides no
permanent means of foreisn arssion Thw
considerations should allay all apprehension
that we are disposed to encroach, upon the
rights, , or endanger the security- of other.
States. 7-'- l': ' v .
i Some European powers have regarded,, with
'drsqnieting.concertf, the territorial expansion
of the United States. ' This rapid growth has
' resulted from the legitimate exercise of sover
eign rights, belonging alike to all nations,
aiid by many liberally exercised. Under such
circumstances, it could hardly have been ex
pected "that those "among them, which have
within a comparatively recent period, subdued
and absorbed ancient kingdoms, planted their
standards on -every continent, and now pos
sess, or claim the control of, the islands of
ery ocean in their appropriate: domain,
.would look, with unfriendly sentiments upon
the acquisitions of this country, in every in
stance honorably obtained, or would feel them
selves justified in imputing our advancement
to a spirit of aggression or a passknfor pol
itical predominance. . - ,
Our foreign commerce has reached a mag
nitude and extent nearly equal to that of the
first maratime power of the earth, and exceed
ing that of any other. Over this great inter
est, in which not only our merchants . but all
classes of citizens, at least indirectly, are con
cerned, it is the duty of the executive and
legislative branches of the government to ex
ercise a careful supervision, and- adopt proper
measures for its protection. The policy which
Iliave had in view, in regard to this inter
est, embraces its future as well as its present
security. x ; ' .--tV '
Ixmg experience has shown that, in gener
al, when the principal powers of Europe are
engaged in war, the rights of neutral nations
are endangered This consideration led in
the progress of the war of our independence,
to the formation of the celebrated confedera
cy of armed neutrality,- a primary object of
which wis, to assert the doctrine that free
ships make free goods except in the case of
articles contraband of war a doctrine which,
from the very commencement of our national
being, has been a cherished idea of the states
men of this country At one peiiod or anoth
er, every maratime power has by some solemn
treaty stipulation recognized that principle ;
and it might have been hoped that it would
come to be universally recived and respected
as a rjale of international law, But the refu
sal of one power prevented this, and in the
next great war which ensued that of the
French revolution it failed to be respected
among the beligeran,t States of Europe Not
withstanding this, the principle is generally
admitted to be a sound and salutary oute ; so
much so, that, at the commencement of the
existing war in Europe, Great Britain and
France announced their purpose to observe it
for the present ; not, however, as a recognized
international right, ,but as a mere concession
for the time being.
The co-operation, however of these twb
powerful . maratime nations of the interest of
neitral rights, appeared to me to afford an
occasion, inviting and justifying, on the part
of the United States, a renewed effort to make
the doctrine in question a principal of inter
national law, by means of special conventions
between the several Powers of Europe and
America. Accordingly, a proposition, em
bracing not only the rule, . that free ships
make free goods, exqept contraband articles,
but also the less contested one, that neutral
property, other than contraband, though on
board enemy's ships, shall be exempt from
confiscation, has been submitted by this gov
ernment to those of Europe and America.
llussia acted promptly in this matter, and
a convention was concluded between that coun
try and the United States, providing for the
observance of the principles announced, not
only as - between themselves, but also as be
tween them and all other nations, which shall
enter into like stipulations. None of the other
powers have as yet taken final action on the
subject. -. I am uot aware, however, that any
objections . to the proposed stipulations has
been made; but, on the contrary, they are
acknowledged to be essential to the security
of neutral commerce; and the only apparent
obstacle to their general adoption is in the
possibility that it may be encumbered by in
admissible conditions. ' . v f
The3 King of the two Sicilies has expressed
to our minister at Naples his readiness to con
cur in our proposition relative to neutral
rights, and to enter into convention on the
subject.' - '
The King of Prussia entirely approves of
the project of a treaty to the same effect, sub
mitted to him, but proposes an additional ar
ticle providing for the renunciation of priva
teerjng. Such an article, for the most ob
vious reasons, is much desired by nations
having naval establishments, large in propor
tion to tlleir foreign commerce. 4 If it were
adopted as an intornatfcnal rule, the com
merce of a nation having comparatively-a small
naval force, would be very much at the mer
cy of its enemy, in case of war with ajpower
of decided naval superiority The bare state
ment of the condition in which the United
States would be placed, after having surren
dered the right to resort to privateers, in the
event of war with a beligerent of naval su
premacy, will show that this government
could never listen to such a proposition. The
navy of the first maritime power in Europe is
at least ten times as large as that of the Uni
ted States. The foreign commerce of the two
countries is nearly equ&l, and about equally
exposed to hostile depredations. In war be
tween that power and the United States, with
out resort on ..our part to mercantile marine,
the means of our enemy to inflict injury upon
our cpmaierce would be tenfold greater than
ours to retaliate We could not extricate our
country from this unequal condition, with
such an enemy, unless we at once departed
trom our present peaceful policy, and become
a great naval power. Nor would -this coun
try be . better situated in war with one of the
secondary naval powers. Though the naval
disparity would be less, the greater extent,
and more exposed condition of our wide-spread
commerce, would give any of them a like ad
vantage over us.
