BY S. J. KfJW.
CLEARFIELD, PA., WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 2), 1863.
VOL. 9. NO. 20.
The Voice of an Old Democrat.
SPEECH OF THE
B0S. BENJAMIN tnAMPNEYS,
Or LANCASTER COCNTT.
A joint resolution instructing onr Senators in
Congress to oppose the passage of a law appropri
ating twenty mill ions of dollars to compensate the
owners of emancipated slaves in the State of Mis
souri, offered some days since bj Mr. Kaine, of Fa
yette, being under consideration in the House,
Mr. Champ-sets said : I regret, Mr. Speak
er, tbat some other gentleman, better able
than myself to discuss tb is question, bas not
risen to address the House ; but no other gen
tleman taking the floor, I am rather compelled
to speak on this subject, which 1 think should
not pass without discussion.
I hare always been opposed, Mr. Speaker, to
this sort of legislative revision of the Con
gress of the United States, except in matters
pending there, in which our own Common
wealth was interested. There is now upon the
files of this House a series of resolutions not
one of them breathing any cofirience in the
Government not one of them denouncing re
bellion of the South all of them sympathi
zing with those who are opposing the arm of
the Government ; because, air, I hold that, at
this time, 'Opposition to the Government of
this country is aiding rebellion. If ever there
Was a time ra the history of any country in
which there atrould be one united heart to sus
tain this Government, it is at the present mo
ment. It was a wise law of the Athenian Re
public that compelled every citizen, when the
country was in danger, lo avow his sentiments.
Those who remained silent were punished
equally with those who avowed their senti
ments against the Government. It was a wise
law and one which I think should commend
itself to every loyal heart.
Xow. sir, what is the history of this contest
(I am not going to give it but simply to
gUncr at it,) and particularly in reference to
this slavery question 1 Why, sir, Pennsylva
nia is now retrograding. Twice when I was in
the Legislature some years ago, I voted in
favor ot the abolition of slavery in the Dis
trict of Columbia. In the year 182G or 1830,
a proposition in favor of that object passed
the Senate unanimously, and in this House it
was passed with but eight dissenting voices,
and the ground on which these eight dissen
ting voices were given was that the resolution
was not imperative upon our Senators and
Representatives. And, air, I recollect the
admirable and noble preamble of the act of
1780, drawn byone of the most distinguished
men of the connty, in which are set forth
sentiments of opposition to the institution of
slavery, and in which it is declared that we,
Having gained onr own liberties, should con
siaer it our nrst duty to give freedom to
those who bare been so much oppressed to
those wno nave Deen separated, p-irents from
children, and husbands from wives.
inai resolution, ai me time when it was
passed, received universal commendation
Jlow we have gone back since that time!
Why, sir, the establishment of a new State,
w rstern V irginia, in which slavery has been
repudiated, has been denonnced. when every
one knows that the soil of thit State is worth
three dollar where it was worth but one le-
f-iw the abolition of slavery. Wherever the
foot of slavery touchrs any soil, there is nec
rsisarily depreciation in everything. It pre
vrnts the emigration of freemen to that sec
tion. Xo laboring man who values his perso
nal position desires to make his home in a
community that sustains the system of slavery.
VVhy, sir, look at South Carolina that little
State which undertook to overawe the Federal
Government a State In which thirty thous
and planters rnled two hundred thousand non
sUveholding whites with a rod of iron, no one
being entitled to vote, unless be has such an
amount of property as may give him the pow
er to do so. Yet, sir, the masses of the .North
are told that this institution of slavery in eve
n thing. It was De Bow's Review which de
clared that lvery is the corner-stone or all
civilized society ; that there is nothing to be
compared to it anywhere ; that it has made
the South moral and religious, while the North
has become fanantical and infidel. And Ham
mond, who in the Senate of the United
States denounced the people of the North as
mudsills" in a speech which was answered so
plendidly by the unfortunate Broderick, said
that the non slaveholding whites of the South
bad only enongb education and enough pride
f spirit to enable them to be ruled by the
ilaveholdcrs.
