m-m rs.nr son n. t h m-w.m mm m 1 BY S. J. ROW. CLEARFIELD, PA., "WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 18, 1865. VOL. 11.-1VO. 20. ...i riir ini'I'Vl! t Ti. Baftsjias s Journal is published on Wed- ! siday at 52,00 per annum in advance Auver- i KSEMEJiTS inserted at SI. 50 per square, for three r less insertions itn nuca .- , - M1,r, For every additional insertion 50 cents. A deduction will be made to yearly advertisers. , , onsuuiuon oi iuf u iiacu locates iui . jSttSMCStf JhrCCtOrjJ. prohibition of slavery. t- - i j- Mr. Scofielu. Mr. Speaker, I rise to 1RVIK BROTHERS, Dealers in Square Pawed make some observations iu reply to tiie very Lumber. Dry Goods, Groceries. Flour, Grain, ; remarkabie criticism pronounced by the geil- Ao.Ae., BurnsidePa., Sept. li, IbM. tlemcrl Irom ew York Mr. BltOOKS j Oil REfERICK LtfTTZIXGER. Manufacturer of ; the anti-slavery portion of the President's 11 kinds of Stone-ware, Clearfield. Pa. Or- j message, asrs solicited wholesale or retail. Jan. 1, 1S0S : f tilG war ghoulj enJ uow without a di- ;SRAXS & RARRETtlollLTwTcToIr"- ! vi-siou of 'the Union what would be the sta (J field. Pa. .May 13. 153. j tus ot slavery t It has been abolished in l j cran ttai.teh baimif.tt. i Maryland by the new constitution ; but it is : : ' : . . i ii? i i . :..i . .. ...,.i OBERTJ. WALLACE, Attorney at Law. Clear j I V field. Pa Office in Hhaw's new raw. Market street, opposite Xaugle's .icwelry store. M ay lh. BF.SAI GLE. Watch and Clock Maker, and . dealer in Watches, Jewelry. Ac Room in farham"s row, Market street. Nov. 10. HBUCHER SV.'OOPE. Attorney at Law, Clear- .field. Pa. inGrahamRow.Wd;,oS weit of Graham A. .oynton a store. HARTSWICK A HUKTon. Dealers in Druss, j Medicines. Paints. Cils. Stationary. Perfume- j TV . Fancy Goods, .Notions, etc., etc.. Cleartiefd, Pa. June. 29. lhtil. JP. KRATZER, dealer in Dry Goods. Cloth . in. Hardware. Queensware, Groceries. Pro Tiiom Ac. Front Street, above the Academy, CUarfild, Pa. April 27. -11 rlLLIAM F.IRWlN.Marketstreet.CU-ornclJ, V Pa., Dealer in Foreign and Domestic Mer chandise, Hardware. Queensware, Groceries, and fii!y articles generally. Nov. 10. JOHN GUELICH. Manufacturer of all kinds ol Cabinet-ware, Market street. Clearfn ld. Pa. He a1o makes to order Coffins, on short notice, and auends funerals with a hearso. AprlO. o9. TxV. f WOOD PttACTIClS PnVSlCIAS, and J Examiniog Surgeon for Pensions. CSC. Routh-west corner of Second and Cherry Btrett. Clearfield, Pa. Jauury 21, I'ioS. rilllOMAS J. M CULUU GH, Attorney at Law. X Clearfield, Pa. 'See, east of the -Clearfield ee. EaLk. Deeds and other leal instruments pre pared with promptness aud accuracy. July 3. JB M'ENALLV, Attorneyat Law. Clearfield, . Pa. Practices in Clearfield and adjoining .uatiei. Office in new brick building of .i . Hoyn ou.2i street, one door south of i.at. ich s Hotel. 1 ) ICH ARD MOScOP. l- aler in foreign and Do JV mestio Drv Goo Is, Groierie-. Flour, Bacon, Liquors. Ac. lWn. on Market street, a few door? ituf Jo.rMOf.Clearfiell.Pa A"7- AUUIMEU X TEST. Attorneys at Law.Cloar f.eld.Pa. Will attend promptly to all legal and other business entrusted to their c ire in Clear teld ud adjoining counties. u-ust 6. lo:0. "flTM. ALBEilT A BRO S. Dealers in Dry Goods, Groceries, lli:rlw:ire, Queenswarc, l'iour. Bacon, etc.. Woodlan 1. Clearfield county. lYnn a. Also, extensive dealer? in all kinds of sawed lum ber shinzles, and square tiinhar. Orders soliei Ud! Woodland, ug.JSUi.Jjso TVEW WATCIltJEWEMtV STOIIE.- The undersigned having locutcl in the bor ough of Clearfield, (at the shop formerly occupied by R Welch as a jewelry shop.) is prepared to do work of all kinds on the most reasonable terms. The cash will positively be expected when the wurk is delivered. He is confident th st he can not beexeelled by any workmen in tonnorour.ty Come one! come all tutkt i!r" oftLslUj Yaih. April l.',"u2-ly-pJ. J- H- I.AIXULLN. rPEMPEKAM'K IIOI SE. The Fubscriber JL would rcsnectfully inform the citizens of Clearfield county, that he has rented the -Tipton Hotel." and will use every endoavor to accommo date those who mav favor him with 'heir custom. II will try to furnish the table with the best he euuutrv can afford, and will keep hay and feed to accommodate teamsters. Gentlemen don't to-gct the -i'lpton Hotel." SAMUEL SMITH. Tiphn. Pa , May 25, ISiU. A IX'TIONEER. The undersigned having J been Licensed an Auctioneer, would inform the ciliiens cf C learfield county that, he will at Xnd to culling sales, in any part of the