The proposition to enter into engagements
to - forego resort to privateers, in case this
country should be forced into war with a great
naval power, is not entitled to more favorable
consideration than would be a proposition to
agree not to accept the services of volunteers
TGroperations on land. When the honor or the
rights of our country require it to assume a
nostlle attitude, it confidfr.tl-o- -rnlica tiiviti tliA
PSri0ttm ? -te citizon8.' not ordinarily devo-
u.b .unitary protession, to augment the
akmy and the navy, so as to make them fully
adequate to the emergency which calls them
into action. The prorosal to surren.W t'nA
right to employ privateers is professedly foun
ded upon the principal that private property
ui uuuncuuuig uou-comDatants, though ene-
mies, should be exempt irom tne ravages oi
war : but the proposed surrender goes but
little way in carrying out that principlerwhich
equally requires that such, private property
should not be eeized or molested by national
ships of war. Should the leading powers of
Europe concur in proposing, as a rule of in
ternational law, to exempt private property,
upon the ocean, from seizure by public armed
cruisers, as well as Dy pnvawers, tne united
States will readily meet them upon that broad
ground. '
fcince the adjournment of Uongress, the
ratifications of the treaty between the United
States and Great "Britain, relative to coast
fisheries, "ted to reciprocal trade .with, tie
British North American provinces, have been
exchanged, and some of its anticipated ad
vantages are already enjoyed by us, although
its full execution was to abide certain acts of
legislation not yet fully performed. So soon
as it was ratified, Great t3ritain opened to
our commerce the free navigation of the river
St. Lawrence, and to our fishermen unmolest
ed access to the shores and bays, from which
they had been previously excluded, on the
coasts of her North American provinces; in
return for which, she asked for the introduc
tion, free of duty, into the porta of the United
States, of the fish caught on the same coast
by British fishermen. This being the com
pensation, stipulated in the treaty, for privil
eges of the highest importance and value to
the United States, which were thus volunta
rily yielded before it became effective, the
request seemed to me to be a reasonable one ;
but it could not be acceded to, from want of
authority to suspend our laws imposing duties
upon all foreign fish, In. the meantime, the
Treasury Department issued a regulation, for
ascertaining the duties, paid or secured by
bonds on fish, caught on the coasts of the
British provinces, and brought to our markets
by British subjects, after the hshing-grounds
had been made fully accessible to the citizens
of the United States. I recommend to jour
favorable consideration a proposition, which
will be submitted" to you", for authority to re
fund the duties and cancel the bonds thus re
ceived. The provinces ot Canada and New
Brunswick have also anticapated the full op
eration of the treaty, by legislative arrange
ments; respectfully, to admit. Tree of duty,
the products of the United States mentioned
in the free list of the treaty; and an arrange
ment, similar to that regarding British fish,
has been made for duties now chargeable on
the products " of those provinces enumera
ted in the same free list, and introduced
therefrom into the United States ) a proposi
tion for refunding wnich will, in my judge
ment, be in' like manner entitled to your fa
vorable consideration. ;
There is a difference of opinion between the
United. States and Great Britain, as to the
boundary line of the Territory of Washington
adjoining the British possessions on the Pa
cific, which has already led to difficulties on
the part of the citizens and local authorities of
the two governments. I recommend that pro
vision be made for a commission, to be joined
by one on the part of her Britannic Majesty,
for the purpose of. running and establishing
the line in controversy. Certain stipulations
of the third a,nd fourth articles of the treaty
concluded - between .the United States and
Great Britain in 1846, regarding possessory
rights of the Hudson's Bay Company, and
property of the Puget's Sound Agricultural
Company, have given rise to serious disputes,
and it is important to all concerned, that sum
mary means of settling them amicably should
be devised. I have reason to believe, that
an arrangement can be made pmjust terms,
for the extinguishment of therights in ques
tion, embracing, also, the rights of the Hud
son's Bay Company to the navigation of the
river Columbia ; and 1 therefore suggest to
your consideration, the expediency of making
a contingent appropriation lor the purpose.
