Raftsman's journal. (Clearfield, Pa.) 1854-1948, January 18, 1865, Image 1

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VOL. 11.-1VO. 20.
...i riir ini'I'Vl! t
Ti. Baftsjias s Journal is published on Wed- !
siday at 52,00 per annum in advance Auver- i
KSEMEJiTS inserted at SI. 50 per square, for three
r less insertions itn nuca .- , -
M1,r, For every additional insertion 50 cents.
A deduction will be made to yearly advertisers.
, , onsuuiuon oi iuf u iiacu locates iui
. jSttSMCStf JhrCCtOrjJ. prohibition of slavery.
t- - i j- Mr. Scofielu. Mr. Speaker, I rise to
1RVIK BROTHERS, Dealers in Square Pawed make some observations iu reply to tiie very
Lumber. Dry Goods, Groceries. Flour, Grain, ; remarkabie criticism pronounced by the geil-
Ao.Ae., BurnsidePa., Sept. li, IbM. tlemcrl Irom ew York Mr. BltOOKS j Oil
REfERICK LtfTTZIXGER. Manufacturer of ; the anti-slavery portion of the President's
11 kinds of Stone-ware, Clearfield. Pa. Or- j message,
asrs solicited wholesale or retail. Jan. 1, 1S0S : f tilG war ghoulj enJ uow without a di-
;SRAXS & RARRETtlollLTwTcToIr"- ! vi-siou of 'the Union what would be the sta
(J field. Pa. .May 13. 153. j tus ot slavery t It has been abolished in
l j cran ttai.teh baimif.tt. i Maryland by the new constitution ; but it is
: : ' : . . i ii? i i . :..i . .. ...,.i
OBERTJ. WALLACE, Attorney at Law. Clear j
I V field. Pa Office in Hhaw's new raw. Market
street, opposite Xaugle's .icwelry store. M ay lh.
BF.SAI GLE. Watch and Clock Maker, and
. dealer in Watches, Jewelry. Ac Room in
farham"s row, Market street. Nov. 10.
HBUCHER SV.'OOPE. Attorney at Law, Clear-
.field. Pa. inGrahamRow.Wd;,oS
weit of Graham A. .oynton a store.
HARTSWICK A HUKTon. Dealers in Druss, j
Medicines. Paints. Cils. Stationary. Perfume- j
. Fancy Goods, .Notions, etc., etc..
Cleartiefd, Pa.
June. 29. lhtil.
JP. KRATZER, dealer in Dry Goods. Cloth
. in. Hardware. Queensware, Groceries. Pro
Tiiom Ac. Front Street, above the Academy,
CUarfild, Pa. April 27.
-11 rlLLIAM F.IRWlN.Marketstreet.CU-ornclJ,
V Pa., Dealer in Foreign and Domestic Mer
chandise, Hardware. Queensware, Groceries, and
fii!y articles generally. Nov. 10.
JOHN GUELICH. Manufacturer of all kinds ol
Cabinet-ware, Market street. Clearfn ld. Pa.
He a1o makes to order Coffins, on short notice, and
auends funerals with a hearso. AprlO. o9.
J Examiniog Surgeon for Pensions.
CSC. Routh-west corner of Second and Cherry
Btrett. Clearfield, Pa. Jauury 21, I'ioS.
rilllOMAS J. M CULUU GH, Attorney at Law.
X Clearfield, Pa. 'See, east of the -Clearfield
ee. EaLk. Deeds and other leal instruments pre
pared with promptness aud accuracy. July 3.
JB M'ENALLV, Attorneyat Law. Clearfield,
. Pa. Practices in Clearfield and adjoining
.uatiei. Office in new brick building of .i . Hoyn
ou.2i street, one door south of i.at. ich s Hotel.
1 ) ICH ARD MOScOP. l- aler in foreign and Do
JV mestio Drv Goo Is, Groierie-. Flour, Bacon,
Liquors. Ac. lWn. on Market street, a few door?
ituf Jo.rMOf.Clearfiell.Pa A"7-
AUUIMEU X TEST. Attorneys at Law.Cloar
f.eld.Pa. Will attend promptly to all legal
and other business entrusted to their c ire in Clear
teld ud adjoining counties. u-ust 6. lo:0.