county, whenever called upon. Charges moderate " . Address, J )HN M QUI LIvIN. May 1.1 Bower Po., Clearfield Co., Pa. N". B. Persons calling sales without a proper li ene are subject to a penalty of S:J0, which pro ision will be enforced against thos;3 who may vi el;e the sime. , -j oi -, . In ats in my own district ii l say tnat now - hrAP h flrniCl r Or iSR ' 1 eve- much they have condemned anti-slav-llliet) XdllilbXUi. UdiO rior t0 the Kbellion, they SITUATE IN PIKE TOWNSHIP The subscriber will sell his three farms situate In Pike township, Clearfield county. Pa., at pri Timiale. Also, one tract of unimproved land umbered and described as follows, to wit : Nsl Is an improved tract on . which here Idet. and contains about 2tf acres ClW acres f hich is cleared. 23 acres being in meadow, and th whole in a bito'li state ef cultivation and un der good fences. The improvements are a good fraie house, frame barn. (75 by iS feet.) wagon bed. grain house, smoke house, wood hous ? and other outbuildings. There is timber nuffioient on thsland for all farm uses, and an excellent coal tank. Also gKd water and a fine orchard of tioiee fruit growing thereon. So. 2. Is an improved tract, and contains I..i teres of which i) ueres are cleared, 10 acres be ing in meadow, and the whole in a good state of ultivation and under good fences, with excel lent water on the farm. The buildings are a log nosife and an excel teut frame barn, and some oth er outbuildings, There is on this tract sufficient fiod timber for 7 or 3 rafts, and an excellent coal "H. together with an orchard of choice fruit trees. " N'o. 3. Is an improved tract, containing about ICOSurres, 30 acres cleared, (new,) with a small P'ack house and baru thereon erected. The land ' under good fences, with excellent water ou it. About 3 rafts of good timber also standing thereon. No. 4. Is an unimproved tract of 401) acres.with torce good pino timber growing on it, and will ... ' .. . . l -1 ,1 "one an excellent iarm nurncifwcu. The above tracts will be sold in a body, or sep-J iceiy. io suit purcnasera pretermit, uu"c,w. o sell them in a body. The terms will be reason able. The tracts cao be seen at any time by call on the subscriber, or inquiries by letter will k answered if addressed to Curwensville. Pa ' August 3. lsfit. DANIEL BAILEY. SALT ! SALT !! SALT !'.! A prime arti cle of ground alum salt, put up in patent ks, at $3.23 per saoK, at the cheap cash store of November 271 U. MOSSOP. P ODDER CUTTERS of a superior make for sal at reasooaVI jrit. a MSHRBLL "RoTnarVs tf HON. "W. SCOFIELD, January o, icoo, In the House of Representatives, on the Resolution proposing an amendment to the "JMU"-r uau ,,,u ,1u.' w- u"-' adopted. West Virginia has provided for graiual emancipation; but that State, it is. alleged, has no legal existence, and therefore i!s action is null and void. In the State or ircinin :i ni-w constitution prohibiting sla- fa boon adopted by the loyal people Union lines ; but the con.titu- .f tioned, even bv anti-slavery men. Missouri jjas Martially abolished slavery, and the C011- v,;lltil, soo1 to assemble there. It IS S vention. soon to assemble there, it is .sup- j posed, will d'u-pose of what is left. In Ten-nes.-ee, Louisiana, and Arkansas, slavery has been prohibited by conventions repre senting the Union people of those States; Luc it h said that these conventions were ir ! regularly called, and their action is there j lore void. In Kentucky such tlavcs as en-' i tor the United htates Army are freed by aet 'i v,o!tgress; but it is alleged tliui tne act is unconstitutional. Congress lias abol ished slavery in the District of Columbia, and prohibited it all in the Territories: but it is .-aid the tirst act is void, without the assent of Maryland and Virginia, and the latter is in conflict with the dictum of the Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott. In ail the remainder of the States the slaves were liberated by the President's pntclama tion ; but that in.