France was the early and cfHcient ally of
the United States in their struggle for inde
pendence. From that time to the present,
with occasional slight interruptions, cordial
relations of friendship have existed between
the governments and people of the two coun
tries. The kindly sentiments cherished alike
by both nations, have led to extensive social
and commercial intercourse, which, I trust,
will not be interrupted or checked by any cas
ual event of an apparently unsatisfactory char
acter. The French Consul at San Francisco
was, not long since, brought into the United
States District Court at that place by com
pulsory process, as a witness in favor of an
other foreign consul, in violation, as the
French government conceives, of his privi
leges under our 'consular conventions with
France. There being nothing in the trans
action which could imply any disrespect to
France or its consul, such explanation has
been made, as I hope trill be satisfactory. ;
Subsequently, misunderstanding arose on the
subject of the i rench government having,
as it appeared, abruptly excluded the Amer
ican minister to. bnain from tiassine through
France on his way from London to Madrid.
But that Government has unequivocally dis
avowed any design to deny the right of tran
sit to-tho minister of the United States, and
after explanations to this effect, he has resum
ed, his journey, and actually returned through
icance to Spam, therewith lay before Con
press the correspondence on this subject ;be-
tween our envoy at Paris and the minister of
foreigh relations . of the . French Govern'
ment. . "
lhe position ot our an airs with fcpain re
mains as at the close of your last session .-
Internal agitation, assuming, very nearly the
character of political revolution, has recently
convulsed that country. The late ministers
were violently expelled from power, and men,
of verv different views in relation to its inter-;
nal affairs, have succeeded. Since this change
there has been no, . propitious, opportunity, to
resume, and, press on, negotiations for - the
adjudgement of serious questions of difficulty
between the Spanish government and the
United States. There is reason to believe.
that our minisiter will find the government
more favorably inclined than the .preceding,
to comply with our iust demands, and to
make, suitable arrangements for rstorinff
harmony, and preserving peace , between the
two countries.
Negotiations are pending with Denmark to
discontinue the practice of levying tolls on our
.vessels and their cargoes, passing througn the
sound. I do not doubt that we can claim ex
emption therefrom, as a matter of right. It
is admitted, on all hands, that this exaction
is sanctioned not by the general principles of
the law of nations, but only by special con
ventions, which most of the ommercial na
tions haya entered into with Denmark. The
fifth article of our treatytf 182G with Den-
mark, provides that there shall not be paid on
the vessels of the United States and their
cargoes when passing through the Sound,
higher duties' than those of the most favored
nations. This may be regarded as an im
plied agreement tor submit to the tolls during
the continuance of the treaty, and consequent
ly may embarass the assertion of our right to
be released therefrom.' There are also other
provisions in the treaty which ought to be
modified. , It was to remain in force ten
years, and until one year alter either party
should give notice to the other of intention
to terminate it. . I deem it expedient that the
contemplated notice should be given to the
government of Denmark.
lhe naval expedition despatched about
two years since for the purpose of establish
ing relations with the empire of Japan, has
been ably and skillfully conducted to a sue
cessful termination by the officer to whom it
was entrusted A treaty, opening certain of
the ports of that populous country, has been
negotiated ; atjd in order to give full effect
thereto, it only remains to exchange ratifica
tions, and adopt requisite commercial regula
tions. The treaty lately concluded between the
United States and 3Iexico settled some of the
most embarrassing difficulties with that coun
try, but numerous claims upon it for wrongs
and injuries to our citizens remained unad
justed, and many new cases have been recent
ly added to the former list of grievances.
