BY S. J. KfJW. CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 2), 1863. VOL. 9. NO. 20. The Voice of an Old Democrat. SPEECH OF THE B0S. BENJAMIN tnAMPNEYS, Or LANCASTER COCNTT. A joint resolution instructing onr Senators in Congress to oppose the passage of a law appropri ating twenty mill ions of dollars to compensate the owners of emancipated slaves in the State of Mis souri, offered some days since bj Mr. Kaine, of Fa yette, being under consideration in the House, Mr. Champ-sets said : I regret, Mr. Speak er, tbat some other gentleman, better able than myself to discuss tb is question, bas not risen to address the House ; but no other gen tleman taking the floor, I am rather compelled to speak on this subject, which 1 think should not pass without discussion. I hare always been opposed, Mr. Speaker, to this sort of legislative revision of the Con gress of the United States, except in matters pending there, in which our own Common wealth was interested. There is now upon the files of this House a series of resolutions not one of them breathing any cofirience in the Government not one of them denouncing re bellion of the South all of them sympathi zing with those who are opposing the arm of the Government ; because, air, I hold that, at this time, 'Opposition to the Government of this country is aiding rebellion. If ever there Was a time ra the history of any country in which there atrould be one united heart to sus tain this Government, it is at the present mo ment. It was a wise law of the Athenian Re public that compelled every citizen, when the country was in danger, lo avow his sentiments. Those who remained silent were punished equally with those who avowed their senti ments against the Government. It was a wise law and one which I think should commend itself to every loyal heart. Xow. sir, what is the history of this contest (I am not going to give it but simply to gUncr at it,) and particularly in reference to this slavery question 1 Why, sir, Pennsylva nia is now retrograding. Twice when I was in the Legislature some years ago, I voted in favor ot the abolition of slavery in the Dis trict of Columbia. In the year 182G or 1830, a proposition in favor of that object passed the Senate unanimously, and in this House it was passed with but eight dissenting voices, and the ground on which these eight dissen ting voices were given was that the resolution was not imperative upon our Senators and Representatives. And, air, I recollect the admirable and noble preamble of the act of 1780, drawn byone of the most distinguished men of the connty, in which are set forth sentiments of opposition to the institution of slavery, and in which it is declared that we, Having gained onr own liberties, should con siaer it our nrst duty to give freedom to those who bare been so much oppressed to those wno nave Deen separated, p-irents from children, and husbands from wives. inai resolution, ai me time when it was passed, received universal commendation Jlow we have gone back since that time! Why, sir, the establishment of a new State, w rstern V irginia, in which slavery has been repudiated, has been denonnced. when every one knows that the soil of thit State is worth three dollar where it was worth but one le- f-iw the abolition of slavery. Wherever the foot of slavery touchrs any soil, there is nec rsisarily depreciation in everything. It pre vrnts the emigration of freemen to that sec tion. Xo laboring man who values his perso nal position desires to make his home in a community that sustains the system of slavery. VVhy, sir, look at South Carolina that little State which undertook to overawe the Federal Government a State In which thirty thous and planters rnled two hundred thousand non sUveholding whites with a rod of iron, no one being entitled to vote, unless be has such an amount of property as may give him the pow er to do so. Yet, sir, the masses of the .North are told that this institution of slavery in eve n thing. It was De Bow's Review which de clared that lvery is the corner-stone or all civilized society ; that there is nothing to be compared to it anywhere ; that it has made the South moral and religious, while the North has become fanantical and infidel. And Ham mond, who in the Senate of the United States denounced the people of the North as mudsills" in a speech which was answered so plendidly by the unfortunate Broderick, said that the non slaveholding whites of the South bad only enongb education and enough pride f spirit to enable them to be ruled by the ilaveholdcrs. Now, sir, what is the policy or our Govern ment It is a beneficial policy a benevolent policy. It is a policy designed to make this itreat country what it ought to be. The Dem ocratic party in former days acknowledge the evils ot slavery. A Democratic convention '"Mat Pittsburg