-trument, it is said, is too just to be legal. Under these several enact ments, however, the slaves, without waiting to test their validity, are leaving their old masters, forming new associations, seeking education, eai nnu Iiur b''fs. learning scii-reiiuiK-v, ana tiiu.s erecting barrwrs revival of slavery stronger than legislation it. -.if. It ii apparent from this statement that i? the confederacy should suddenly collapse, liberating our Union fellow-citizens tliat-are believed to exist in large numbers within its picket lines, we would still have the slavery question, out of which the whole trouble grew, to be settled and disposed ot. It ought to be equally apparent to all observ ing persons that there is but one way to end the strife Slavery in the end must die. It has cost the country too much sutTering and too much patriotic blood, and is in the ory an institution too monstrous, to be per mitted to live. The only ijuestion is, shall it die now, by a constitutional amendment a single stroke of the ax or .shall it linger in party warfare through a quarter or half a century of acrimonious debate, patchwork legislation, and conflicting adjudication ? The people were consulted upon this ques tion la-1 fall, and they have responded in favor of emancipation. 1 respect their o pinion, not because I am a politician, the motive hinted at in the message, but be cause experience has taught me to rely upon the judgment of the unambitious classes. I am reminded that there was a large minor it v. True, but the suffering consequent up on this terrible war, and not love oi slavery, made the minority so large. The people suffered from the draft, from taxation, and irom a depreciated currency, and untruthful men told them that their own Government imposed these hardships, not from the ne cessiries created by the rebellion, but from more lo e of despotic cruelty. Consult your )::irf-i':iti constituency and you will find thev are not so much infatuated with slavery inn" I i - . . i l ..n.,f thn hnrrpiit T'.orfion of the Demo 1 tnniic 1 wouiu not, mis- ,1),,,.., r - :;. v ., . . i .. would uow be glad to live the institution Imvie! out ot their sight forever. 1 wo clus A,..,. n.-knl.l -.r.Wt thosf who are so poorly endowed as to be jealous of negro eompctition, and those wno, (n.'ing uw happilv born, apprehend that their pride and importance might in some way be com promised if the distance between themselves and any portion of the laboring class were lessened. " . The IVesident, in obedience to the advice of the people and the dictates of Ins own kind heart aud unimpassioned judgment, has recommended tnat we snouia suuunu una amendment to the action of the States. Why should it not be done? Because, s.ays the gentleman from .New York, IMr. Uitooics, we should not amend the Constitution in the midst of civil war. Whv, then, did he, in the close of his speech, propose to amend it through the medium of a convention, so as to give slave ry an increased representation in this House aud a protraction of its mischievous life, and, further, to amend, in pursuit of some State sovereignty vagrj so as to sink the Government of the United States into a mere agency for the collection of customs? Do nottake the medicine now, says the ten der nurse to the sick man, wait till you are well and able to bear it. If the gentleman will examine his own heart he will probably find that it is the character of the amend ment that is offensive to him. and not its untimely presentation. , AMin, says the gentleman, some ot the States are not represented here. He seems to forget that Congress does ; not make a mendments to the Constitution, but only proposes them; They must be accepted by three fourth- of all tie State in the Union before they become part of the fundamental law. If Congress caunot even propose a meudments before the seceded States come in, how can the gentleman call his conven vention ? for that must be done by Con gress. If these States are not represented here the fault it theirs, not ours. Must all the legislation be stayed until they choose to return? and if not, why this more than oth er important acts? If that rule should be adopted we would always be iu the power of a few membeis who chose to place them selves beyond the reach of the Sergeant-at-Arrus. The gentleman trifles With the grav ity of the question and the good sense of the House when he raises these objections, but still proposes to waive them in favor of a convention to consider his own amendments. Why not tolerate slavery, continues the honorable gentleman, and thus make the slaveholders contented with the Union? What evidence is there that toleration would content them? They seperated from the U nion, and organized an iinlcpondant govern ment in February, 18G1. W hen'. priorto that, had the institution for whose prolonged cruelty the gentlemen pleads so earnestly lacked toleration ? I submit that it had al ways been tolerated : nay, more, it had al ways had its will and its way in this Repub lic I trust I will not, offend any member's sensibilities if, I say its oppressive will and its unchristian way. Whatever was asked was granted. When jt asked new markets to raise the price of men and women, and to create a demand for the surplus children of the institution, the request was granted. Louisiana and Florida Territories were pur chased iu part for this purpose. For this purpose Texas was smuggled into the bjnion, and'a war unneccs.