Our legation has been earnest in its endeav
ors to obtain, from ths, Mexican government,
a favorable consideration of these claims, but
hitherto without success. This failure is,
probably", income measure, to be ascribed to
the disturbed condition of that country. 1 It
has been my. anxious desire to maintain
friendly relations with the Mexican republic,
and to cause its rights and territories to be
respected, . not only by our citizens but by
foreigners, who have resorted to the United
States for the purpose of organizing hostile
expeditions against some of the States of that
republic. The defenceless condition in which
its frontiers have been left, has stimulated
lawless adventurers to embark in these enter
prises, and greatly increased the difficulty of
enforcing our obligations of neutrality. ,lle-
garding k as my solemn duty to fulfilefficient-
ly, these obligations, not only towards Mexi
co, but other foreign nations, '. I have exerted
all the powers with which lam invested to
defeat such criminal proceeding, and bring to
punishment, those who, by taking a part
therein, violated our laws.
The energy and activity of our civil and
military authorities have frustrated the de
signs of those who meditated expeditions of
histcharacter, except in two instances 0(ne
of these, composed of foreigners, was at first
countenanced and aided by the Mexican gov
ernment itself, it having been deceived as to
their rcal object. The other, small in num
ber, eluded the vigilance of the magistrates
at San Francisco, and succeeded in reaching
the Mexican . territories; "but the effective
measures taken by this government compelled
lhe abandonment of the undertaking.
' The commission to establish the new line
between the United States and 3Iexico, ac
cording to the proyisions of the treaty of the
30th of December last, has been organized,
and the work is already commenced
Our, treaties with the Argentine Confederation,-and
with the Republics of Uraguay and
Paraguay, secure to us the free navigation of
the river La Platte, and some of its larger
tributaries ; bnt the same success has not at-
tended our endeavors to open the Amazon.
The reasons in favor of the free use of that
river. I had occasion to present lull v. in a
former message ; and, considering the cordial
relations which have long existed between
this government and Brazil, it may be expect
ed that pending negotiations will, eventually,
reach a favorable result.
Convenient means of transit, between the
several parts of a country, are not only de
sirable for the objects of commercial and per
sonal communication, but essential to its
existence undeT one government. Separated
as are die Atlantic and Pacific coasts of the
United States6 by the whole breadth of the
continent, still the inhabitants of each are
.closely bound together by community of ori-
hin and institutions, and by strong attach
ment to the Union. Hence the constant anF
increasing intercourse, and vast interchange
of commercial productions,-between there re
mote divisions of the ivepublic. At the pre
sent time, the most practicable and only com
modious routes for communication between
them are by the way of the Isthmus,, of Cen
tral America. ' It is the duty of the govern
ment to secure these avenues against all
danger of interruption.
In relation to Central America, perplcxirig
oucstions existed between the United States
and Great Britain, at the.time of the cession
of California. .These, as well s questions
which subseauentlv arose concerning inter
oceanic communication across the Isthmus,
were, as.it was supposed, adjusted by the
treaty of April 19, 1850; but, unfortunate
ly, they have been re-opened by serious mis
understanding as to the import of some of its
provisions, a readjustment of which is now
under consideration. ,Our minister at Lon
don tas made strenuous efforts to accomplish
this desirable object, but has not yet found it
possible to bring the negotiations to a termin
ation. . ' . '
As incidental to thesb questions, I deem it
proper to notice an occurrance which .happen
ed in Central America near the close of the
last session of Congress. So soon as the
necessity was perceived of establishing inter
oceanic communications across the Isthmus, "a
company was organized, under authority of
the State of Nicaragua, but composed, for
the most part, of citizens of the United
States; -for the purpose of opening such a
transit way, by the river San Juan and Lake
Nicaragua which -soon became an eligible
and much used route in the transportation of
our eitizens and their property between the J
Meanwhile, and in anticipation of the com
pletion and importance of this transit way, a
number of adventurers had taken possession
of the old Spanish port at the mouth of the
river San Juan ; in open defiance of the State
or States of Central America, which, udou
their becoming independent, had rightfully
succeeded to the local sovereignty and juris- j
diction of Spain. These adventurers under- '
took to change the name of the place from
San Juan del Norte to Greytown, and though '
at nrst pretending to act as subjects of the
fictitious sovereign of the Mosquito Indians ,
they subsequently repudiated the control of
any power whatever, assumed to adopt a dis
tinct political organization,' and declared
themselves an independent sovereign state.
if, at the same time, a faint hope was en
tertained that they might become a stable
and respectable community, that hope soon
vanished.- They proceeded to assert unfound
ed claims to civil jurisdiction over Puentos
Arenas, a position on the opposite side of the
river San Juan, which was in possession,
under a title wholly independent of them, of
citizens of the United States interested in the
Nicaragua Transit Company, and which was
indispensable necessary -to the prosperous
operation of that route across the Isthmus;
1 he company resisted their groundless claims,
whereupon they proceeded to destroy some of
its buildings, and attempted violently to dis
possess if.