Now, sir, what is the policy or our Govern
ment It is a beneficial policy a benevolent
policy. It is a policy designed to make this
itreat country what it ought to be. The Dem
ocratic party in former days acknowledge the
evils ot slavery. A Democratic convention
'"Mat Pittsburg In 1849, adopted resolutions
(Idonatnow recollect with what number or
l;smting voices) declaring in favor of free
il in the territories. That was the Demo
cratic doctrine in those days. I recollect al
o 'hat an eminent gentleman of our own
"te, who had occupied the most distingulsh
position in this country, denounced, in
the Missouri Compromise and coi den.n
J any attempt to force slavery into the terri
tories. Such was the state of the public mind
Informer years. But, sir. at this date, alter
seventy years of consistent action against the
Institution of slavery and in favor of emanci
pation, (not with the design of destroying it
unconstitutionally, I do not mean that,) it is
proposed that we shall now suddenly take a
and in this hall in favor of the institution of
h ry"- Vnen Missouri is sending np her
ahouts in favor of emancipation wheu she
has begun to appreciate the beneficial effects
of free institutions it is proposed to array on
the side of slavery, Pennsylvania, a State
jnat gave so noble an utterance on tbis sub
ject iu 1780 a State tbat placed upon her
'atute books, by a vote unanimous or near
v o, the declaration tbat slavery is an insti
tution fraught with evils to the country, and,
we had just emerged from the war of the
devolution, in which we struggled to gain lib
fty for ourselves, it was our duty before God
10 give freedom to the oppressed race within
oorown midst. But, sir, it is now proposed
t the Government of the country, when en-
ft! in ono of the most neflcial measures
" has ever attempted, shall be checked and
"waited by that Legislature whose solemn
declaration in 1780 was that the institution of
iery is curse to the country. How ex
inordinary r,r,.?hat y,i,wr H the struggles and
u tl v ' 01 the Resolution, if this Republic
to be MTered ? And I undertake to say, sir,
I0t every meant wltbln tbe limits of the 1
Constitution should be adopted for the purpose
of destroying and crushing the southern re
bellion. The doctrine of the late (Buchanan)
administration a doctrine which is lalse to
all the teachings of the fathers of tbe Repub
lic was that there is no power or the Govern
ment to maintain its own integrity. Now,
sir, if tbe gentlemen who are in the majority
in this House intend, by restoring "tbe Con
stitution as it is," to .revive that construction
of it expounded by the late(Buchanan) Execu
tive, our Constitution amounts to nothing.
The Loudon Times, in commenting npon the
message in which this extraordinary doctrine
was announced, declared that no civilized na
tion in the world would adopt such a doctrine
that England would not permit the remotest
colony to attempt to sevei itself from her do
mains without resisting it by coercion to the
utmost extent.
Why, sir, our revolution was gained by co
ercion. The banner of our republic, in those
early days, had upon it the motto, "Resistance
to tyrants." Such was tbe sentiment or our
great chieftain of the Revolution. He bowed
bis knee to the God or battles, and he pushed
that contest to a successful close, without any
violation of private rights without any inter
ference with the administration of justice
without anything which would soil thefair
fame of the Government. Who surrounded
bim in that btruggle 1 The chivalry of France,
the choice sons of Ireland, the patriots of Po
land and of Germany. They fought not mere
ly for onr Republic; they fought for the
great principle involved in tbe contest be
tween the two nations. They saw in the vista
of the future a bright spot amidst desert cen
turies a place where they could have their
thirst quenched at freedom's waters with none
to make them afraid.
Our present Constitution, as every man who
has studied it knows, was formed tor the ex
press purpose of enabling the General Gov
ernment to take measures of coercion when
its demands were notj properly complied
with. And during the administration of
of Washington, that great man set an exam
pie in lavor of coercion by sending forth an
army , at the mere appearance of opposition
to the laws in western Pennsylvania. Sir,
the whole course of the Government has been
to resort io coercion wnenever me laws were
violated, and whenever a State was invaded
Even during tbe late(Buchanan)administration
it was distinctly announced, in the case of U
tab, both by the President and Sec'y or War,
mat wnenever a atate or territory is in armed
rebellion against the Goverroent, or whenever
tne laws cannot be executed, it is the bounded
uuijr ui me vroveriimeni io coerce such a
State or territory by military force that there
is in the Government an inherent Dower to do n
Now, Mr. Speaker, whither are we drifting
nre assume mat we are wiser than the Con
gress of the United States tbat in the brief
deliberation of a few moments, we can settln
the knottiest questions of the Republic.
What interest, I ask you, bas Pennsylvania is
thus espousing the emancipation of slaves in
Missouri? The people of that State desire
emancipation. And what will the measure
cost Pennsylvania 1 Gentleman on the other
side have become very economical. Of the
twenty million of dollars proposed to be ap
propriated for this purpose, what would be
Pennsylvania's portion 1 Perhaps a million
one million of dollars. What is that amount,
sir, when we consider the power, tbe wealth
and the resources of this great Common
wealth 1 The preamble of that act or 1780
auaivers the question.