In 1849, adopted resolutions (Idonatnow recollect with what number or l;smting voices) declaring in favor of free il in the territories. That was the Demo cratic doctrine in those days. I recollect al o 'hat an eminent gentleman of our own "te, who had occupied the most distingulsh position in this country, denounced, in the Missouri Compromise and coi den.n J any attempt to force slavery into the terri tories. Such was the state of the public mind Informer years. But, sir. at this date, alter seventy years of consistent action against the Institution of slavery and in favor of emanci pation, (not with the design of destroying it unconstitutionally, I do not mean that,) it is proposed that we shall now suddenly take a and in this hall in favor of the institution of h ry"- Vnen Missouri is sending np her ahouts in favor of emancipation wheu she has begun to appreciate the beneficial effects of free institutions it is proposed to array on the side of slavery, Pennsylvania, a State jnat gave so noble an utterance on tbis sub ject iu 1780 a State tbat placed upon her 'atute books, by a vote unanimous or near v o, the declaration tbat slavery is an insti tution fraught with evils to the country, and, we had just emerged from the war of the devolution, in which we struggled to gain lib fty for ourselves, it was our duty before God 10 give freedom to the oppressed race within oorown midst. But, sir, it is now proposed t the Government of the country, when en- ft! in ono of the most neflcial measures " has ever attempted, shall be checked and "waited by that Legislature whose solemn declaration in 1780 was that the institution of iery is curse to the country. How ex inordinary r,r,.?hat y,i,wr H the struggles and u tl v ' 01 the Resolution, if this Republic to be MTered ? And I undertake to say, sir, I0t every meant wltbln tbe limits of the 1 Constitution should be adopted for the purpose of destroying and crushing the southern re bellion. The doctrine of the late (Buchanan) administration a doctrine which is lalse to all the teachings of the fathers of tbe Repub lic was that there is no power or the Govern ment to maintain its own integrity. Now, sir, if tbe gentlemen who are in the majority in this House intend, by restoring "tbe Con stitution as it is," to .revive that construction of it expounded by the late(Buchanan) Execu tive, our Constitution amounts to nothing. The Loudon Times, in commenting npon the message in which this extraordinary doctrine was announced, declared that no civilized na tion in the world would adopt such a doctrine that England would not permit the remotest colony to attempt to sevei itself from her do mains without resisting it by coercion to the utmost extent. Why, sir, our revolution was gained by co ercion. The banner of our republic, in those early days, had upon it the motto, "Resistance to tyrants." Such was tbe sentiment or our great chieftain of the Revolution. He bowed bis knee to the God or battles, and he pushed that contest to a successful close, without any violation of private rights without any inter ference with the administration of justice without anything which would soil thefair fame of the Government. Who surrounded bim in that btruggle 1 The chivalry of France, the choice sons of Ireland, the patriots of Po land and of Germany. They fought not mere ly for onr Republic; they fought for the great principle involved in tbe contest be tween the two nations. They saw in the vista of the future a bright spot amidst desert cen turies a place where they could have their thirst quenched at freedom's waters with none to make them afraid. Our present Constitution, as every man who has studied it knows, was formed tor the ex press purpose of enabling the General Gov ernment to take measures of coercion when its demands were notj properly complied with. And during the administration of of Washington, that great man set an exam pie in lavor of coercion by sending forth an army , at the mere appearance of opposition to the laws in western Pennsylvania. Sir, the whole course of the Government has been to resort io coercion wnenever me laws were violated, and whenever a State was invaded Even during tbe late(Buchanan)administration it was distinctly announced, in the case of U tab, both by the President and Sec'y or War, mat wnenever a atate or territory is in armed rebellion against the Goverroent, or whenever tne laws cannot be executed, it is the bounded uuijr ui me vroveriimeni io coerce such a State or territory by military force that there is in the Government an inherent Dower to do n Now, Mr. Speaker, whither are we drifting nre assume mat we are wiser than the Con gress of the United States tbat in the brief deliberation of a few moments, we can settln the knottiest questions of the Republic. What interest, I ask you, bas Pennsylvania is thus espousing the emancipation of slaves in Missouri? The people of that State desire emancipation. And what will the measure cost Pennsylvania 1 Gentleman on the other side have become very economical. Of the twenty million of dollars proposed to be ap propriated for this purpose, what would be Pennsylvania's portion 1 Perhaps a million one million of dollars. What is that amount, sir, when we consider the power, tbe wealth and the resources of this great Common wealth 1 The preamble of that act or 1780 auaivers the question. 