-ary for any other purpose secured I he northern provinces of Mexico. When it demanded that white laborer should go further north, and surrender mild climated Missouri to slave labor, the surren der was made. When irom motives of pol icy it demanded the passage of t lie Missouri compromise, it was passed. When it de manded its repeal it was repealed. It bade us vote down the Wilmot proviso, and we obeyed. It demanded that escaped bond men should be caught aud returned, lree of cost, and. we gave them the despotic law. Again it tlemanJed exemption from the criticism to which all filings else in a repub lic are exposed, and we granted the imiiin- sorship of the mai ud authorized the burning of all offensive papers and letters, in the vain' hoie to ti '-troy eternal ideas. tbi t-wc it. demanded silence in this House and iu the Senate, and we adopted the "Atherton gag." l'o this end it de mandud sileuee in the North, and every city raised its pro-slavery mob to demolish pres ses and murder editors and lecturers. The hand of slavery has ever been against every body,givimrtheltepublie no rest day nor night All day long these Halls and the country re sounded with its insolent demands. Nowthe West must be Africanized, now the East must be crushed, now Cuba must 1j3 stolen, and now Africa, unbarred to the pirates, aud it woke us ujrat night with its fierce clamor for escaped negroes. No, sir, slavery rebelled not because it was n jt tolerated, but be cause it would not tolerate anything else ; I may s;iy because it could not afford to tol erate anything else. It would not tolerate the Declaration of Independence, because that instrument proclaimed the freedom and equality of the human race. It would not tolerate the literature of the English lan guage, nor the Christianity of the American churches, nor the civilization of the nine teenth century, because their spirit was op posed to human bondage: It could not tolerate New England, because her educa tion, her industry, her sobriety, her justice, and her unboasting'courage was an implied censure upon slavery. And last of all, slavery refused to tolerate the great prmci ple upon which this Republic is founded upon which all republics must be founded; the will of the majority constitutionally ex pressed. It was not only intolerant, but bol ligorant. . It could not be otherwise. It re cognized a natural, though undeclared foe in everv good cause,, word, and work, and in its; efforts to destroy these it has destroyed itself. Conscious of its own inherent wrong it k'san its defense before it was assailed, and like the glass fortress, it has fallen not by the assault of its enemies, but by the con cussion of its own guns. It is pierced by its own poisoned arrows. t . So the struck eagle, stretched upon the plain, No more through rolling clouds to soar again Viewed bis own feathers on the fatal dart. And winged the shaft that quivered in his heart. We can hardly claim the honor of aiding in its taking off. Like Falstaft s victim, it w:is quite dead before we -dared to strike. But tolerate it, cries- tho gentleman, and pacify the madmen of the South. If JNew v,-!r iron. nfHu'foil with hvdronhobia, the gentleman would advise his constituents to tolerate mad dogs. Do not muzzle them, he would tenderly exclaim, do not chain them, do not kill them, but tolerate, concil iate, cherish them until this terrible disease disappears from the city. But if slavery is prohibited the country will become homoge neous, and- in his opinion, homogeneity is not derivable. Neither the ancient nor mod ern nations of Europe, he informs us, were homogeneous. They had many systems of worship, and many kinds of languages and races of men; but unfortunately for his ar gument, in another part of his speech, and for a different purpose, he confesses that these same nations were afflicted with long aud frequent civil wars originating in that lack of homogeneity which he so much com mends. But if this diversity ot character is as desirable as represented, certainly we have enough of it without' trying to rein state slavery. Religion is nowhere more free than in this country, ivery