1 do not wish to detain this House npon a
question of such magnitude as this, because I
have not had time to examine it. I desire an
opportunity to look nt the subject with more
care. My heart, sir, is with the President in
his glorious efforts to hold out an assisting
hand to the States that desire to emancipate
tbeir slaves. Who does not know, Mr. Speak
er, that in the State ot Maryland to day lands
which iu the same parallel in Pennsylvania
are worth one hundred dollars per acre are in
Maryland worth but thirty dollars J And who
does not know that if slavery were abolished
in the State of Maryland, her lands would at
once rise to an eqoal value with those of Penn
sylvania? Why could this be so t Because
with the abolition of slavery, freemen would
go there. Wherever slavery is, freemen are
degraded. Wherever slavery is, education is
restricted, if not prohibited. Men ol some
distinction have declared, that, if a division
of tbe Union should take place, tbe destiny of
Pennsylvania and New York would be with
tho South. God deliver us from such a hor
rible fate f I would rather this day be under
the despotism of Russia than under the des
potism of men who have no regard for the
rights of tbe poor, and whose whole system is
opposed to tbe education of (he masses of the
people. Were such a state of things brought
about, we should be in a condition of most
hnmiliating degradation, under the overshad
owing influence of slavery. This great Com
monwealth, with all her immense resources
and industrial interests, with all her manufac
tories, would be put under the ban of free
trade. We should be humiliated into sub
mission, to our lords and masters, the slave
holders. We should be forbidden to ntter
any sentiments adverse to the views of the
devotees of the ''peculiar institution."
V hat would be the effect of the division of
this Union 7 Why, sir, the Emperor ol Russia
(who appears to understand our institutions a
little better than some of our own people here)
said very recently to Bayard Taylor, "I never
want to witness tbe severance of your great
Republic. I bave always been its friend. The
first severance would lead to another and
another ; yon would be broken into fragments;
you would present to the world the spectacle of
a ruined nation." This is the . truth which
should be realized by every man in the north;
and if it were realized in its full force, this re
bellion would be speedily and completely
crushed.
For the reasons wihch I have suggested, I
think tbat tbe resolution now under considera
tion ahould be voted down. 1 think that the
vote rejecting it would be greeted with appro
val by every benevolent and loyal heart in tbe
country. '
A letter bearing tbe following address, was
received at the Post-OfBce, Port-Patrick :
"From Ireland to Scotland care of E hi gal
Wilson dry Lodger portpatrick to tbe Boys
Sister that lodged with yon tbat played the
Fiddle from Ireland. To be left at tbe Cor
ner House till called for."
Love Is tbe most intelligible when it U una
ble to express itself in words. , . . . ;
Democracy and the Soldiers' Vote.
DEBATE IK THE PENNSYLVANIA SENATE.
Who is the Friend of the Volunteer ?
Below we present the fall proceedings of the Sen
ate of Wednesday, Febuary 11th, on a resolution
introduced by Mr. Johnson, the talented Senator
from tbe Lycoming district, providing for an a
mendment to the Constitution. which will allow the
men who are fighting for their country to exercise
tbe right of suffrage in the tented field. It will be
observed from the full proceedings, that while the
Democrats in tbat body did not dare to oppose the
provision openly, every strategy was used to de
feat the object of tbe same. Let every man who
believes that tbe soldier possesses rights as a citi
zen, notwithstanding he fights for his country, read
this discussion carefully. It will preve to the coun
try conclusively tbat the Democratio leaders are
opposed to soldiers' voting. . The Democratic Su
preme Court has unjustly deprived the soldier of
his vote by its decision; and these men of lesser
grade are carrying out the principle. Tbe discus
sion in tbe Senate on this subject, is as follows :
Mr. John sox. I move that the Senate pro
ceed to consider bill Sen. No. 101 entitled
A joint resolution proposing an amendment to
the Constitution, extendiug the right of suf
frage to citizens in actual military service.
The motion was agreed to, when the bill
was read, as follows:
Be it resolved by the Senate ami House of Rep
resentatives of the Commonwealth of Pennsylva
nia, in General Assembly met, Teat the follow
ing amendment be proposed to tbe Constitu
tion of tbe Commonwealth, in accordance with
the provisions of tbe tenth article thereof :
There shall be an additional section to the
third article of the Constitution, to be desig
nated as section four, as follows :
Section 4. Whenever any of the qualified
electors of this Commonwealth shall be in any
actual military service, nnder a requisition
from the President of the United States or by
the authority of this Commonwealth, such
electors may exercise tbe right of suffrage in
all elections by the citizens, under such regu
lations as shall be prescribed by law, as fully
as if they were present at their usual place of
election. .