"flTM. ALBEilT A BRO S. Dealers in Dry Goods,
Groceries, lli:rlw:ire, Queenswarc, l'iour.
Bacon, etc.. Woodlan 1. Clearfield county. lYnn a.
Also, extensive dealer? in all kinds of sawed lum
ber shinzles, and square tiinhar. Orders soliei
Ud! Woodland, ug.JSUi.Jjso
The undersigned having locutcl in the bor
ough of Clearfield, (at the shop formerly occupied
by R Welch as a jewelry shop.) is prepared to
do work of all kinds on the most reasonable terms.
The cash will positively be expected when the
wurk is delivered. He is confident th st he can
not beexeelled by any workmen in tonnorour.ty
Come one! come all tutkt i!r" oftLslUj Yaih.
April l.',"u2-ly-pJ. J- H- I.AIXULLN.
rPEMPEKAM'K IIOI SE. The Fubscriber
JL would rcsnectfully inform the citizens of
Clearfield county, that he has rented the -Tipton
Hotel." and will use every endoavor to accommo
date those who mav favor him with 'heir custom.
II will try to furnish the table with the best he
euuutrv can afford, and will keep hay and feed to
accommodate teamsters. Gentlemen don't to-gct
the -i'lpton Hotel." SAMUEL SMITH.
Tiphn. Pa , May 25, ISiU.
A IX'TIONEER. The undersigned having
J been Licensed an Auctioneer, would inform
the ciliiens cf C learfield county that, he will at
Xnd to culling sales, in any part of the county,
whenever called upon. Charges moderate " .
Address, J )HN M QUI LIvIN.
May 1.1 Bower Po., Clearfield Co., Pa.
N". B. Persons calling sales without a proper li
ene are subject to a penalty of S:J0, which pro
ision will be enforced against thos;3 who may vi
el;e the sime.
, -j oi -, . In ats in my own district ii l say tnat now -
hrAP h flrniCl r Or iSR ' 1 eve- much they have condemned anti-slav-llliet)
XdllilbXUi. UdiO rior t0 the Kbellion, they
The subscriber will sell his three farms situate
In Pike township, Clearfield county. Pa., at pri
Timiale. Also, one tract of unimproved land
umbered and described as follows, to wit :
Nsl Is an improved tract on . which here
Idet. and contains about 2tf acres ClW acres f
hich is cleared. 23 acres being in meadow, and
th whole in a bito'li state ef cultivation and un
der good fences. The improvements are a good
fraie house, frame barn. (75 by iS feet.) wagon
bed. grain house, smoke house, wood hous ? and
other outbuildings. There is timber nuffioient on
thsland for all farm uses, and an excellent coal
tank. Also gKd water and a fine orchard of
tioiee fruit growing thereon.
So. 2. Is an improved tract, and contains I..i
teres of which i) ueres are cleared, 10 acres be
ing in meadow, and the whole in a good state of
ultivation and under good fences, with excel
lent water on the farm. The buildings are a log
nosife and an excel teut frame barn, and some oth
er outbuildings, There is on this tract sufficient
fiod timber for 7 or 3 rafts, and an excellent coal
"H. together with an orchard of choice fruit
trees. "
N'o. 3. Is an improved tract, containing about
ICOSurres, 30 acres cleared, (new,) with a small
P'ack house and baru thereon erected. The land
' under good fences, with excellent water ou it.
About 3 rafts of good timber also standing thereon.
No. 4. Is an unimproved tract of 401) acres.with
torce good pino timber growing on it, and will
... ' .. . . l -1 ,1
"one an excellent iarm nurncifwcu.
The above tracts will be sold in a body, or sep-J
iceiy. io suit purcnasera pretermit, uu"c,w.
o sell them in a body. The terms will be reason
able. The tracts cao be seen at any time by call
on the subscriber, or inquiries by letter will
k answered if addressed to Curwensville. Pa '
August 3. lsfit. DANIEL BAILEY.
SALT ! SALT !! SALT !'.! A prime arti
cle of ground alum salt, put up in patent
ks, at $3.23 per saoK, at the cheap cash store of
November 271 U. MOSSOP.