man se lects his own altar. And as for races and languages, what quarter of the many-ton-gued earth has not contributed to our popu lation? No thanks however to the honora ble gentleman for this. At the leader and organ editor of the American party, he could not tolerate these foreign-born ra ces, nor the adherents of the Catholic church, and he comes here now and asks us to be more intolerant even than that. He asks us to prescribe a whole race, not only to the extent to which proscribed foreign-born ra ces, but to go further and proscribe them from the human family and rank them with the brute creation. And he asks us to do this in the name of toleration. '"Strange that a man's mouth can run on thus." It has been often said of late that history repeats itself. Of course it cannot be liter ally true; but the gentleman cites it, and then proceeds to search for the prototype of the terrible drama now being enacted on tins continent, and affects to find it in the Revolution of 177G. Having settled this point to his own satisfaction, he proceeds to assign to the living actors their historic parts. The rebels take the position of th; colonial revolutionists, the Government of the United States re-enact the part of George III and his ministers while for him self and the Opposition debaters of this House he selects the honorable role of Chat ham, Fox, Burke, and other champions of colonial rights in the British Parliament. Let us examine this. It is true that the coIonUts rebelled against the Government of Great Britain, and the slaveholders rebelled against the Goveiuneiit of the United States; but here the likeness ends. Be tween the ciicumstances that might provoke or justify lcbeliion in the two cases there is no resemblance. The Government from which the colonies separated was three thousand miles beyond the seas. They could not even communicate with it in those days in less than two or three months. In that Government they had no representa tion, and their wants and wishes no author itative voice. Nor was it the form or govern ment most acceptable to the colonists. They prefercd a republic. The rapidly increasing population and the geographical extent and position of the colonies demanded national ity. Sooner or later it must come. The tea tax and other trifling grievances only hurried on an event that was sure to occur from the influence of geography and popu lation alone, llow is it in these respects with the present rebellion? The. Govern ment against which the slaveholders rebel led was not a foreien one; it was as much in'irfe wJy ti.r?rresSrited think there was not a single law, upon the statute-book to which they had not given their assent. It was the Government they helped to make, and it was made as they wanted it. They had evcr had their share or' control and patronige in it, and more than their share, for they boasted with much truth that cotton was king. Nor is there any geographical reasons in their favor. It is conceded even by the rebels themselves that a division of the territory lying com pactly between the lakes and gulf, the At-tan-ic and the Mississippi, into two nations would be a great misfortune to both. If it were the Pacific States demanding separa tion, bad as that would be, there would be some sense in it; but for this territory you cannot even find a dividing line. When you attempt to run one, the rivers and mountains cross your purpose. Both the land and water oppose the division. There is no disunion outside the wicked hearts of these disloval men. I can see no resemb lance, then, between our patriot fathers, who toiled through a seven years' war to establish this beneficent Government, and the traitors who drench the land in blood in an attempt I trust in God a vain one to destroy it. Again, sir, in what respect do the apolo gists of the present rebellion in this llou.