The bill was lead a third time, and coming
ueiore the senate on its final passage.
The yeas and nays were required by Mr.
Hiestand and Mr. Nichols, and were as lot
Lows, viz :
ieas Messrs. Boughter, Bound, Bucher,
Uiymer, Connell, Donovan, Fuller, Glatz, Gra
ham, Hamilton, Hiestand, Johnson, Kinsey,
Lamberton, Lowry, M'Candless, M 'Sherry,
jhoii, isicbols, reoney, Keilly, Ridgway,
Robinson, Seriill, Smith, Stark, Stein, Stutz-
man, Turrell, Wallace, White, Wilson and
Lawrence, Speaker 33.
Nars Nona.
So the bill was passed by a unanimous vote
Air. Wilson moved that tbe vote just taken
bo reconsidered for tbe purpose of amending
me oiii.
The motion was agreed to ; and the bill be
ing again before tbe Senate on its final pas
sage.
Mr. Wilson moved that the Senate resolve
itself into committee of the whole for the pur
pose ot special amendment of the bill by in
serting ine words "are or, ' alter tbe words
"such regulations as" near the conclusion of
the section. '
Mr. Clymer. I would like to have the opin
ion ot tne Chairman of tbe Committee on the
Judiciary? (Mr. Penney,) whether in an a-
mendiueiit to the Constitution it would be
proper to adopt any legislative enactments
that may have heretofore existed whether it
is not obligatory thai the enactment of minor
details of the general provision set forth in
the amendment should be made in conformity
with that amendment and therefore made sub
sequently. In tbe present case, tbe amend
ment proposed bv the Senator from Tiosra
would bave the effect of adopting as legal and
constitutional an enactment at present upon
our statute book. 1 simply desire to have an
expression of opinion on this subject. 1 would
feel, in this matter, very much disposed to be
governed by the opinion of the chairman of
the Judiciary Committee, and I desire that
every Senator may bave an opportunity of un
derstanding exactly what are his views.
Mr. Penney. I do not know that I am pre
pared lo answer very ictelligibly the question
put by the Senator from Berks. It occurs to
me, however, on the impulse of the moment,
tbat it is not unusual in a constitutional pro
vision to reler to laws existing at the time of
the adoption of tbat provision, certainly not
at least so tar as some of the provisions are
concerned. I am not'pt-epared to express an
opinion as to the propriety of the amendment.
The question is one of importance aud is en
titled to some consideration.
Mr. Wilson. I had not previously reflected
upon this subject, but upon bearing tbe bill
rctd by the clerk, it occurred to me that tbe
adoption of tbe amendment which I have pro
posed would obviate the necessity of passing
a further law on this subject. Jt will have the
effect of regulating the manner of holding e
lections in the army without an additional
provision being rendered necessary for that
purpose.
Mr. Clymer. While I still entertain a doubt
upon the question which 1 propounded to the
chairman of tbe Judiciary Committee, it ap
pears lo me that another query which has sug
gested itself to my mind as to the effect of
the amendment would be appropriate at this
time. We are all aware that citizens ot our
State in actual military service participated
in the election of 1861, and tbat that election
was conduced in the army nnder the suppo
sition that tbe laws then in force entitled sol
diers beyond the limits of the State to exer
cise tbe right of suffrage. We know by the
result that tbe laws then existing were ineffi
cient for the purposes to which it was sought
to apply them, and that tbe holding of tbe e
lection occasioned fraud, confusion and diffi
culty. The subject bas occupied tbe atten
tion of our Supreme Court and or our courts
of common pleas, almost every county of tbe
State having had some difficulty with regard
to it. Now, sir, if tbe existing laws npon tbe
statute book are so imperfect as to render the
holding of an election almost useless so far as
concerns its proper results, I think it would
be a piece of folly for tbe Senate, by a consti
tutional amendment, to re-enact and revive
the laws which bave led to so much confusion
and difficulty heretofore. This subject is one
that is not confined to any of the parties rep
resented npon this floor. Both of the politi
cal parties of the State have possibly bad
cause to complain of the frauds committed
under tbe laws as tbej stand.. There were no
safeguards thrown around tbe ballot-box du
ring those election? io the army ; there were
no modes pointed oat in which they should be
conducted; indeed it. was . almostimposslble
to say who was authorized under tbe law to
conduct the elections. 1 think it would be
unwise and injudicious for this Legislature to
suomir, to tne people of tbe State ah amend
ment of the Constitution which will, it adopt-
ea, revive laws which have led to such confu
sion. While lam heartily in favor of the
general tenor of this amendment ; while I
would support it here and support it else
where, yet for the reasons I bave stated I shall
refuse to vote in ravor of going into commit
tee of the whole for special amendment as in
aicated.