1 do not wish to detain this House npon a question of such magnitude as this, because I have not had time to examine it. I desire an opportunity to look nt the subject with more care. My heart, sir, is with the President in his glorious efforts to hold out an assisting hand to the States that desire to emancipate tbeir slaves. Who does not know, Mr. Speak er, that in the State ot Maryland to day lands which iu the same parallel in Pennsylvania are worth one hundred dollars per acre are in Maryland worth but thirty dollars J And who does not know that if slavery were abolished in the State of Maryland, her lands would at once rise to an eqoal value with those of Penn sylvania? Why could this be so t Because with the abolition of slavery, freemen would go there. Wherever slavery is, freemen are degraded. Wherever slavery is, education is restricted, if not prohibited. Men ol some distinction have declared, that, if a division of tbe Union should take place, tbe destiny of Pennsylvania and New York would be with tho South. God deliver us from such a hor rible fate f I would rather this day be under the despotism of Russia than under the des potism of men who have no regard for the rights of tbe poor, and whose whole system is opposed to tbe education of (he masses of the people. Were such a state of things brought about, we should be in a condition of most hnmiliating degradation, under the overshad owing influence of slavery. This great Com monwealth, with all her immense resources and industrial interests, with all her manufac tories, would be put under the ban of free trade. We should be humiliated into sub mission, to our lords and masters, the slave holders. We should be forbidden to ntter any sentiments adverse to the views of the devotees of the ''peculiar institution." V hat would be the effect of the division of this Union 7 Why, sir, the Emperor ol Russia (who appears to understand our institutions a little better than some of our own people here) said very recently to Bayard Taylor, "I never want to witness tbe severance of your great Republic. I bave always been its friend. The first severance would lead to another and another ; yon would be broken into fragments; you would present to the world the spectacle of a ruined nation." This is the . truth which should be realized by every man in the north; and if it were realized in its full force, this re bellion would be speedily and completely crushed. For the reasons wihch I have suggested, I think tbat tbe resolution now under considera tion ahould be voted down. 1 think that the vote rejecting it would be greeted with appro val by every benevolent and loyal heart in tbe country. ' A letter bearing tbe following address, was received at the Post-OfBce, Port-Patrick : "From Ireland to Scotland care of E hi gal Wilson dry Lodger portpatrick to tbe Boys Sister that lodged with yon tbat played the Fiddle from Ireland. To be left at tbe Cor ner House till called for." Love Is tbe most intelligible when it U una ble to express itself in words. , . . . ; Democracy and the Soldiers' Vote. DEBATE IK THE PENNSYLVANIA SENATE. Who is the Friend of the Volunteer ? Below we present the fall proceedings of the Sen ate of Wednesday, Febuary 11th, on a resolution introduced by Mr. Johnson, the talented Senator from tbe Lycoming district, providing for an a mendment to the Constitution. which will allow the men who are fighting for their country to exercise tbe right of suffrage in the tented field. It will be observed from the full proceedings, that while the Democrats in tbat body did not dare to oppose the provision openly, every strategy was used to de feat the object of tbe same. Let every man who believes that tbe soldier possesses rights as a citi zen, notwithstanding he fights for his country, read this discussion carefully. It will preve to the coun try conclusively tbat the Democratio leaders are opposed to soldiers' voting. . The Democratic Su preme Court has unjustly deprived the soldier of his vote by its decision; and these men of lesser grade are carrying out the principle. Tbe discus sion in tbe Senate on this subject, is as follows : Mr. John sox. I move that the Senate pro ceed to consider bill Sen. No. 101 entitled A joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution, extendiug the right of suf frage to citizens in actual military service. The motion was agreed to, when the bill was read, as follows: Be it resolved by the Senate ami House of Rep resentatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylva nia, in General Assembly met, Teat the follow ing amendment be proposed to tbe Constitu tion of tbe Commonwealth, in accordance with the provisions of tbe tenth article thereof : There shall be an additional section to the third article of the Constitution, to be desig nated as section four, as follows : Section 4. Whenever any of the qualified electors of this Commonwealth shall be in any actual military service, nnder a requisition from the President of the United States or by the authority of this Commonwealth, such electors may exercise tbe right of suffrage in all elections by the citizens, under such regu lations as shall be prescribed by law, as fully as if they were present at their usual place of election. . The bill was lead a third time, and coming ueiore the senate on its final passage. The yeas and nays were required by Mr. Hiestand and Mr. Nichols, and were as lot Lows, viz : ieas Messrs. Boughter, Bound, Bucher, Uiymer, Connell, Donovan, Fuller, Glatz, Gra ham, Hamilton, Hiestand, Johnson, Kinsey, Lamberton, Lowry, M'Candless, M 'Sherry, jhoii, isicbols, reoney, Keilly, Ridgway, Robinson, Seriill, Smith, Stark, Stein, Stutz- man, Turrell, Wallace, White, Wilson and Lawrence, Speaker 33. Nars Nona. So the bill was passed by a unanimous vote Air. Wilson moved that tbe vote just taken bo reconsidered for tbe purpose of amending me oiii. The motion was agreed to ; and the bill be ing again before tbe Senate on its final pas sage. Mr. Wilson moved that the Senate resolve itself into committee of the whole for the pur pose ot special amendment of the bill by in serting ine words "are or, ' alter tbe words "such regulations as" near the conclusion of the section. ' Mr. Clymer. I would like to have the opin ion ot tne Chairman of tbe Committee on the Judiciary? (Mr. Penney,) whether in an a- mendiueiit to the Constitution it would be proper to adopt any legislative enactments that may have heretofore existed whether it is not obligatory thai the enactment of minor details of the general provision set forth in the amendment should be made in conformity with that amendment and therefore made sub sequently. In tbe present case, tbe amend ment proposed bv the Senator from Tiosra would bave the effect of adopting as legal and constitutional an enactment at present upon our statute book. 1 simply desire to have an expression of opinion on this subject. 1 would feel, in this matter, very much disposed to be governed by the opinion of the chairman of the Judiciary Committee, and I desire that every Senator may bave an opportunity of un derstanding exactly what are his views. Mr. Penney. I do not know that I am pre pared lo answer very ictelligibly the question put by the Senator from Berks. It occurs to me, however, on the impulse of the moment, tbat it is not unusual in a constitutional pro vision to reler to laws existing at the time of the adoption of tbat provision, certainly not at least so tar as some of the provisions are concerned. I am not'pt-epared to express an opinion as to the propriety of the amendment. The question is one of importance aud is en titled to some consideration. Mr. Wilson. I had not previously reflected upon this subject, but upon bearing tbe bill rctd by the clerk, it occurred to me that tbe adoption of tbe amendment which I have pro posed would obviate the necessity of passing a further law on this subject. Jt will have the effect of regulating the manner of holding e lections in the army without an additional provision being rendered necessary for that purpose. Mr. Clymer. While I still entertain a doubt upon the question which 1 propounded to the chairman of tbe Judiciary Committee, it ap pears lo me that another query which has sug gested itself to my mind as to the effect of the amendment would be appropriate at this time. We are all aware that citizens ot our State in actual military service participated in the election of 1861, and tbat that election was conduced in the army nnder the suppo sition that tbe laws then in force entitled sol diers beyond the limits of the State to exer cise tbe right of suffrage. We know by the result that tbe laws then existing were ineffi cient for the purposes to which it was sought to apply them, and that tbe holding of tbe e lection occasioned fraud, confusion and diffi culty. The subject bas occupied tbe atten tion of our Supreme Court and or our courts of common pleas, almost every county of tbe State having had some difficulty with regard to it. Now, sir, if tbe existing laws npon tbe statute book are so imperfect