P ODDER CUTTERS of a superior make
for sal at reasooaVI jrit. a MSHRBLL
"RoTnarVs tf
January o, icoo,
In the House of Representatives, on the
Resolution proposing an amendment to the
"JMU"-r uau ,,,u ,1u.' w- u"-'
adopted. West Virginia has provided for
graiual emancipation; but that State, it is.
alleged, has no legal existence, and therefore
i!s action is null and void. In the State or
ircinin :i ni-w constitution prohibiting sla-
fa boon adopted by the loyal people
Union lines ; but the con.titu-
tioned, even bv anti-slavery men. Missouri
jjas Martially abolished slavery, and the C011-
v,;lltil, soo1 to assemble there. It IS S
vention. soon to assemble there, it is .sup-
j posed, will d'u-pose of what is left. In Ten-nes.-ee,
Louisiana, and Arkansas, slavery
has been prohibited by conventions repre
senting the Union people of those States;
Luc it h said that these conventions were ir
! regularly called, and their action is there
j lore void. In Kentucky such tlavcs as en-'
i tor the United htates Army are freed by
aet 'i v,o!tgress; but it is alleged tliui tne
act is unconstitutional. Congress lias abol
ished slavery in the District of Columbia,
and prohibited it all in the Territories: but
it is .-aid the tirst act is void, without the
assent of Maryland and Virginia, and the
latter is in conflict with the dictum of the
Supreme Court in the case of Dred Scott.
In ail the remainder of the States the slaves
were liberated by the President's pntclama
tion ; but that in.-trument, it is said, is too
just to be legal. Under these several enact
ments, however, the slaves, without waiting
to test their validity, are leaving their old
masters, forming new associations, seeking
education, eai nnu Iiur b''fs. learning scii-reiiuiK-v,
ana tiiu.s erecting barrwrs
revival of slavery stronger than legislation
it. -.if.
It ii apparent from this statement that i?
the confederacy should suddenly collapse,
liberating our Union fellow-citizens tliat-are
believed to exist in large numbers within its
picket lines, we would still have the slavery
question, out of which the whole trouble
grew, to be settled and disposed ot. It
ought to be equally apparent to all observ
ing persons that there is but one way to end
the strife Slavery in the end must die.
It has cost the country too much sutTering
and too much patriotic blood, and is in the
ory an institution too monstrous, to be per
mitted to live. The only ijuestion is, shall
it die now, by a constitutional amendment
a single stroke of the ax or .shall it linger
in party warfare through a quarter or half a
century of acrimonious debate, patchwork
legislation, and conflicting adjudication ?
The people were consulted upon this ques
tion la-1 fall, and they have responded in
favor of emancipation. 1 respect their o
pinion, not because I am a politician, the
motive hinted at in the message, but be
cause experience has taught me to rely upon
the judgment of the unambitious classes.
I am reminded that there was a large minor
it v. True, but the suffering consequent up
on this terrible war, and not love oi slavery,
made the minority so large. The people
suffered from the draft, from taxation, and
irom a depreciated currency, and untruthful
men told them that their own Government
imposed these hardships, not from the ne
cessiries created by the rebellion, but from
more lo e of despotic cruelty. Consult your
)::irf-i':iti constituency and you will find
thev are not so much infatuated with slavery
inn" I i - . . i l
..n.,f thn hnrrpiit T'.orfion of the Demo
1 tnniic 1 wouiu not, mis-
,1),,,.., r - :;. v ., . . i ..
would uow be glad to live the institution
Imvie! out ot their sight forever. 1 wo clus
A,..,. n.-knl.l -.r.Wt thosf who are so
poorly endowed as to be jealous of negro
eompctition, and those wno, (n.'ing uw
happilv born, apprehend that their pride
and importance might in some way be com
promised if the distance between themselves
and any portion of the laboring class were
lessened. " .
The IVesident, in obedience to the advice
of the people and the dictates of Ins own
kind heart aud unimpassioned judgment, has
recommended tnat we snouia suuunu una
amendment to the action of the States.
Why should it not be done?
Because, s.ays the gentleman from .New
York, IMr. Uitooics, we should not amend
the Constitution in the midst of civil war.
Whv, then, did he, in the close of his
speech, propose to amend it through the
medium of a convention, so as to give slave
ry an increased representation in this House
aud a protraction of its mischievous life,
and, further, to amend, in pursuit of some
State sovereignty vagrj so as to sink the
Government of the United States into a
mere agency for the collection of customs?