Mr. Lowry. I will vote to eo into commit
tee of the whole for the purpose of special a-
menoment, and lor tbe simple reason that bv
tbe proposition of the Senator from TJoga we
will retain these laws for the government of
me elections npon eur statute books until bet
ter ones are substituted in their place. . If
this proposition is not carried we will have,
as t understand it, an amendment of our Con
stitutioo allowing our soldiers to rote without
any provision whatever as to the manner of
their voting. Now, sir, I am in favor of the
law as it now stands. Give ns the law as it is
on our statute book until the Senator from
Berks shall give us something better.
i he question being on the motion of Mr,
Wilson, tbat tbe Senate resolve itself into
committee of the whole for special amend
ment, by inserting tbe words "are or" near
the end of the section. .
The yeas and nays were reauired bv Mr.
Mott and Mr. Stein, and were as follows, viz :
Yeas Messrs. Boughter, Bound, Connell,
uonovan, rniler, Graham. Hamilton, Heis
tand, Johnson, Kinsey. Lowry, M'Candless,
m -sherry, .Nichols, Penney, Ridgway. Robin
son, Sorrill, Stutzman, Turrell, Wallace,
wniie, v iison and Lawrence, SpMfcer 24
Nats Messrs. Bucher, Clymer.Glatz. Lam
berton, Mott,Reilly,Sniitb,Stark and Stein-9.
bo tbe motion war agreed to. .
In committee of the whole, (Mr. Bound in
the chair,) the amendment was agreed to.
Mr. Wallace desired to submit an amend
ment, but as the Senate bad gone into com
mittee ot tne whole lor tbe purpose of special
ly amending the bill, further amendment was
declared out of order.! -
The bill was then reported to the Senate as
amended.
Mr. Wallace. My object in rising when
tbe bill was before tbe committee, was to pro
pose an amendment, the substance of wbich
was that none but citizens of this Common
wealth ahould conduct elections in the army.
as tne proposed amendment to tbe Constitu
tion stands now, a person not a citizen of this
Commonwealth may condnc t - tbe 1 election.
That Is my view of it. I therefore ask. the
unanimous consent of the Senate for the adop
tion or tne following amendment : To insert
at the end of tbe bill tbe words, "Provided,
1 hat none but citizens of this Commonwealth
shall act as officers of the election."
Mr. Hiestand. It strikes me that that pro
vision wouia De more appropriate if incorpo
rated io the law regulating elections. It will
be out of place in an amendment to tbe Con
stitution.
Mr. Wallace. The objection of the gentlem&n
from Lancaster is met by a reference to the
law, which in no part provides that such per
sons are to De citizens of the Commonwealth
Objection being made to tbe amendment.
Mr. Wallace moved that the Senate resolve
itself into committee of the whole- for tbe pur
pose oi amendment, as indicated, ,
Mr. Penney. It seems to me tbat the a
mendment of the Senator from Clearfield had
better be made to the law rather than tbe Con
stitution. We are perhaps going too far into
particulars when we undertake to define in tbe
Constitution tbe special manner of holdine
elections, 'the provision of the bill is a gen
eral one, authorizing the holdinsr of elections
in the army, and I think that the present pro
position is one which enters too far into detail
Mr. Wallace. I would not have suggested
the amendment had not the proposition of the
Senator from Tioga been adopted. As the
matter stands at present, we ere in tbe posi
tion or passing an amendment to tbe Consti
tution which authorizes the elections, while
at tbe same time the law does not provide that
those elections shall be conducted bv citizens
or voters of tbe Commonwealth. SuDuose
that we pass this Constitutional amendment.
and that, before tbe passage of an act making
provision in tne manner 1 have Indicated, an
election is held. - under the Constitution, an
election can then be held by other persons
than voters of this State. It was for the pur
pose or meeting that possible case that I pro
pose the amendment. I suggested it merely
because the previous amendment seemed to
necessitate such a provision.
Mr. niestand.' In reply to tbe Senator I
ill say tbat if in the event of a ratification of
this amentmeht tbe Legislature should not
provide a remedy for tbe case which be bas
suggested, then I think it ia better to extend
to the soldiers the right to vote, even if the
elections are conducted by persons who are
not citizens of this Commonwealth. It is of
course for the Legislature to provide a means
for regulating the elections, but if they do not
do tbat, 1 say that the soldiers should not
therefore be deprived of the rights of free
men. That is my view of the subject. When
tbe right of suffrage by our citizens is the
question at issue, 1 would not stand npon a
mere technicality as to who shall conduct its
exercises. Whether tbe person holding tbe
election is a citizen ot New York or of any
other State, is a matter of minor importance.