as to render the holding of an election almost useless so far as concerns its proper results, I think it would be a piece of folly for tbe Senate, by a consti tutional amendment, to re-enact and revive the laws which bave led to so much confusion and difficulty heretofore. This subject is one that is not confined to any of the parties rep resented npon this floor. Both of the politi cal parties of the State have possibly bad cause to complain of the frauds committed under tbe laws as tbej stand.. There were no safeguards thrown around tbe ballot-box du ring those election? io the army ; there were no modes pointed oat in which they should be conducted; indeed it. was . almostimposslble to say who was authorized under tbe law to conduct the elections. 1 think it would be unwise and injudicious for this Legislature to suomir, to tne people of tbe State ah amend ment of the Constitution which will, it adopt- ea, revive laws which have led to such confu sion. While lam heartily in favor of the general tenor of this amendment ; while I would support it here and support it else where, yet for the reasons I bave stated I shall refuse to vote in ravor of going into commit tee of the whole for special amendment as in aicated. Mr. Lowry. I will vote to eo into commit tee of the whole for the purpose of special a- menoment, and lor tbe simple reason that bv tbe proposition of the Senator from TJoga we will retain these laws for the government of me elections npon eur statute books until bet ter ones are substituted in their place. . If this proposition is not carried we will have, as t understand it, an amendment of our Con stitutioo allowing our soldiers to rote without any provision whatever as to the manner of their voting. Now, sir, I am in favor of the law as it now stands. Give ns the law as it is on our statute book until the Senator from Berks shall give us something better. i he question being on the motion of Mr, Wilson, tbat tbe Senate resolve itself into committee of the whole for special amend ment, by inserting tbe words "are or" near the end of the section. . The yeas and nays were reauired bv Mr. Mott and Mr. Stein, and were as follows, viz : Yeas Messrs. Boughter, Bound, Connell, uonovan, rniler, Graham. Hamilton, Heis tand, Johnson, Kinsey. Lowry, M'Candless, m -sherry, .Nichols, Penney, Ridgway. Robin son, Sorrill, Stutzman, Turrell, Wallace, wniie, v iison and Lawrence, SpMfcer 24 Nats Messrs. Bucher, Clymer.Glatz. Lam berton, Mott,Reilly,Sniitb,Stark and Stein-9. bo tbe motion war agreed to. . In committee of the whole, (Mr. Bound in the chair,) the amendment was agreed to. Mr. Wallace desired to submit an amend ment, but as the Senate bad gone into com mittee ot tne whole lor tbe purpose of special ly amending the bill, further amendment was declared out of order.! - The bill was then reported to the Senate as amended. Mr. Wallace. My object in rising when tbe bill was before tbe committee, was to pro pose an amendment, the substance of wbich was that none but citizens of this Common wealth ahould conduct elections in the army. as tne proposed amendment to tbe Constitu tion stands now, a person not a citizen of this Commonwealth may condnc t - tbe 1 election. That Is my view of it. I therefore ask. the unanimous consent of the Senate for the adop tion or tne following amendment : To insert at the end of tbe bill tbe words, "Provided, 1 hat none but citizens of this Commonwealth shall act as officers of the election." Mr. Hiestand. It strikes me that that pro vision wouia De more appropriate if incorpo rated io the law regulating elections. It will be out of place in an amendment to tbe Con stitution. Mr. Wallace. The objection of the gentlem&n from Lancaster is met by a reference to the law, which in no part provides that such per sons are to De citizens of the Commonwealth Objection being made to tbe amendment. Mr. Wallace moved that the Senate resolve itself into committee of the whole- for tbe pur pose oi amendment, as indicated, , Mr. Penney. It seems to me tbat the a mendment of the Senator from Clearfield had better be made to the law rather than tbe Con stitution. We are perhaps going too far into particulars when we undertake to define in tbe Constitution tbe special manner of holdine elections, 'the provision of the bill is a gen eral one, authorizing the holdinsr of elections in the army, and I think that the present pro position is one which enters too far into detail Mr. Wallace. I would not have suggested the amendment had not the proposition of the Senator from Tioga been adopted. As the matter stands at present, we ere in tbe posi tion or passing an amendment to tbe Consti tution which authorizes the elections, while at tbe same time the law does not provide that those elections shall be conducted bv citizens or voters of tbe