-e resemble the advocates of our great Revolu tion in the British Parliament? Conceding they are their equals in statesmanship,learn intr, elouuepce, and wit, I submit that they fall far below them iu the merit of their res pective causes. Chatham defended the cause of the colonists as set forth in the Declara tion of Independence that "all men are crea ted equal, endowed by their Creator with cer tain inalienable rights, among which are life liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" the honorable gentleman from New York pleads for slavery, the auction block, the coflle, the lash. With slavery he cures all national troubles. He begs for harmony among our selves. How shall we be united? "Res tore slavery," says he. He is opposed to war. How then shall rebels in arms be sub dued? "Revive the traffic of blood." He is opposed to taxes. How then shall our exhausted treasury be replenished ? "Raise more children for the market." Slavery, more slavery, still more slavery, is the only prescription of the Opposition doctors. If we are to look for the representatives of these great men on this side of the Atlantic I would not select them from among those who. born and raised in the free States, with all their moral and educational advantages, had not yet quite virtue enough when the struggle came to be patriots, nor quite cour age enough to be rebels, but I would rather select them from such men as Johnson of Tennessee, or Davis of Maryland, who, born and educated amid the influerces of slavery, still stood up for the Union cause at first al most alone. But, sir. the representatives of these men are to be found now as they were then on the other side of the Atlantic, the leaders of the liberal party in the British Parliament. ft Jhere is another party that figures large lyln the history of the revolutionary strug gle that the gentleman omitted entirely to name. ILave;tbeni noplace in his caste of parts. The ommission may be attribu ted to either modesty or forgetfulness. Pri or to the Revolution the members of this party had filled all the places of honor and profit in the colonies, and when the war came they heartily espoused the cause of the king, though they did not generally join his armies. Their principal business was to magnify diaaeter, depreoaU wecew, de nounce the currency, complain of the taxes, and denounce and dodge arbitrary arrests. To the patriot cause they w ere ever prophets of evil, i ailure was their word. The past was a failure, the future would be. Iu the beginning of the war this party was in the majority in some of the colonies, and consti tuted a large minority in all, but as the war progres--ed their numbers constantly dimin ished. Many of the leaders were from time to time sent beyond the "lines" and their estates confiscated. Most of thce settled in New Brun.-wick and Nova Scotia, right handy to the place where the gentleman in forms us he was born. This parti' was cal led tones, and if this war is but a repetition of the war of the Revolution, as the gen tleman intimates, where are their present representatives? Again exclaims the gentleman, "You can not subjugate eight million people." 1 know not which most to condemn in this ex pression, (I speak of course without person al application,) its insinuation of falsehood or its confession of cowardice. The United States does not propose to subjugate any portion of its people, but only to exact obe dience to law irom all. It is this misrepre sentation of the purpose of the Government that still keis alive the dying flames of the rebeHion. 1 can go furtWer with perfect truth, and say that it was this misrepresen tation that lighted those flames at iir-t. Tire slaveholders were told that it was the pur pose of the Administration to ib-stroy their personal and political rights : next they were reminded that they were proud, brave, chiv alric men. and then tauntingly asked if they were going to submit. They were thus fair ly coaxed and goaded into rebellion. Ex cept for this misrepresentation the Union people would have been in a large majority ia all the slave States, and despite it they are in a majority in more than half oi them to-day if they could be heard. But they are gagged, bound hand and foot by a des potism so cruel and so mean, so thorough and so eflicieut, that even the gentleman from New York has no fault to find with it. The country is too much engaged now with the immediate actors in the drama to look behind the screen? for the authors and prompters of the play. But when these ac tors have disappeared from the stage, gone down to graves never to be houored, or wan dering among strangers never to be loved ; in the peaceful future, when inquisition aidelv, aud abc-'tfors of "fllri'&riSaf Tftrttne? tTfe two classes so often coupled in denunciation in this Hall, the Abolitionists of the North, and the fire-eaters of tho South, will be scarcely noticed, but the quiet historian will "point his slow, unmoving finger" at those northern leaders who for fifteen years have deceived the South and betrayed the North. They will stand alone. The large majority that now gathers around them, moved there to more in hopes to escape. the severe hard ships