Mr. t uller. Tbe chief difficulty in my mind
in regard to the amendment of the Senator
from Clearfield is tbat it destroys the effect
of tbe amendment which bas just been adopt
ed. By tbe present law of the Commonwealth
the army officers are authorized to bold elec
tions. Many of these officers are not citizens
of this Commonwealth, so that by the adop
tion of this amendment, in many instances,
elections would not be beld at all. . :
Mr. Wilson. I think tbat the proposed a-
mendment entirely stultifies tbe object of tbe
amendment offered by myself. The law now
prescribes that certain persons kball bold elec
tions m tbe army. Tbe pending amendment,
if adopted, would perhaps allow one company
to vote, while another, whose captain' is per
haps a citizeo or tbe State of New York or
some State other than Pennsylvania, would be
prohibited from voting. If tbe laws regula
ting elections are not sufficiently explicit,
tben this amendment could be made at the
proper time; - When that time arrive 1 aball
ebeerTuUj vote, for sacb i provision. ' ;i.f f. ' .
Mr. Bound, it strikes me that the ' whole
difficulty in this case can be obviated, if it is
the desire of the Senate to enact a law of that
k,lnd, by simply passing a bill amendatory of
tbe law ot 1812, which bill tben became a part
of the law regulating elections. -
The question being on the motion of Mr.
Wallace.
The yeas and nays were required by Mr.
Wallace and Mr. Nichols, and were as fol
low, viz t
Yeas Messrs. Bucher, Clymer, Donovan.
Glatz, Kinsey, Lamberton, M'Sherry, Mott,
Reilly, Smith, Stark, Stein and Wallace 13.
Nats Messrs. Boughter, Bound, Connell.
Fuller, Graham , Hamilton, Heistand, John-
Son, Lowry, M'Candless, Nichols, Penny,
Ridgway, Robinson, Serrill, Stutman, Tur
rell, White, Wilson and Lawrence,5peaJter 20.
o the motion was not agreed to.
The question recurring on the final passage
of the bill.
The yeas and navs were reauired bv Mr.
Donovan and Mr. Johnson, and were as fol
low, viz : :
Yeas Messrs. Boughter. Bound, Bucher.
Clymer, Connell.Donovan, Fuller, Glata, Gra
ham, Hamilton, Hiestand, Johnson, Kinsey,
Lamberton, Lowry, McCandless, McSherry,
Mott, Nichols, Penny, Reilly, Ridgway Rob-
ft.iii, uuiiiii. umi iv, uiu liiiuail
lurrell, Wallace, White, Wilson and Law
rence, Speaker 33.
Nats none:
So the bill was passed by a unanimous vote.
FRAUDS UPON THE GOVERNMENT.
Astounding Developments.
Tbe Commitee of Congress appointed to
investigate the matter of the charter of trans
ports for the Banks Expedition, bave brought
to ngni some asiounaing anuses ana frauds
It appears that on the 20th of April. 1861.
Lapt. Kichard J! . Loper was appointed jissis
tant Jlgent tf the U ar Department by J. Edgar
xnompson, rresidenl of the Pennsylvania Rail
road Company, as Mr. Thompson himself says
in tbe pretended commission nnder which be
acted, "in accordance with the authority ves
ted in me by the Secretary of War." Tbe
Committee remark tbat they "are unable to
say by virtne or what law an 'Assistant Agent
ot the War Department', was appointed, or
how the appointing power came to be lodged
in tbe bands of the President of the Pennsyl
vania Railroad Company.
This commission was revoked in May, 1861,
by J. Edgar Thompson, who informed Capt.
Loper that be had been notified by tbe Secre
tary of War (Mr. Cameron) of the appoint
ment of Mr. John Tucker as "United States
Transport Agent" Mr. Thompson tben wrote
a letter to the Secretary of War, stating that
Capt. Loper bad been "untiring in his efforts
to serve the country." The more heavy oper
ations of Capt. Loper began with the appoint
ment ot JHr. Tucker as "united States Trans
port Agent," and they have continued with
out intermission during the whole of Mr.
Tucker's two terms of office, first as Agent,
and subsequently as Assistant Secretary of
War. Mr. Tucker employed Capt. Loper . to
"inspect and recommend" all kinds of vessels
at Philadelphia, New York and Annapolis, for
various services and evpeditions, and Capt.