Commonwealth. SuDuose that we pass this Constitutional amendment. and that, before tbe passage of an act making provision in tne manner 1 have Indicated, an election is held. - under the Constitution, an election can then be held by other persons than voters of this State. It was for the pur pose or meeting that possible case that I pro pose the amendment. I suggested it merely because the previous amendment seemed to necessitate such a provision. Mr. niestand.' In reply to tbe Senator I ill say tbat if in the event of a ratification of this amentmeht tbe Legislature should not provide a remedy for tbe case which be bas suggested, then I think it ia better to extend to the soldiers the right to vote, even if the elections are conducted by persons who are not citizens of this Commonwealth. It is of course for the Legislature to provide a means for regulating the elections, but if they do not do tbat, 1 say that the soldiers should not therefore be deprived of the rights of free men. That is my view of the subject. When tbe right of suffrage by our citizens is the question at issue, 1 would not stand npon a mere technicality as to who shall conduct its exercises. Whether tbe person holding tbe election is a citizen ot New York or of any other State, is a matter of minor importance. Mr. t uller. Tbe chief difficulty in my mind in regard to the amendment of the Senator from Clearfield is tbat it destroys the effect of tbe amendment which bas just been adopt ed. By tbe present law of the Commonwealth the army officers are authorized to bold elec tions. Many of these officers are not citizens of this Commonwealth, so that by the adop tion of this amendment, in many instances, elections would not be beld at all. . : Mr. Wilson. I think tbat the proposed a- mendment entirely stultifies tbe object of tbe amendment offered by myself. The law now prescribes that certain persons kball bold elec tions m tbe army. Tbe pending amendment, if adopted, would perhaps allow one company to vote, while another, whose captain' is per haps a citizeo or tbe State of New York or some State other than Pennsylvania, would be prohibited from voting. If tbe laws regula ting elections are not sufficiently explicit, tben this amendment could be made at the proper time; - When that time arrive 1 aball ebeerTuUj vote, for sacb i provision. ' ;i.f f. ' . Mr. Bound, it strikes me that the ' whole difficulty in this case can be obviated, if it is the desire of the Senate to enact a law of that k,lnd, by simply passing a bill amendatory of tbe law ot 1812, which bill tben became a part of the law regulating elections. - The question being on the motion of Mr. Wallace. The yeas and nays were required by Mr. Wallace and Mr. Nichols, and were as fol low, viz t Yeas Messrs. Bucher, Clymer, Donovan. Glatz, Kinsey, Lamberton, M'Sherry, Mott, Reilly, Smith, Stark, Stein and Wallace 13. Nats Messrs. Boughter, Bound, Connell. Fuller, Graham , Hamilton, Heistand, John- Son, Lowry, M'Candless, Nichols, Penny, Ridgway, Robinson, Serrill, Stutman, Tur rell, White, Wilson and Lawrence,5peaJter 20. o the motion was not agreed to. The question recurring on the final passage of the bill. The yeas and navs were reauired bv Mr. Donovan and Mr. Johnson, and were as fol low, viz : : Yeas Messrs. Boughter. Bound, Bucher. Clymer, Connell.Donovan, Fuller, Glata, Gra ham, Hamilton, Hiestand, Johnson, Kinsey, Lamberton, Lowry, McCandless, McSherry, Mott, Nichols, Penny, Reilly, Ridgway Rob- ft.iii, uuiiiii. umi iv, uiu liiiuail lurrell, Wallace, White, Wilson and Law rence, Speaker 33. Nats none: So the bill was passed by a unanimous vote. FRAUDS UPON THE GOVERNMENT. Astounding Developments. Tbe Commitee of Congress appointed to investigate the matter of the charter of trans ports for the Banks Expedition, bave brought to ngni some asiounaing anuses ana frauds It appears that on the 20th of April. 1861. Lapt. Kichard J! . Loper was appointed jissis tant Jlgent tf the U ar Department by J. Edgar xnompson, rresidenl of the Pennsylvania Rail road Company, as Mr. Thompson himself says in tbe pretended commission nnder which be acted, "in accordance with the authority ves ted in me by the Secretary of War." Tbe Committee remark tbat they "are unable to say by virtne or what law an 'Assistant Agent ot the War Department', was appointed, or how the appointing power came to be lodged in tbe bands of the President of the Pennsyl vania Railroad Company. This commission was revoked in May, 1861, by J. Edgar Thompson, who informed Capt. Loper that be had been notified by tbe Secre tary of War (Mr. Cameron) of the appoint ment of Mr. John Tucker as "United States Transport Agent" Mr. Thompson tben wrote a letter to the Secretary of War, stating that Capt. Loper bad been "untiring in his efforts to serve the country." The more heavy