of the war than from any love of them or their position, will have melted away from their support like dissolving ice be neath their feet, and well will it be for their posterity if they cau manage then, like By ron's wrecks, to sink into the 'Depths with bubhling grotn. Without a srrave. uuknelled. uncofiiued. and un known :' Subjugate the South ! No, sir; it is the purpose "as it is the duty of the Government to liberate the South, to drive out the usurp ers, and to restore to the deluded and betray ed masses the blessings of a free Republic. But the gentleman not only misrepresents the purpose of the Government to inflame the insurgents, but also misrepresents the extent of" the rebellion to -discourage the people in their efforts to subdue it. Where does he find his eight million hostile peo ple ? Allowing for West Virginia and East Tennessee, the whole white population of the eleven States that pretended to secede does not exceed one half that number. A lartre portion of these are now within the Union lines, professing no more hostility to the Government than the gentleman him self. Of those that remain uuder the power of the usurper a considerable number, in some localities more than half, do not de sire a separate Government, but would gladly accept the protection and privileges of the United States if sure that they were beyond the reach of their present oppressors. Where then I ask again, doe? the gentle man find his eight million people? Docs he mean to include the colored population of those States? I suppose not; they are to be tolerated only as brutes. He would not of courseiucludethem underthe headofw)7f-. I do not suppose he intended to include any portion or his own party.. I have a right to conclude, then, that this .number was only a slashing estimate to make a bad case. With half the white and ad the black population in these seceded States, it would be very strange if the Government were not strong enough to compel submis sion from the rest. The gentleman himself gives some little encouragement. The little State of Maine '(in which he tells us just in this connection he was born) is a match for England, France, and Russia, and he final ly adds for all Europe combined. Now, sir, if this little State which had only the honor of rocking his cradle, that claimed him only in long frocks and pet ticoats, could withstand all Europe single-handed, is it not reasonable to suppose that combined with the State of his adop tion, the great State of New York, that possesses him in all the glory of pantaloon ed manhood, it could flog the world and the "rest of mankind," in which I suppose the rebels would be included? Maine can be relied upon for the contest, so can New York, since no perfidious band now holds the helm, and the gentleman himself give3 some hope that he may be goaded in to the support of his struggling, suffering country. There is a point, he tells us, be yond which his forbearence will not go. It was not reached when the rebels seized our forts, navy-yards, arsenals, ehips-of-war, mint, and . eustom-houtes, mail and pot ofuees. It was not reached when they fired upon Sumter. It was not reached when they raised an army, hoisted a traitors flag, and laid siege to the capital. Jt was no! reached when they put pirates on the ocean to sicze, rob, and burn the peaceable mer chant vessels from his own city. It was nol reached when they raised the black flag and shot down our patriotic soldiers after surren der and then burned the hospitals over the heads of the sick and wounded. It was nol reached when they murdered women and children and unarmed men, and burned the vilages on the border without military motive. It was not reached when by the slow torture ol hunger and cold they mur dered by the thousand our dear, brave boys, prisoners of war iu their bauds. But he haf uu ultimatum notwithstanding. lio an nounces it f rom hbi place iu this Hall, and boldly flings it iu the teeth of the rebels, and has the courage to hope that they may hear him. They must not go too tar nor presume too much upon his forbearance. He will not stand everything. The inulu and crimes I have named he can endure, forgive, forget; but if they dare to inspect his baggage as he travels South, he "will not submit; never, never," ho repeats. "Will you fight them?" inquires the gentle man fr in Iowa, Mr. WlJo.v. Mark now the pluck of his answer. "When the day aud Lour come I will be ready to mark out the course I will pursue." Cambrone alone can answer that. It is fortunate fur the