Loper proceeded to charge from five to ten
per cent, commission on the gross earnings
of the vessels recommended to Mr. Tucker for
charter ; yet be assured tbe Committee that,
as he had money enough for himself and his
children, be was "actuated solely by a desire
to aid in crushing thisungrateful rebellion.'"
Tucker, in his testimony, attributes lo bim
"great purity and patriotism."
.it appears oy mis report tnat one Amassa
Hall, of Baltimore, has enjoyed the monopoly
ot chartering all tbe vessels the Government
needed at that port, add Mr. Hall seemed to
be fully aware of tbe advantages ot this mo
nopoly. No vessels could secure a charter of
tbe Quartermaster unless Mr. Hall offered it.
Mr. Hall acted in tbe double capacity of bro
ker for tbe owners of - the vessels, and as a
sort of agent of the Government.
We have now the three principal characters
in the drama before us Tucker, Loper and
Hall. We now return to Capt. Loper'a "el-
forts to serve tbe country :"
Commencing on the 20th of April. 1861. to
act as "Assistant Agent of tbe War Depart
ment," he commenced on the Same day to
receive five per cent, commission on tbe earn
ings of vessels chartered by bis agency. The
first vessels tie took np was tbe steamer W:
Whildin, April 20, 1861, owned by Anthony
Reynold, at $1T3 per day. (Senate, Ex. Doc;
37, page 2, 37th Congress, Second Session;)
Mis Reynold testifies that tbeWhildin remain
ed in tbe service under tbat charter to the
present time, although ber rate of charter was
subsequently reduced to $50 per day ; the re
ceipts of tbe steamer Whilden, np to tbe time
of tbe delivery of Mr. Reybold s testimony,
must have been somewhere between $97,650
and $113,925, on which Capt. Loper's com
mission were between $4893 and $5476. Mr.
Reybold chartered the steamer Express to the
Government, through Capt. Lopor, at $175
per day, the Star at $110 per day, and tbe
John Tucker at $200 per day, paying Loper
n ve per cent on their gross receipts. Through
the same agency, Mr. Reybold chartered tbe
uiamona uiate (do tons) at $2U0 per day, (
w.w u.iii ou iuiibj i. pur uaj , ana me t
Gen. Burnside (400 tons) at $300 per day.
Capt. Loper himself being part owner of tbem.
Mr. Reybold testifies that bis own receipts
from these charters were about $1100 per day,
or at the rate of $401,000 per year. Mr. Lo
per's commission on Mr. ' Keybold's boats
could not bave been less tban $20,000 a year;
for although he charged no commlsion on the
three boats of wbicb be was part owner, it
must be presumed tbat tbe amount wbich be
derived from tbem over and above a fair mer-
cbantile profit was at least equel to five per
cent., otherwise he would nave charged tbe
commission. If tbe Government bad bought
Mr. Reybold's fleet at tbe outset, instead of
employing Captain Loper to charter them, it
wonld of saved an Immense amount of money.
We now notice a few of tbe transactions of '
Mr. Hall; in whom tbe Assistant Secretary of j
War, Mr. Tucker, "expressed much confl-
' The magnitude of his transactions may be
Inferred from the fact tbat 384 vessels were
chartered by bim, 380 of them chartered on-
der direction of Mr. Tucker, npon all of wbich
Mr.Hall received, or is to receive, a commis
sion not less than five per cent, of tbeir gross
earnings.: In some cases, the Committee say,
they .were ten per cent. One . transact too is
given ns characteristic of the. business : Capt.
Rice chartered the steamer Cecil to the Gov.
eminent through Hall at $T5 per day, although
be bad offered to Hall to charter ber for $50
per day. Hall inserted in the charter party
tbe sum of $80, saying to Rice, "you can
give me the extra $5." Rice refused to coun
tenance this. Hall, the Committee? say, "ei
ther annulled the character or ' aatisfied Capt.'
Rice that hi bad done so, for tbe purpose ot
getting, tbe boat into the hands of someone
who would bay tbe bsual blackmail."
The Committee say steamers which cost
$65,253 were chartered at $947 per day, or at
a rate of : $345,655 per annum, equal to. 329 1
percent., on the investment.. An old iron
boat, which had been condemned even for
hat-bor service, was charteted at $60 per day
for tbe Government, though nnable to do ser
vice enough to pay for the fuel abe consumed.
One vessel brought a profit of 2220 per cent to
ber owners. The barge Delaware, tallied at
$2500, whose rhtihliig expenses were $7 per
day. was chartered by Mr,. Tucker for tbe
Government at $70 per day.. Her net re
ceipts were at the rate of $22,995 per annum.