At a later period they organized a strong
force for the purpose of demolishing the
establishment at Puento Arena;; but this
mischievous design was defeated by the inter- i
position of one of our ships of war, at that
time in the harbor of San Juan. Subsequent
ly to this, in May last, a body of men from
Greytown crossed over to Puenta Arenas, ar
rogating authority to arrest, on the charge of
murder, a captain of one of the steamboats
of the Transit Company Being well aware
that the claim to exercise Jurisdiction there
would be resisted then, as it had been pn pre
vious occasions, they went prepared to assert
it by force of arms
Our minister to Central America happened
to be present on that occasion. Believing
that the captain of the steamboat was inno
cent, for he witnessed the transaction on
which the-charge was founded, and believing,
also, that the intruding party, having no jur
isdiction over the place where they proposed
to make the arrest, would encounter desperate
resistance if they persisted in their purpose,
he interposed, effectta'Iy to prevent violence
and bloodshed. The American minister after
wards visited Greytown, and whilst he was
there, a mob, including certain of the bo
called public functiobaries of the place, sur
rounded the house in which he was, avowing
that they had come to arrest him, by order of
some person exercising the chief authority.
hue parleying with them he was wounded
by a missile from the crowd. A boat, des
patched from the "American steamer "North
ern Light" to release , him from the perilous
situation in which he was understood to be,
was fired into by the town guard, and com
pelled, -t return. These incidents, together
with the known character of the population
of Greytown, and their excited state, induced
just apprehensions that the lives and property
of our citizens at 1'uento Arenas would be in
imminent danger after the departure of the
steamer, with her passengers, for New lork,
unless a guard was left for their protection.
For this purpose, and in order to ensure the
safety of passengers, and property passing over
the route, a temporary force was organized,
at considerable expense to the United States,
for which provision was made at the last
session of Congress.
This pretented .community, a heterogenous
assemblage gathered from various countries,
and composed, for the most part, of blacks
and persons of mixed blood, had previously
given other indications of mischievous and
dangerous propensities. Early in the, same
month, property was clandestine abstracted
from the depot of the Transit Company and
taken to Greytown. The plunderers obtain
ed v shelter there, and their pursuers were
driven back by its people, who not only pro
tected the wrongdoers and shared the plunder,
but treated with rudeness and violence those
who sought to recover their property.
Such, in substance, are the facts submitted
to my consideration, and proved by trust
worthy evidence. I could not doubt that the
case demanded the interposition of this gov
ernment. Justice required that reparation
should be made for so many and such gross
wrongs, and that a course of insolence and
plunder, tcndingdircctly o the insecurity of
the lives of numerous travelers, and of lhe
rich treasure Dclonging to our citizens,' pass
in" over. this transit way, should be perempt
orily arrested. Whatever it might be in
other respects, the community in question, in
nower to do mischief, was not despicable. It
was well provided with ordnance, small arms,
and ammunition, and might easily seize on
the urfarmed boats, freighted, with million? of
property, which passed almost daily within
its reach
. It did not profess to belong to any regular
government and bad, in fact, no recognised
denendenco on. or connection with, any one
fto which thc United States or their injured
citizens might apply for redress, or which
could be held responsible, in any way, for
the outrages committed. Net standing be
fore the world in the attitude of an organised
political society, being neither competent to
exercise the rights nor to discharge the obli
gations of a government, it was, in fact, a
marauding establishment, too dangerous to be
disregarded, and too guilty too pass unpunish
ed and yet incapable of being treated in any
other way than as a piratical resort of out
laws, or a camp of savages, depredating on -emigrant
trains or caravans and the frontier vC
settlements of civilized states.
Seasonable notice was given to the people
of Greytown that this government required.
them to repair the injuries they had done to
our citizens, and to" make suitable apology
for their insult of our minister, and that m
.ship of war would be dispatched thither to
enforce compliance with these demands.