Do nottake the medicine now, says the ten
der nurse to the sick man, wait till you are
well and able to bear it. If the gentleman
will examine his own heart he will probably
find that it is the character of the amend
ment that is offensive to him. and not its
untimely presentation. ,
AMin, says the gentleman, some ot the
States are not represented here. He seems
to forget that Congress does ; not make a
mendments to the Constitution, but only
proposes them; They must be accepted by
three fourth- of all tie State in the Union
before they become part of the fundamental
law. If Congress caunot even propose a
meudments before the seceded States come
in, how can the gentleman call his conven
vention ? for that must be done by Con
gress. If these States are not represented
here the fault it theirs, not ours. Must all
the legislation be stayed until they choose to
return? and if not, why this more than oth
er important acts? If that rule should be
adopted we would always be iu the power of
a few membeis who chose to place them
selves beyond the reach of the Sergeant-at-Arrus.
The gentleman trifles With the grav
ity of the question and the good sense of the
House when he raises these objections, but
still proposes to waive them in favor of a
convention to consider his own amendments.
Why not tolerate slavery, continues the
honorable gentleman, and thus make the
slaveholders contented with the Union?
What evidence is there that toleration would
content them? They seperated from the U
nion, and organized an iinlcpondant govern
ment in February, 18G1. W hen'. priorto that,
had the institution for whose prolonged
cruelty the gentlemen pleads so earnestly
lacked toleration ? I submit that it had al
ways been tolerated : nay, more, it had al
ways had its will and its way in this Repub
lic I trust I will not, offend any member's
sensibilities if, I say its oppressive will and
its unchristian way. Whatever was asked
was granted. When jt asked new markets
to raise the price of men and women, and
to create a demand for the surplus children
of the institution, the request was granted.
Louisiana and Florida Territories were pur
chased iu part for this purpose. For this
purpose Texas was smuggled into the bjnion,
and'a war unneccs.-ary for any other purpose
secured I he northern provinces of Mexico.
When it demanded that white laborer
should go further north, and surrender mild
climated Missouri to slave labor, the surren
der was made. When irom motives of pol
icy it demanded the passage of t lie Missouri
compromise, it was passed. When it de
manded its repeal it was repealed. It bade
us vote down the Wilmot proviso, and we
obeyed. It demanded that escaped bond
men should be caught aud returned, lree of
cost, and. we gave them the despotic law.
Again it tlemanJed exemption from the
criticism to which all filings else in a repub
lic are exposed, and we granted the imiiin-
sorship of the mai
ud authorized the
burning of all offensive papers
and letters,
in the vain' hoie to ti '-troy
eternal ideas.
tbi t-wc it. demanded
silence in this
House and iu the Senate, and we adopted
the "Atherton gag." l'o this end it de
mandud sileuee in the North, and every city
raised its pro-slavery mob to demolish pres
ses and murder editors and lecturers. The
hand of slavery has ever been against every
body,givimrtheltepublie no rest day nor night
All day long these Halls and the country re
sounded with its insolent demands. Nowthe
West must be Africanized, now the East must
be crushed, now Cuba must 1j3 stolen, and
now Africa, unbarred to the pirates, aud it
woke us ujrat night with its fierce clamor for
escaped negroes. No, sir, slavery rebelled
not because it was n jt tolerated, but be
cause it would not tolerate anything else ;
I may s;iy because it could not afford to tol
erate anything else. It would not tolerate
the Declaration of Independence, because
that instrument proclaimed the freedom and
equality of the human race. It would not
tolerate the literature of the English lan
guage, nor the Christianity of the American
churches, nor the civilization of the nine
teenth century, because their spirit was op
posed to human bondage: It could not
tolerate New England, because her educa
tion, her industry, her sobriety, her justice,
and her unboasting'courage was an implied
censure upon slavery. And last of all,
slavery refused to tolerate the great prmci
ple upon which this Republic is founded
upon which all republics must be founded;
the will of the majority constitutionally ex
pressed. It was not only intolerant, but bol
ligorant. . It could not be otherwise. It re
cognized a natural, though undeclared foe in
everv good cause,, word, and work, and in
its; efforts to destroy these it has destroyed
itself. Conscious of its own inherent wrong
it k'san its defense before it was assailed,
and like the glass fortress, it has fallen not
by the assault of its enemies, but by the con
cussion of its own guns. It is pierced by
its own poisoned arrows. t .