rebels that the honorable gentleman has not jet learned that the privilege so highly prised lias been denied him for three year and a half. Again, centralization, the absorption of all loc-al and muninripal authority by the Federal Government, is another lion iu the way of emancipation. What possible con nection is there between centralization arid emancipation ? Why should one follow the other? Emancipation has been going on quite rapidly for two or three years; haa the gentleman's city lost any of its muninct pal rights in consequence ? Is it not still ruled by the "Five Points" majority, with nothing to tear but its own mobs ! Does it not stifl elect corrupt men for judges, and thieves to the councils ! Let the gentleman look at home with his fears. It is his own city that is centralizing, centralizing all tha disloyalty and depravity of the North, and here he should begin his labors. power fnnn3 coTnlrryv- Vyri.ne -years iao rovernmeut'itself has been subsiduary to it Slavery had a capital ot at least $2,000, 000,000, as Much under the control of a few men as if it were a corporation with a pres ident and directors. It was this invest ment, thus centralized, that has been so appropriately and expressively, but to soma people very offensively, called the "slave power." Its control over the finances, trade, and politics of the country was almost 'su preme. It controlled the slave States by community of interest: by this agency it then selected the President of the United State--, and through his patronage control led the free States. It may be said without exaggeration that it owned the South,used the Government, and hired the North. Emancipation will rid the- country of this centralizing power, and if the gentlemau is really opposed to centralization he ought to vote for it. The gentleman clrses his remarks with an appeal to the friends of the Administration to stop the war but save the Union. If our armies are withdrawn from the territory claimed by the rebel leaders the war will bo stopped undoubtedly, but the Union will be divided. South of the Ohio and Potomao there will be another Government, practi cally recognized by us and formally acknowl edged by all other nations. But on the oth er hand, if the rebels can be induced to dis band their armies the war will cease and the Union be preserved. Now, sir, in imitation of the honorable gentleman, I will close my remarkswith an appeal to him and his polit ical associates to aid in tho accomplishment of this latter result. Do you inquire what you can do ? Go and proclaim to the delu ded supporters of Jefferson Davis two sim ple truths. First, that the United State does not now and never did seek their sub jugation, but only their submission to law. Teil them that the first election of Mr. Lin coln did not involve any interference with slavery in the States where it existed, and that subsequent emancipation originated not in the virtue of the Government but in the necessities created by their own misconduct. If slavery wa? their motive for separation, the removal of that motive by the removal of slavery was our necessity Whate ver has been constitutionally done in that direction by congressional, State, or -executive action must remain unless it is undone by authori ty equally constitutional. That theyinust submit to the Constitution in all its parts, including that which authorizes its own a mendment. Second, tell them that while the United States asks nothing more from them than submission to law, it will accept nothing less ; and above all, it will not con sent to its own dismemberment and the cre ation of two Governments between the Gulf and the Lakes. Tell them that the people have the will and the power to sustain this purpose of the Government. Though they are accustomed to spend their money with economy and do not wantonly shed their" blood, they have made up their minds, from high convictions of duty, to bear with pa tience whatever loss and sufferings the exe cution of this purpose may entail. Tell them that while the Government and peo ple are thus determined, they are not -vindictive. They do not raise the black flag, but constantly tender to the deluded masses pardon and protection. Go tell these two facts to the insurgent people, hitherto miv informed and mis led bv your untruthful al legations, and you will see them begin to drop away from their reckless leaders, and with the" blossoms of the coming spring wiJl om the sweeter Mewing ef peace. J
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