But the notice passed unheeded. Thereup-,, '
on a commander of the navy in charge of the i
sloop-of-war Cyane, was ordered to repeat the
demands, and to insist upon a compliance
therewith. Finding that neither the popu
lace, nor those assuming to have authority
over them, manifested any disposition to make
the required reparation, or even to offer ex
cuse for their conduct, he warned them by a
public proclamation that if they did not give
satisfaction within a time specified, he would
bombard the town. By this procedure he
afforded them oportunity to provide for their
personal safety.
To tliose also who desired to avoid losn of
property, in the punishment about to be inflict
ed on the offending town, he furnished the
means of removing their effects by the boats
of his own ship, and of a steamer" which ho
procured and tendered to them for that pur
pose. At length, perceiving no disposition on
the part of the town to comply with his re
quisitions he appealed to the commander of
her Britanie Majesty's schooner "Bermuda,"
who was 6een to have intercourse, and appar
ently much influence with the leaders among
them to interpose, and persaude them to
take some course calculated to save the neces
sity of resorting to the extreme measure in
dicated in his proclamation ; but that officer,
instead of acceding to the request, did noth- "
ing more than to protest against the bombard
ment. '
. No steps of any sort were taken by the
people to give the satisfaction required. No
individuals, if any there were, who regarded
themselves as not responsible for the miscon
duct of the community, adopted any means
to separate themselves from the fate of the
guilty.. The several charges, on which the
demands for redress were founded,. Lad been
publicly known to all for Bome time, and
were again announced to them. They did
not deny any of these charges ; they offered
no explanation, nothing in extenuation of
their conduct; but contumaciously refused to
hold any intercourse with the commander of
the "Cyane." By their obstinate silence' they
seemed rather desirous to provoke chastise
ment than -escape it.
There is ample reason to believe that this
conduct of wanton defiance, on their part, is
imputed chiefly to the delusive idea that the
American Government would be deterred from
punishing them, through fear of displeasing
a formidable foreign power, which they pre-
sumed to think, looked with complacency up
on the aggressive and insulting deportment
towards the United States. The "Cyane' at
length fired upon the town. Before much
injury had been done, the fire was twice bus- ,
pended, in order to afford ' an oportunity for
an arrangement ; but this was declined.
Most of the buildings of the place, of little
value, were in the sequel destroyed ; but,
owing to thfr considerate precautions taken by
our naval commander, there was no destruc
tion of life. ' .
When the "Cyane" was ordered to Central
America, it was confidently hoped and ex
pected that no occasion would arise for "a
resort to violence and destruction of property
and loss of life. Instructions to that effect '
were given to her commander. And no ex
treme act would have been repulsed had not
the people themselves by their extraordinariy
conduct in the affair, frustrated all the poss
ble mild measures for" obtaining satisfaction.
A withdrawal from the place, tbe object of his
visit entirely defeated, would, under the cir
cumstances in which the commander of the
Cyane found himself, have been absolute aban
donment of all claims of our citirens for in
demnification, and submissive acquiescence
in national indignity. It would have encour
aged in these lawless men a ppirit of indolence
and rnpine most dangerous to the lives and
property of our citizens at Punta Arenas, and
probably embolden them to grasp at the treas
ures, and valuable merchandise continually
passing over the Nicaragua route It cer
tainly, would have been most satisfactory to
me if the objects of the "Cyane's" mission
could have been conumated without any act
of public force ; but the arrogant contumacy
of the offenders render it impossible to , avoid
the alternative, either to break up their es
tablishment, or to leave them impressed with
the idea that they migjit persevere with im
punity in a career of insolence and plun
der. ' This transaction has been the subject of
complaint on the part of some foreign Powers,
and has been characterized with more, of
harshness than justice. If comparisons
were to be instituted, it would not be difficult
to present repeated instances in the history of
States,, standing in the very front of modern
civization, where communities, far less of
fending and more defenceless than Greytown,
have been chastised with mu h greater eever
ity, and where not cities only have hoc n laid
in ruin, but human life has been recklessly
sacrificed and the blood of the innocent made
profusely to mingle with that of the guil
ty. Passing from foreign to domestic affairs,
your attention is naturally directed to the fi
uaacial . condition of the country, always a
r