oper ations of Capt. Loper began with the appoint ment ot JHr. Tucker as "united States Trans port Agent," and they have continued with out intermission during the whole of Mr. Tucker's two terms of office, first as Agent, and subsequently as Assistant Secretary of War. Mr. Tucker employed Capt. Loper . to "inspect and recommend" all kinds of vessels at Philadelphia, New York and Annapolis, for various services and evpeditions, and Capt. Loper proceeded to charge from five to ten per cent, commission on the gross earnings of the vessels recommended to Mr. Tucker for charter ; yet be assured tbe Committee that, as he had money enough for himself and his children, be was "actuated solely by a desire to aid in crushing thisungrateful rebellion.'" Tucker, in his testimony, attributes lo bim "great purity and patriotism." .it appears oy mis report tnat one Amassa Hall, of Baltimore, has enjoyed the monopoly ot chartering all tbe vessels the Government needed at that port, add Mr. Hall seemed to be fully aware of tbe advantages ot this mo nopoly. No vessels could secure a charter of tbe Quartermaster unless Mr. Hall offered it. Mr. Hall acted in tbe double capacity of bro ker for tbe owners of - the vessels, and as a sort of agent of the Government. We have now the three principal characters in the drama before us Tucker, Loper and Hall. We now return to Capt. Loper'a "el- forts to serve tbe country :" Commencing on the 20th of April. 1861. to act as "Assistant Agent of tbe War Depart ment," he commenced on the Same day to receive five per cent, commission on tbe earn ings of vessels chartered by bis agency. The first vessels tie took np was tbe steamer W: Whildin, April 20, 1861, owned by Anthony Reynold, at $1T3 per day. (Senate, Ex. Doc; 37, page 2, 37th Congress, Second Session;) Mis Reynold testifies that tbeWhildin remain ed in tbe service under tbat charter to the present time, although ber rate of charter was subsequently reduced to $50 per day ; the re ceipts of tbe steamer Whilden, np to tbe time of tbe delivery of Mr. Reybold s testimony, must have been somewhere between $97,650 and $113,925, on which Capt. Loper's com mission were between $4893 and $5476. Mr. Reybold chartered the steamer Express to the Government, through Capt. Lopor, at $175 per day, the Star at $110 per day, and tbe John Tucker at $200 per day, paying Loper n ve per cent on their gross receipts. Through the same agency, Mr. Reybold chartered tbe uiamona uiate (do tons) at $2U0 per day, ( w.w u.iii ou iuiibj i. pur uaj , ana me t Gen. Burnside (400 tons) at $300 per day. Capt. Loper himself being part owner of tbem. Mr. Reybold testifies that bis own receipts from these charters were about $1100 per day, or at the rate of $401,000 per year. Mr. Lo per's commission on Mr. ' Keybold's boats could not bave been less tban $20,000 a year; for although he charged no commlsion on the three boats of wbicb be was part owner, it must be presumed tbat tbe amount wbich be derived from tbem over and above a fair mer- cbantile profit was at least equel to five per cent., otherwise he would nave charged tbe commission. If tbe Government bad bought Mr. Reybold's fleet at tbe outset, instead of employing Captain Loper to charter them, it wonld of saved an Immense amount of money. We now notice a few of tbe transactions of ' Mr. Hall; in whom tbe Assistant Secretary of j War, Mr. Tucker, "expressed much confl- ' The magnitude of his transactions may be Inferred from the fact tbat 384 vessels were chartered by bim, 380 of them chartered on- der direction of Mr. Tucker, npon all of wbich Mr.Hall received, or is to receive, a commis sion not less than five per cent, of tbeir gross earnings.: In some cases, the Committee say, they .were ten per cent. One . transact too is given ns characteristic of the. business : Capt. Rice chartered the steamer Cecil to the Gov. eminent through Hall at $T5 per day, although be bad offered to Hall to charter ber for $50 per day. Hall inserted in the charter party tbe sum of $80, saying to Rice, "you can give me the extra $5." Rice refused to coun tenance this. Hall, the Committee? say, "ei ther annulled the character or ' aatisfied Capt.' Rice that hi bad done so, for tbe purpose ot getting, tbe boat into the hands of someone who would bay tbe bsual blackmail." The Committee say steamers which cost $65,253 were chartered at $947 per day, or at a rate of : $345,655 per annum, equal to. 329 1 percent., on the investment.. An old iron boat, which had been condemned even for hat-bor service, was charteted at $60 per day for tbe Government, though nnable to do ser vice enough to pay for the fuel abe consumed. One vessel brought a profit of 2220 per cent to ber owners. The barge Delaware, tallied at $2500, whose rhtihliig expenses were $7 per day. was chartered by Mr,. Tucker