"Capt. Hodges and Mr. Tucker thought she
waS the cheapest thing they chartered." Ten
steamers and two barges were chartered of a
Mr. Coblens, a Prussian.. All the vessels
bought by Coblens were under charter to the
Government when purchased, the charters
having been generally effected by Mr. Hall,
and be receiving five per cent, commission on
earnings, and many or them were owned by
nail before passing into Cobteti's possession.
Hall swears that he paid Loper $13,000 at
one time "for getting business lor him."
, We have given but a few samples ot these a
bominabli) transactions, but enough to cause a
feeling of sadness in tbe mind of the reader.
The committee say, they "are overwhelmed
with astonishment and sorrow by the revela
tions wbicb bave been made. If their recom
mendations are faithf oily carried out, soma de
gree of justice may yet be' awarded to the
government and to these parties:
MASSACHUSETTS OUT IN THE COLS.
. Upon this subject the Springfield Republi
can has the following suggestive paragraph i
One of our high state officials lately received
a letter from the committee bn education in
the Missouri legislature, to the effect tbat as
Missouri was to become a free state by tbe ac
tion of its present legislature, and tbat not
through the mere good pleasure of th legis
lature itself, but because tbe People demand
ed it, tbe next thjng to be provided for was a
system ot popular education. And as the
engrafting of tbe Massachusetts system npon
the newly made free state offered the readiest
as well as tbe best means of securing the (ob
ject desired, all oi our educational reports and
socn germain information as could bo furnish.
ed otherwise, were solicited. To our mind
this looks marvelously like a realization of
that darling dream of tbe copperheads leav
ing Massachusetts ont in tbe cold. The pre-
sumption is that when Missouri shall bave be
come a free state, with tbe zeal and enthusi
asm of a new convert to tbe trne faith, she
will find herself in infinitely closer sympathy
with our old Commonwealth than with tbe half
converted and doubtfully-inclined, free states
more immediately upon her borders.. Tbe
copperheads of Indiana and Illinois wiil prob
ably wake up some of these fine morning to
find an uncomfortable "fire in tbe rear."
The following is said to bave passed in a
school down east: ' - .
"What is the most northern town in the
States t"
"The North Pole."
'Who is it inhabited by T"
"By the Poles, air." . '
"That's right. Now what is the tueaninc
of the word stoop ?" ,
"I don't kuow, sir." .
What do I do when t bend over thus V ''
Fou scratches Jrour shins, sir." 1
"What is tbe meaning of tbe word carve V
"I don't know, sir." ,
"What does your father do when he sits
flown at the table t3 - . ' ...
"He axes Tor the brandy bottle." -
"I don't mean tbat. Well, then, what does
your mother do when you sit down at tbe ta
ble t"
She aaVs she will wrlnir onr hecks If
we
spill any grease on the floor."
A country school teacher, preparing for an
exhibition of bis school, selected a class of
pupils and wrote down the questions which he
would put to them on examination day. The
day came, and so did the young hope Tula, all
but One. Tbe pupils took their places as bad
been arranged, and all went glibly on till the
question came tor the absentee, which the
teacher asked :
'In what do you believe 7"
"Napoleon Bonaparte." ..
. "You believe in tbe Holy Catholic Churcii;
do you not?",
" "ifoi" said the boy, amid roars of laugh
ter, "the boy who believed m tbe Chbrcti
didn't come to school to-day; he is at home
aick abed."
A "Demoralized" Soldier. Tbe New
York Tribune tells a story of a stout, athletic
Zouave, who, running away from the battle at
Fredericksburg, was checked by a Lieutenant
witn a arawn sworo. saia tbe latter ".Stop
sir ! Go back to your regiment. vn infernal
coward, you are not wounded." "For Heav
en's sake let me pass," Implored the fugitive,
'l know I'm not wounded, but I'm fearfully
demoralized. - : . !, .
; ". in i
Some stupids bantering a fat companion1,
remarked that, if all flesh waa grass, he mast
be a load of bay. I suspect I am," said He,
"from tbe way you asses nibble at me."
1st boy.-"Ab, we've got a new horse, and
yon have'nt."
2d boy. "Say, i dori't care, ttiy daddy was
drafted, and yours was'flt." .
An Irish attorney says no printer should pub-
lish a death unless apprised of tbe fact by tbe
deceased.' 1
A Man may be called poverty-stricken when
knocked down by a beggar. : '
. .- ,
.The annset clouds are tbe visible song' of the
day tbat is dead.: ... . ; . ,.
. i . ' l"'J
vDaily Evening Mai!" A lover calling on
his sweetheart.;) ' - r1,
tfeartj everf etfl hx ftt eojosatlo8.
1