So the struck eagle, stretched upon the plain,
No more through rolling clouds to soar again
Viewed bis own feathers on the fatal dart.
And winged the shaft that quivered in his heart.
We can hardly claim the honor of aiding
in its taking off. Like Falstaft s victim, it
w:is quite dead before we -dared to strike.
But tolerate it, cries- tho gentleman, and
pacify the madmen of the South. If JNew
v,-!r iron. nfHu'foil with hvdronhobia, the
gentleman would advise his constituents to
tolerate mad dogs. Do not muzzle them,
he would tenderly exclaim, do not chain
them, do not kill them, but tolerate, concil
iate, cherish them until this terrible disease
disappears from the city. But if slavery is
prohibited the country will become homoge
neous, and- in his opinion, homogeneity is
not derivable. Neither the ancient nor mod
ern nations of Europe, he informs us, were
homogeneous. They had many systems of
worship, and many kinds of languages and
races of men; but unfortunately for his ar
gument, in another part of his speech, and
for a different purpose, he confesses that
these same nations were afflicted with long
aud frequent civil wars originating in that
lack of homogeneity which he so much com
mends. But if this diversity ot character
is as desirable as represented, certainly we
have enough of it without' trying to rein
state slavery. Religion is nowhere more
free than in this country, ivery man se
lects his own altar. And as for races and
languages, what quarter of the many-ton-gued
earth has not contributed to our popu
lation? No thanks however to the honora
ble gentleman for this. At the leader and
organ editor of the American party, he
could not tolerate these foreign-born ra
ces, nor the adherents of the Catholic church,
and he comes here now and asks us to be
more intolerant even than that. He asks
us to prescribe a whole race, not only to the
extent to which proscribed foreign-born ra
ces, but to go further and proscribe them
from the human family and rank them with
the brute creation. And he asks us to do
this in the name of toleration. '"Strange
that a man's mouth can run on thus."
It has been often said of late that history
repeats itself. Of course it cannot be liter
ally true; but the gentleman cites it, and
then proceeds to search for the prototype of
the terrible drama now being enacted on
tins continent, and affects to find it in the
Revolution of 177G. Having settled this
point to his own satisfaction, he proceeds to
assign to the living actors their historic
parts. The rebels take the position of th;
colonial revolutionists, the Government of
the United States re-enact the part of
George III and his ministers while for him
self and the Opposition debaters of this
House he selects the honorable role of Chat
ham, Fox, Burke, and other champions of
colonial rights in the British Parliament.
Let us examine this. It is true that the
coIonUts rebelled against the Government of
Great Britain, and the slaveholders rebelled
against the Goveiuneiit of the United
States; but here the likeness ends. Be
tween the ciicumstances that might provoke
or justify lcbeliion in the two cases there is
no resemblance. The Government from
which the colonies separated was three
thousand miles beyond the seas. They
could not even communicate with it in those
days in less than two or three months. In
that Government they had no representa
tion, and their wants and wishes no author
itative voice. Nor was it the form or govern
ment most acceptable to the colonists. They
prefercd a republic. The rapidly increasing
population and the geographical extent and
position of the colonies demanded national
ity. Sooner or later it must come. The
tea tax and other trifling grievances only
hurried on an event that was sure to occur
from the influence of geography and popu
lation alone, llow is it in these respects
with the present rebellion? The. Govern
ment against which the slaveholders rebel
led was not a foreien one; it was as much
in'irfe wJy ti.r?rresSrited
think there was not a single law, upon the
statute-book to which they had not given
their assent. It was the Government they
helped to make, and it was made as they
wanted it. They had evcr had their share
or' control and patronige in it, and more
than their share, for they boasted with much
truth that cotton was king. Nor is there
any geographical reasons in their favor. It
is conceded even by the rebels themselves
that a division of the territory lying com
pactly between the lakes and gulf, the At-tan-ic
and the Mississippi, into two nations
would be a great misfortune to both. If it
were the Pacific States demanding separa
tion, bad as that would be, there would be
some sense in it; but for this territory you
cannot even find a dividing line. When
you attempt to run one, the rivers and
mountains cross your purpose. Both the
land and water oppose the division. There
is no disunion outside the wicked hearts of
these disloval men. I can see no resemb
lance, then, between our patriot fathers,
who toiled through a seven years' war to
establish this beneficent Government, and
the traitors who drench the land in blood in
an attempt I trust in God a vain one to
destroy it.
Again, sir, in what respect do the apolo
gists of the present rebellion in this llou.-e
resemble the advocates of our great Revolu
tion in the British Parliament? Conceding
they are their equals in statesmanship,learn
intr, elouuepce, and wit, I submit that they
fall far below them iu the merit of their res
pective causes. Chatham defended the cause
of the colonists as set forth in the Declara
tion of Independence that "all men are crea
ted equal, endowed by their Creator with cer
tain inalienable rights, among which are life
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness" the
honorable gentleman from New York pleads
for slavery, the auction block, the coflle, the
lash. With slavery he cures all national
troubles. He begs for harmony among our
selves. How shall we be united? "Res
tore slavery," says he. He is opposed to
war. How then shall rebels in arms be sub
dued? "Revive the traffic of blood." He
is opposed to taxes. How then shall our
exhausted treasury be replenished ? "Raise
more children for the market." Slavery,
more slavery, still more slavery, is the only
prescription of the Opposition doctors. If
we are to look for the representatives of these
great men on this side of the Atlantic I
would not select them from among those
who. born and raised in the free States, with
all their moral and educational advantages,
had not yet quite virtue enough when the
struggle came to be patriots, nor quite cour
age enough to be rebels, but I would rather
select them from such men as Johnson of
Tennessee, or Davis of Maryland, who, born
and educated amid the influerces of slavery,
still stood up for the Union cause at first al
most alone. But, sir. the representatives of
these men are to be found now as they were
then on the other side of the Atlantic, the
leaders of the liberal party in the British
ft Jhere is another party that figures large
lyln the history of the revolutionary strug
gle that the gentleman omitted entirely to
name. ILave;tbeni noplace in his caste
of parts. The ommission may be attribu
ted to either modesty or forgetfulness. Pri
or to the Revolution the members of this
party had filled all the places of honor and
profit in the colonies, and when the war
came they heartily espoused the cause of
the king, though they did not generally join
his armies. Their principal business was to
magnify diaaeter, depreoaU wecew, de
nounce the currency, complain of the taxes,
and denounce and dodge arbitrary arrests.
To the patriot cause they w ere ever prophets
of evil, i ailure was their word. The past
was a failure, the future would be. Iu the
beginning of the war this party was in the
majority in some of the colonies, and consti
tuted a large minority in all, but as the war
progres--ed their numbers constantly dimin
ished. Many of the leaders were from time
to time sent beyond the "lines" and their
estates confiscated. Most of thce settled
in New Brun.-wick and Nova Scotia, right
handy to the place where the gentleman in
forms us he was born. This parti' was cal
led tones, and if this war is but a repetition
of the war of the Revolution, as the gen
tleman intimates, where are their present
Again exclaims the gentleman, "You can
not subjugate eight million people." 1
know not which most to condemn in this ex
pression, (I speak of course without person
al application,) its insinuation of falsehood
or its confession of cowardice. The United
States does not propose to subjugate any
portion of its people, but only to exact obe
dience to law irom all. It is this misrepre
sentation of the purpose of the Government
that still keis alive the dying flames of the
rebeHion. 1 can go furtWer with perfect
truth, and say that it was this misrepresen
tation that lighted those flames at iir-t. Tire
slaveholders were told that it was the pur
pose of the Administration to ib-stroy their
personal and political rights : next they were
reminded that they were proud, brave, chiv
alric men. and then tauntingly asked if they
were going to submit. They were thus fair
ly coaxed and goaded into rebellion. Ex
cept for this misrepresentation the Union
people would have been in a large majority
ia all the slave States, and despite it they
are in a majority in more than half oi them
to-day if they could be heard. But they
are gagged, bound hand and foot by a des
potism so cruel and so mean, so thorough
and so eflicieut, that even the gentleman
from New York has no fault to find with it.
The country is too much engaged now with
the immediate actors in the drama to look
behind the screen? for the authors and
prompters of the play. But when these ac
tors have disappeared from the stage, gone
down to graves never to be houored, or wan
dering among strangers never to be loved ;
in the peaceful future, when inquisition
aidelv, aud abc-'tfors of "fllri'&riSaf Tftrttne? tTfe
two classes so often coupled in denunciation
in this Hall, the Abolitionists of the North,
and the fire-eaters of tho South, will be
scarcely noticed, but the quiet historian will
"point his slow, unmoving finger" at those
northern leaders who for fifteen years have
deceived the South and betrayed the North.
They will stand alone. The large majority
that now gathers around them, moved there
to more in hopes to escape. the severe hard
ships of the war than from any love of them
or their position, will have melted away
from their support like dissolving ice be
neath their feet, and well will it be for their
posterity if they cau manage then, like By
ron's wrecks, to sink into the
'Depths with bubhling grotn.
Without a srrave. uuknelled. uncofiiued. and un
known :'
Subjugate the South ! No, sir; it is the
purpose "as it is the duty of the Government
to liberate the South, to drive out the usurp
ers, and to restore to the deluded and betray
ed masses the blessings of a free Republic.
But the gentleman not only misrepresents
the purpose of the Government to inflame
the insurgents, but also misrepresents the
extent of" the rebellion to -discourage the
people in their efforts to subdue it. Where
does he find his eight million hostile peo
ple ? Allowing for West Virginia and East
Tennessee, the whole white population of
the eleven States that pretended to secede
does not exceed one half that number. A
lartre portion of these are now within the
Union lines, professing no more hostility to
the Government than the gentleman him
self. Of those that remain uuder the power
of the usurper a considerable number, in
some localities more than half, do not de
sire a separate Government, but would
gladly accept the protection and privileges
of the United States if sure that they were
beyond the reach of their present oppressors.
Where then I ask again, doe? the gentle
man find his eight million people? Docs he
mean to include the colored population of
those States? I suppose not; they are to be
tolerated only as brutes. He would not of
courseiucludethem underthe headofw)7f-.
I do not suppose he intended to include
any portion or his own party.. I have a
right to conclude, then, that this .number
was only a slashing estimate to make a bad
case. With half the white and ad the
black population in these seceded States,
it would be very strange if the Government
were not strong enough to compel submis
sion from the rest. The gentleman himself
gives some little encouragement. The little
State of Maine '(in which he tells us just in
this connection he was born) is a match for
England, France, and Russia, and he final
ly adds for all Europe combined.
Now, sir, if this little State which had
only the honor of rocking his cradle, that
claimed him only in long frocks and pet
ticoats, could withstand all Europe single-handed,
is it not reasonable to suppose
that combined with the State of his adop
tion, the great State of New York, that
possesses him in all the glory of pantaloon
ed manhood, it could flog the world and the
"rest of mankind," in which I suppose
the rebels would be included? Maine can be
relied upon for the contest, so can New
York, since no perfidious band now holds
the helm, and the gentleman himself
give3 some hope that he may be goaded in
to the support of his struggling, suffering
country. There is a point, he tells us, be
yond which his forbearence will not go. It
was not reached when the rebels seized our
forts, navy-yards, arsenals, ehips-of-war,
mint, and . eustom-houtes, mail and pot
ofuees. It was not reached when they fired
upon Sumter. It was not reached when
they raised an army, hoisted a traitors flag,
and laid siege to the capital. Jt was no!
reached when they put pirates on the ocean
to sicze, rob, and burn the peaceable mer
chant vessels from his own city. It was nol
reached when they raised the black flag and
shot down our patriotic soldiers after surren
der and then burned the hospitals over the
heads of the sick and wounded. It was nol
reached when they murdered women and
children and unarmed men, and burned the
vilages on the border without military
motive. It was not reached when by the
slow torture ol hunger and cold they mur
dered by the thousand our dear, brave boys,
prisoners of war iu their bauds. But he haf
uu ultimatum notwithstanding. lio an
nounces it f rom hbi place iu this Hall, and
boldly flings it iu the teeth of the rebels,
and has the courage to hope that they may
hear him. They must not go too tar nor
presume too much upon his forbearance.
He will not stand everything. The inulu
and crimes I have named he can endure,
forgive, forget; but if they dare to inspect
his baggage as he travels South, he "will
not submit; never, never," ho repeats.
"Will you fight them?" inquires the gentle
man fr in Iowa, Mr. WlJo.v. Mark now
the pluck of his answer. "When the day
aud Lour come I will be ready to mark out
the course I will pursue." Cambrone alone
can answer that. It is fortunate fur the
rebels that the honorable gentleman has not
jet learned that the privilege so highly
prised lias been denied him for three year
and a half.
Again, centralization, the absorption of
all loc-al and muninripal authority by the
Federal Government, is another lion iu the
way of emancipation. What possible con
nection is there between centralization arid
emancipation ? Why should one follow the
other? Emancipation has been going on
quite rapidly for two or three years; haa
the gentleman's city lost any of its muninct
pal rights in consequence ? Is it not still
ruled by the "Five Points" majority, with
nothing to tear but its own mobs ! Does it
not stifl elect corrupt men for judges, and
thieves to the councils ! Let the gentleman
look at home with his fears. It is his own
city that is centralizing, centralizing all tha
disloyalty and depravity of the North, and
here he should begin his labors.
power fnnn3 coTnlrryv- Vyri.ne -years iao
rovernmeut'itself has been subsiduary to it
Slavery had a capital ot at least $2,000,
000,000, as Much under the control of a few
men as if it were a corporation with a pres
ident and directors. It was this invest
ment, thus centralized, that has been so
appropriately and expressively, but to soma
people very offensively, called the "slave
power." Its control over the finances, trade,
and politics of the country was almost 'su
preme. It controlled the slave States by
community of interest: by this agency it
then selected the President of the United
State--, and through his patronage control
led the free States. It may be said without
exaggeration that it owned the South,used
the Government, and hired the North.
Emancipation will rid the- country of this
centralizing power, and if the gentlemau is
really opposed to centralization he ought to
vote for it.
The gentleman clrses his remarks with an
appeal to the friends of the Administration
to stop the war but save the Union. If our
armies are withdrawn from the territory
claimed by the rebel leaders the war will bo
stopped undoubtedly, but the Union will be
divided. South of the Ohio and Potomao
there will be another Government, practi
cally recognized by us and formally acknowl
edged by all other nations. But on the oth
er hand, if the rebels can be induced to dis
band their armies the war will cease and the
Union be preserved. Now, sir, in imitation
of the honorable gentleman, I will close my
remarkswith an appeal to him and his polit
ical associates to aid in tho accomplishment
of this latter result. Do you inquire what
you can do ? Go and proclaim to the delu
ded supporters of Jefferson Davis two sim
ple truths. First, that the United State
does not now and never did seek their sub
jugation, but only their submission to law.
Teil them that the first election of Mr. Lin
coln did not involve any interference with
slavery in the States where it existed, and
that subsequent emancipation originated not
in the virtue of the Government but in the
necessities created by their own misconduct.
If slavery wa? their motive for separation,
the removal of that motive by the removal
of slavery was our necessity Whate ver has
been constitutionally done in that direction
by congressional, State, or -executive action
must remain unless it is undone by authori
ty equally constitutional. That theyinust
submit to the Constitution in all its parts,
including that which authorizes its own a
mendment. Second, tell them that while
the United States asks nothing more from
them than submission to law, it will accept
nothing less ; and above all, it will not con
sent to its own dismemberment and the cre
ation of two Governments between the Gulf
and the Lakes. Tell them that the people
have the will and the power to sustain this
purpose of the Government. Though they
are accustomed to spend their money with
economy and do not wantonly shed their"
blood, they have made up their minds, from
high convictions of duty, to bear with pa
tience whatever loss and sufferings the exe
cution of this purpose may entail. Tell
them that while the Government and peo
ple are thus determined, they are not -vindictive.
They do not raise the black flag,
but constantly tender to the deluded masses
pardon and protection. Go tell these two
facts to the insurgent people, hitherto miv
informed and mis led bv your untruthful al
legations, and you will see them begin to
drop away from their reckless leaders, and
with the" blossoms of the coming spring wiJl
om the sweeter Mewing ef peace.