for tbe Government at $70 per day.. Her net re ceipts were at the rate of $22,995 per annum. "Capt. Hodges and Mr. Tucker thought she waS the cheapest thing they chartered." Ten steamers and two barges were chartered of a Mr. Coblens, a Prussian.. All the vessels bought by Coblens were under charter to the Government when purchased, the charters having been generally effected by Mr. Hall, and be receiving five per cent, commission on earnings, and many or them were owned by nail before passing into Cobteti's possession. Hall swears that he paid Loper $13,000 at one time "for getting business lor him." , We have given but a few samples ot these a bominabli) transactions, but enough to cause a feeling of sadness in tbe mind of the reader. The committee say, they "are overwhelmed with astonishment and sorrow by the revela tions wbicb bave been made. If their recom mendations are faithf oily carried out, soma de gree of justice may yet be' awarded to the government and to these parties: MASSACHUSETTS OUT IN THE COLS. . Upon this subject the Springfield Republi can has the following suggestive paragraph i One of our high state officials lately received a letter from the committee bn education in the Missouri legislature, to the effect tbat as Missouri was to become a free state by tbe ac tion of its present legislature, and tbat not through the mere good pleasure of th legis lature itself, but because tbe People demand ed it, tbe next thjng to be provided for was a system ot popular education. And as the engrafting of tbe Massachusetts system npon the newly made free state offered the readiest as well as tbe best means of securing the (ob ject desired, all oi our educational reports and socn germain information as could bo furnish. ed otherwise, were solicited. To our mind this looks marvelously like a realization of that darling dream of tbe copperheads leav ing Massachusetts ont in tbe cold. The pre- sumption is that when Missouri shall bave be come a free state, with tbe zeal and enthusi asm of a new convert to tbe trne faith, she will find herself in infinitely closer sympathy with our old Commonwealth than with tbe half converted and doubtfully-inclined, free states more immediately upon her borders.. Tbe copperheads of Indiana and Illinois wiil prob ably wake up some of these fine morning to find an uncomfortable "fire in tbe rear." The following is said to bave passed in a school down east: ' - . "What is the most northern town in the States t" "The North Pole." 'Who is it inhabited by T" "By the Poles, air." . ' "That's right. Now what is the tueaninc of the word stoop ?" , "I don't kuow, sir." . What do I do when t bend over thus V '' Fou scratches Jrour shins, sir." 1 "What is tbe meaning of tbe word carve V "I don't know, sir." , "What does your father do when he sits flown at the table t3 - . ' ... "He axes Tor the brandy bottle." - "I don't mean tbat. Well, then, what does your mother do when you sit down at tbe ta ble t" She aaVs she will wrlnir onr hecks If we spill any grease on the floor." A country school teacher, preparing for an exhibition of bis school, selected a class of pupils and wrote down the questions which he would put to them on examination day. The day came, and so did the young hope Tula, all but One. Tbe pupils took their places as bad been arranged, and all went glibly on till the question came tor the absentee, which the teacher asked : 'In what do you believe 7" "Napoleon Bonaparte." .. . "You believe in tbe Holy Catholic Churcii; do you not?", " "ifoi" said the boy, amid roars of laugh ter, "the boy who believed m tbe Chbrcti didn't come to school to-day; he is at home aick abed." A "Demoralized" Soldier. Tbe New York Tribune tells a story of a stout, athletic Zouave, who, running away from the battle at Fredericksburg, was checked by a Lieutenant witn a arawn sworo. saia tbe latter ".Stop sir ! Go back to your regiment. vn infernal coward, you are not wounded." "For Heav en's sake let me pass," Implored the fugitive, 'l know I'm not wounded, but I'm fearfully demoralized. - : . !, . ; ". in i Some stupids bantering a fat companion1, remarked that, if all flesh waa grass, he mast be a load of bay. I suspect I am," said He, "from tbe way you asses nibble at me." 1st boy.-"Ab, we've got a new horse, and yon have'nt." 2d boy. "Say, i dori't care, ttiy daddy was drafted, and yours was'flt." . An Irish attorney says no printer should pub- lish a death unless apprised of tbe fact by tbe deceased.' 1 A Man may be called poverty-stricken when knocked down by a beggar. : ' . .- , .The annset clouds are tbe visible song' of the day tbat is dead.: ... . ; . ,. . i . ' l"'J vDaily Evening Mai!" A lover calling on his sweetheart.;) ' - r1, tfeartj everf etfl hx ftt eojosatlo8. 1
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers