[ ' i '' . ' . '. : , - ..T -. _.. . .. , .. . every article which nided the operation of the maim. securers." And yet in the- fire of these facts, this wits the sa l ly tariff hilt offered or pass , d by the whig Congress Stith Mr Clay at its head, at its first session, or until More than six months of the second had expired. • Among the free articles were two that Mr Chic seem ed particularly anxious to tax, but failed, though sup ported by a large number of his whig friends; these were Lea and coffee, articles used as necessaries of life, and coining in competition with none produced in this country. On this. subject I will let him speak for himself. September 4811; he said, 'lie should vote for the tax rn tea anti coffee. It was necessary under his calculations, and as he found he was to be deserted by a portion of his friend-,he trust ed tflat 'home of - those opposed to him would vote for this tax, If they did not, the result would inevitably hoe that at the next session the tax would be certainly imposed, or a higher duty than is authorized by the compromise net levied on other in "He thought tea and coffee the most desirable things on which to raise revenme." On the motion of Mr Woodbury. to insert i n t h e list of free articles tea nod coffee, Mr. Clay and other wbigs, September 4,1341, voted no! Though Mr Clay and his friends failed in 1341 to impose tho tax on tea and coffee. the latter succeeded in 184:2 in inserting it in the turiffund land distribu- tion bill vetuedby Mr Ty hr. How coo Id Mr Clay,or any true friend of the protective policy thus impose taxes on articles used by the mmutlieturers or the in dustrial classes of the country, and nut ',reduced by them; nod to bring thereby into the treasury s om e fi ve millions of dollars, or mine. annually, that ought tube Collected according to their own shea lug from the pro tected articles alone? Let them answer it if they can Mr Polk Stands charged with no such anti-protective votes or speeches. But we are told, not by Mr Clayton. but by others, that Mr. Polk is opposcd to the present tariff, and Mr. Clay is in favor of ir. No d o ubt Mr Clay is in fa vor of it, if he thinks it will help his election: but that Le was in favor of its pi ;511,21! or even gave it his ap probation until very recently. I do most positively de ny, and call any arid all of his friends to the proof. It was openly proclaim...l ut Washington, when the sub ject was under consi:lertit toe, that he MO , opposed to the passage of any tariff bill unless the late' dish ibte lion was in it; an.l the speeches and votes of his Ken- , tacky and other particular ft iends gave strength to the ' report. Certain it is there is not on record any thing said or done by them to give color or belief that Co was friendly to its passage. Nor does their appear any where any thing from him in its favor that I have seen earlier than SepteM er 1813, more than a year after its passage, and then such an approval! He says, in his letter to Mr. Bronson, "I hail resigned my scat in the Senate when the act of 1842 passed. Generally, the duties which it imposes are lower than !those in the act of 1832. And, without intending to express any opinion npon every item of this last tariff, I would say that Plank the provisions. in the main. one wise and proper. If there be any excesses or di:feels in it, (of which I have not the means here ()nudging) they ought tube corrected." - Alas, alas ! for the open. daring Henry Clay! Wit/L -ola expressing any opinion!" "I ?conic! say that I think," I Aare notate means of judging." "Exces ses" or "defects" ought to he corrected!" Cull vou this standing up tothe rack, fodder or no fodder?" Awl yet this was the first intimation we have of Mr Clay's approval Of the present tarrifr, and that too. as I have said not expressed for more than a year after it had been the law of the land. Very recently. I understand, he has come out unqualifiedly at the north in its favor, hut with all holland - 4u men inch quibbling ought to go for sotbin,g—it is unworthy n statesman. and partial, , larly a candidate for . „ the l'residency of the United States. H's first lore, or rather his present real lave is fur the compromise act, I suppwc, becauso it iv his own nlrspring. In his speech of September 1341, he urges the friends of . the compromise act to votr fix the tax on tea and collie, or, he says, if they do not, it tvill in evitably be imposed at the next session, "Or, n Itigher duty than is authorised by the compromise act %%mild bo levied on other articles." And again in the same debate he says: "He was desirous to maintain the compmmise act inviclate, and his hope anti belief was that tbey mig;.t by economy be able to do so." And again, in January 1842. he says. "Carry out then, the spirit of the emmpromise act. Look to revenne alone for the support of government. Do not raise the question of protection, which I hod hoped had been put at rem. Theme is no necessity of protection for protection." And yet again to Mr. Merriwether, ()ember 1843, subsequently to his letter to Mr. Bronson, in which is first found his qualified approbation of the act of 181„ he thus writes: "I should har•e preferred thnt the• compromise in nll its parts, including the home valuation, could have been adhered to." This "Compromise Act" appears to be an especial favorite of Mr Clayton as well as Mr Clay; he prefers it even now to the present "tchig," tariff, as Mr Clay did until very recently. He says in his speech at Wilmington, after explaining :old praising the compro• liaise act through ten calunms of his speech. "In my humble judgement, had the tariff of 1812 been passed strictly in the spirit of the compromise itself, it would have been n better tariff for protection than the law now in force. It would have better guar ded the:revenue against frauds in the foteig,n valuation; and it would more effectually have checked excessive importation, which is one o f the greatest curses of our country. Without expressing any opinion of the comparative merits of the compromise act, and the act of 1343, I ask you if it is not very strange, or rather if it is not very much like playing coon in Mr Clayton and other friends of Mr Clay, to attempt to cast censure upon Mr Polk for preferring as the basis of a tariff the. principles of the COIIIiIIO7IIISC act to those of the ac of 1842. Mr Clay has expressed his decided approval of the principles of the compromise act, and both he and Mr Clayton their decided preference to them over those of the act of 1842—besides it is more than a year since Mr Polk expressed any opinion on the act of 1842, at which timo its workings had not been very well tried nor very favorable. At that time even Mr Clay 'had not the means of judging' of its merits or demerits, and preferred the compromise act. I have said and attempted to prove that Mr Cloy is rather a late convert to the present tariff, nor is the zeal of the whig party generally for it of long date-- only a few months 1 helieve.llt certainly is not such a tariff as the simm pure friends of the protective policy desired. It was not Ike bill reported by the Whig- Committee of ManufactitreF, to the Whig House of Representatives. Mr Fillmore, the chairman of the eetemitten of ways and means who inn•o<luce.d it, sta ted it to be 'only a revenue measure.' Mr Simmon4, 000 of the strongest friends of the protective policy in the Senate and a whig Senator from Rhode Island, said : "it wart well known tint he did not ngree witli all the friends - of the bill, in many parliculara. Ile ad mitted it was not the beat bill that could be formed, but.be believed it would now be billowed that it was theinely measure which at this into period of the ses sion would be likely to accomplish' the main of of providing revenue. In hie opinion, there wag not time within the few days which Congress hod yet to remain in session, to adjust the tariff in such a manner as to e the greatest possible satisfaction to the several rests concerned." Mr Evans of Maine, said the "bill was already auffi cielftly onerous on the shipping interest of tho coun try. Already every article that enters into the con sumption of ship builders is heavily taxed"—"he did net think for the sake of some four or fire mannfae tnrers, that the whale of the shipping interests ought to be sacrificed." Mr Merrick, another whig senator and friend of protection. said "it was a bill to tax the interests of the agricultlrists, for the benefit of the manufacturers," ...that it "unjust and unequal," and moved that it lawt. tom two years, and said : 'His object was to give to the next congress nn op .flortunity .to deliberate nine long months on the sub- joslt and to readjust and arrange it on proper prin- Cie ei m s.sr • reston also advocated the limitation amend inen4 and it was defeated by only one yosingfor it. and among them Mr Crilteaden, )fr. Clay's particular friend and the exponent of las views, and three demorints voting against it, dos say ing it from premature death—from being st,rtutgled in its infancy by its Ichig, friends. But good or had as the present tat iff bill may be In the estimation of these whig gentlemen, and they seem =4wS,c=-31441,.4151 at differ es triikerve WS , very different opinions a' , uut its met its, wfitif, rightlive they to call it awing ur hsivrite tlitinselvesdawn its exclusi iefrie t s l is? Vidlheypess it by their Cutest Let the NI:olds-of congrelp tell. The tariff bill they passed wAs a very dillisient OM.; but that was vetoed. Thipresent bill WAS it ot stick a one as therptissed nor wait it passed by their votes—it never wool(' have become a law hid it de l peuded-spun the whig party— that is a fact that cannot, be denied.. I was in Congress when it posed, and I speak. what. I know, when I say that them wrre no more bittet enemies bits pus s:lgo than some of Mr Clay's purticular friends,and that but for the votes of democrau it never could or would have been enacted. Tlmtmany of the demo. Cl ate who voted for it did not believe it the best bill that could be tnnde is most true; but the same may Le said of many whip who voted for it. That they now believe it can be made better than it is, unit better the interett and prosperity of the country, is also must true; but that Mr Volk or the democratic party have ever proposed, or have any intenticn to repeal it, and substitute free trade in its place, as is represented by Mr Clayton and the whip generally, is most false. The democrats who voted for it voted for it with all its faults, rather than to have the government without tevenne, and the industrial pursuits of the country %without any protection at all, while Mr Clay's particu lar whip ft iends chose rather to leave the government without revenue, and the country without a tariff, than that they should not ho allowed to squander the pro ceeds of the sales of the public lands among the states, to aid them in their Musk and other speculations. T hut the whig party did not pass it, I submit the following facts from the record, which I have found prepared to my hand. On the p;minge of the prearnt Tnziff Bill, in the House of Repredentatives, ...uga4t 23c1, 1643, the vote stood, For the Bill, 101 Against the Bill, 101 'The Speaker announced the vote as above and vo ted himself' in the negative. So the Bill was r rjrcicd by THAT VOTE.' Thirty nine taiga voting toninst tho Bill among whom were Mr. Ad:owl, Botts and several of Mr Clav'4 Kentucky wing friends. Besides these whigs Vi he voted against the BBL, there were absent whip= who did nut vote, sixtens-- muking AUX/Ty-fire who did norvoto for the Bill. After the above vote n reconsideration was carried. and a second trial had. when it appeared the vote stood. Ayes 103, Nate 102. Whet capon Mr Clay's Kentucky Whig Speaker:Air, White, again voted No, making a tie you., and thus defeating the Bill a second time. At this junettire,two whig members who had dodged the vote, now liked for t he Bill, and thus it was carried. Dining all this time, twenty one Democratic mem bers %Ire(' steadily fur the Bill, though in several of iti,detaibi not agreeable t. them. On the last vote, another of Mr Clay's Kentucky Whig friends, Mr Sptig,g, voted against the Bill, ma king out of eleven whig membersfrom that state, eighl who voted against the Bill. So much for the passage of the 'whig' tariff through the whi ' i , House of Representatives, and now I intend to show from the same so-tree, how it got through a Whip. &male. I wish you to bear in mind ale, that Mr Adams and other leading whigs had fot inure than two months asserted that the country was srlthont any tariff, and that there existed nq legal right to collect one cent of duties on any article imported. The Bill, after it had escaped from the House by the skin of its teeth, came up in the Senate fur a final vote on the 27th Angus', 181'2, and the vote stood, • Yeas 24. Nays 23—One majority. Four democrats voting for it, and nine Whigs a gaingt. it, Mr Clayton of Delaware among them. Befiire the vote was taken, Mr ‘Vhite, a Whig, Sett-, atm from Indiana, said: 'IV ithont the votes of the op position, Congress would Wriest) adjourn without gi‘ing any revenuer to the got/- eminent.' For this nid In' thanked them. Mr Moorehead snid, 'hecongtattalated the Senators from l'ennAylvania and Nen- York in having come for ward to rescue the country and the gocernsnent in their need." This bill thus opposed by Whigs. and passed ngeinst their TOM/ and wishes, have Mr Clay end his friends new seized upon as their onlyhope—sheir last plank— on which he is to float into the i!seddeney. The sincerity oldie present enthusiastic regard of Mt Clay and his party for the present tariff, and their painful anxiety for its safety, may well be questioned, when we reflect upon the rude treatment it received from them at its birth, and the coldness with whi they looked upon it in its infancy. To me it is appa rent that their recent and apparent friendship is more Gum party political caleelatims than from anything national or patriotic. In 1840 they deflated that the country never could or would prosper unless it was un der a Whig administration—they went fur change— and promised a thousand blessings upon every body and every interest, if the people would place the Gov. ernment in their hands. The people in an evil bout did so, but it was the will of Pr.tvidence that they should not he allowed to hold that power long. They failed. as they say themselves, to carry out their plans; and yet time went on, end the country became prosperous with out a Whig administration or Whig measures. This falsified all their assertions in 1840 If the country could prosper without a whig administmtion, or without the consummation of whig measures, what could they Ray in 1844 to induce the people errata to entrust them with power? In this dilemma they look ed over all they had done, or tried to do, during the brief ported of their political life, and among it all was there nothing that they dared 446 seize Oil but the. Tariff act. The country was outs, end the currency and the exchanges sound, without a Bank— they dare not, therefore, place the issue upon the Bank. They had falsified all their promises of re trenchmmt and reform, and proscribing proscription, and every thing else; they therefore dare not place the issue upon any or all of them. What could they do but seize upon the Tariff? And little as is their hold upon it. or their right to claim it as their own, it is all the political capital they have—all they dare turn to of all the many acts proposed or performed during their two year's administration in Congress. Who can blame them, then, for taking such a death grasp at this I -Ist plank left them to stand upon? Whether the present prosperity of the country is solely or mainly attributable to the present tariff act, is a question too new to be fully settbd. If it is meant by the whigs that the prosperity of the country arises from the tariff keeping foreign merchandise from co. mica into the country, and thus leaving the country to be supplied by our own productions, then facts are ngainst them; for at no time for the last four years, not even in 1841-2, when the tariff was at its lowest, did there so much fureig,n merchandise come into der country as is coming in now under the present tariff.— Yet it is asserted the great object of a protective tariff is to increase home productions and diminish foreign importations. I have no means of knowing exactly the amount of present imports, but they are unques tionably fur beyond what they were in 1841-2. It is not my intention, however, to discuss the merits of the present tariff question, but I may be allowed to l i say that it may well be questioned whether the ap pa.rent present prosperity of the country is not less at tributable to the tariff act of 1842, than to tbe small importations and large exportations of past years, and particalarly to that of 1841-. 5 2, and to the fact that we have had no National Bank to inflate and derange the currency and exchanges. To this last are we to i look mainly fur true protective policy. No tariff of duties however high they may be laid, can ever be of any avail while we have a National Bank or a banking system of uny kind that can expand and comment the currency of the country at will—yet such a bank and such a banking system, form the must pro oinent fea ture of Whig measures. That there are men associated with the democratic party opposed to this and all other protective tariffs is true; and so there are men, and many of them too, as sociated with the wit* party equally opposed to it. The tariff never has been made a pony question, and if the people of this country are true to themselves they will never let ambitious politicians thus use it. The use that has already been made of it by Mr Clay has done irreparable injury to the country. While it suit- ' ed his ambitious views to urge on his high lartYpuli cy, misnamed the "American System," even to the verge of civil war, bloodshed and disunion, he urged it madly on. When he had thus raised the storm of mad dening passions to their height, Sild by his policy had crarated the necessity for governmental protection for many interests of the country, be, Henry Clay. was LW man to strike down his own A merican system and at a single blow level all protection, and leave, as did his communise law, the country in I[ll2 without any tar itf. Ibis wl ale coUrSe of policy and action has been to build up and destroy as best mightsuit his ownilitileskisMortaly,satera•arks and most stop.— ends—to promote through banks and tariffs higkficti-Illn con4i , *ion permit ore to Ay Mr Clayton and Iris tinuslivosperityat'eaertitter; and panic and preaMrii at lfriend4 if in anything I hiVe Aid, hi eir, , aliej - shell sontlwr. MI, all his catirsi: has been thet*hirl- hhiolt Ihave done hint or darer rendYgo triad that he might dingo. the storm; and Ms it la that meet,him before the peophraf Delaware, AO caused his continual °banging , and irAillation in rola-, not only ,Mr Polk and Mr .Clays spn din torjr. but that to the tariff. Dallas and Mr. Frelinghtlysen; mid all other men end This is the history of Mr Clay and his tariff policy. measures that have disided, or do, or may divide the What has been that of Mt folk? 'Let his whole life two parties; and notwithstanding all his professions of answer. It has been patriotic, calm, steady and con- the disinterested anxiety of himself and party to get sistent, from beginning to end. His doctrine, and that I"Bread." for the "Laborers" of the country , I think I erthe party that support him is, protection to all class- I can show very clearly that the real objects of all their es of the commiutity—privileges to none. In his I exertions is to get the 'loaves and ftshea'! and °Frt. speech in Congress in January 1833, be expressed iris 'ci 1/04 THt lisst.TES. views that the taiilf should be kept to the "standard of revenue that the government required," and that it be levied so as to "land sufficient incidental protec tion" to all the substantial interests of the country. From that day to this, all his speeches, votes and letters, express and carryout the same sound doctrine. In his last letter to Mr Kane, he thus reiterates the sentiments that he expressed eleven years before iu Congress: "1 ant in favor of a tariff for revenue, such an one as will yield a sufficient amount to the Treasury to de fray the expenses of the Government, economically administered. In adjusting the details of a revenue tariff. I have heretofore sanctioned such moderate dis criminating duties, as would produce the amount of rcvenue needed, and at the same time afford reasona ble incidental protection to our home industry." "In my jut - It:tricot, it is the duty of the government, to extend, as far as it may be' practicable to do an, by its revenue laws, and all other means within its power, fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing agriculture, manufactures;the • mechanic arts, commerce and navigation." How nobly dues this consistency contrast with tho ' marchanging course of Henry Clay—trimming his sails to catch every popular breeze. Had Mr Polk's doctrines, which he so eloquently urged upon Congress in 1833, been carried out, how different would have been the scenes of the last ten years. Nu surplus re venue would have accumulated to prompt to large ex penditures or to be distributed among the states to promote speculations that ended in witle-spteail state debt and individual ruin. Nor would the duties en foreign rnensiksos, dixe have sunk as they did under Mr. Clay's co re bill, until they afforded neither pm:eclionster revenue, but all would have cone on steadily aakiretispertamly. Mr. Polies whole course shows thatbe is for leaving free every thing that aids the industtjal, chases in their pursuits, and does nut come in conspetition with the productions, end to raise by moderate; discriminating protective ditties on all that does come in competition with their productions, a sufficient revenue for the economical-expenses of the government. This is the true democratic ground— the true interest of the country. This is the system every tree democrat. will support, and leave to Mr. Clay and his friends their system of taxing tea and coffee, and all the other necssaries of life , that they may get money to distribute among the States again —to make high tariffs at one time and destroy them at another, and to keep the interests of the country con tinually in the market fir their political advantage.— , The peopleof the United States are not to be deceiv-1 ed by whig issues or Whig falsehoods; they will hunk to the facts, and inquire what party it was that passed the many tariff acts of 1818-24-1-32, under which; the country prospered—they will inquire who claimed i the' merit of striking down that tariff—they will Wok • to what a whig Concuss would have dorm in 1842, had it not beau fur democratic votes, and they will judge truly who an, the true friends of the country— , who best can be relied upon in the 1 our of danger. There is another charge made by Mr Clayton. not against Mr Polk, but against the ditto ratio adminis tration of Mr Van Buren. which for the effrontery of I its misrepresentations exceeds if possible any made a. 1 gainst Mr Polk. He says: • "flew stood the facts on that day? (June 30, 1942.) We had actually incurred a national debt of more than $20,000,000. at that very time, under the operation of I a higher tariffthan2o per cent, and that, too, with the aid of all the land fund,and bunk stocks and bank div idends besides. Our revenue had sunk so low that the credit of the nation was, at that very moment, in the most deplorable condition. We had borrowed on that credit till foreigners would not lend us another dollar; and in our own market tire 6 per cent. certificates of the loan redeemable in twenty years, could not be sold teeny considerable ferment, for any thing like their par value. We bad approached the very verge erne tienal bankruptcy, and but for the whig revolution of 1840, whickhal elected a IVhig Congress to decide our fate, we should at that moment have been in immi nent peril of/national repudiation." And again: "Although they (the democrats) continued in power from the passage of thnt law until the year 1841, they never attempted, in a single instance, to provide eith er_ prospective legislation or by any Executive n°- 6400; flor any merle of assessing duties on the Home VaTutatien, nor did they attempt to pass a law raising the theies, prospectively, after the 30th origins, 1012, to the real warns of the governmeut, although they knew, as well through the whole sessions of Congress 0148404, uwe know, one or both of these measures ought to be pmspectivelyaftfmterl; to save the govern ment from the danger of bankruptcy." Here is an attempt to induce the belief that in con sequence of the neglect or default of the democratic ad ministration of Stir Van Buren the country bad been run in debt, and brought to baßkruptcy. Now let us examine the facts. I hold in my hand a copy of a let ter to the Secretary of the Treasury to Congress, dated May 17, 1843, in which the whole debt of the govern mept on 4th of March, 1841, the day when Mr. Van • wren went out of office, is put down at $8,341,55S 70, which, after deducting debts assumed by the govern. meat for the cities of the District of Columbia, redeem ed treasury notes, and other improper items, was in reality Outa little over free millions of dollars Nor had the credit of the Government at any time been doubted or impaired during Mr Van Buren's ad. ministration. He had never required a loan, and had only issued some 3ve millions of Treasury notes.— These notes, the only marketable debt of the Govern ment at that time, though only drawing five per cent interest,always passed at par and above it; and it was not until theta of March, 1842, more than a year efter.the Whig administration game into power, they sunk below it. Then, and for some time after wards, it is true, that t h e credit of the Govern ment sunk so low that Treasury notes drawing siz per cent were at a discount, and no one would take the Crovetnment loans at any price. The cause of this was plain. The Whigs had been in power mere than a year—lied held one entire session of Congress—had squandered the money of the Government by making large and improper appropriations, and by distributing it among the States—hod prbvided 1,0 mode of raising adequate revenue, no mitt to supply their extavagance and waste. They had falsified all their promises of retrenchment, and kid exerted all their energies in passing 4 ‘bankrupt laws," and in making Banks and Fiscal Agents, and devising plans to alter the Consti union and destroy the whole chatncter of the Govern ment. In the midst of this reckless career of squandering the public money tad neglecting to provide for the pub lic wants, it was, that the credit of the Government fell. And it diii fall; and never would have risen a gain, had not Mr Tyler in part checked Mr gay and his associates in their profligate career, and duo people come up in their might, ns they did in 1842, and elect a majority of democrats to Congress and the State Legislatures, and thus save the country, its credit and its institutions, from thedestructive hands that in the madness of 1840 had got unholy possession of the Government. What effrontery then is it not for Mr Clayton to im pute the fallen credit of the Government to the Dem ocratic party, when it did not fall until more than a year oiler the whig party came into power? Nor is it less effrontery for him to impute neglect of the interests of the country upon the democrats for not passing a new tariff' act in view of a deficient revenue, when his own party In Congress went on for a year and a half under a more deficient revenue, distributing the public mon ey, and increasing the public debt, and leaving un touched the whole tariff question. When they did en act one, I have already shown how it was done. I have said the public debt left by Mr Van Buren's administration was about five millions of dollars. On the 4th of March, 1843, the day on which the Whig Congress expired, the Secretary of the Treasury sta ted to Congress the debt of the Government at $27. 394;281 13, nteking an increase of the publiemdebt du ring these two years of whit; economy, retrenchment and refer m, of over TWES TY M 1 1 4, 10 715 of dollar*: Them is much more of this speech of Mr Clayton7s, - that it is equally void of truth and fairness, but I have 111)e Clailv Morning Post. THUS PHILLIPS & WM. H. SMITH, EDITORS PITTSBURGH, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 2 FOR PRESIDENT, JAMES K. POLK, FOR VICE PRESIDENT, GEO.. M. DALLAS, or PENNSTLYANIA FOR GOVERNOR, FRS. R. SHUNK: Subject to the deciiien of the People FOR CANAL COMMISSIONER, .JOSHUA HARTSHORNE, Or CHI: TER COUNTY Congreatt, ALEXANDER BRACKENRIDGE, Pitt State Senate CHAMBERS MICIBBIN, City. . Amiably, JAMES A. GIBSON, Pine, JOHN ANDEREGG, Pitt, JAMES WHITTAKER, Mifflin, STEPHEN WOODS, Robinson, Commies Loper, WILLIAM EWING, Robinson. - Auditor, EDWARD M:CORKLE, Indiana. What are the Principles of Weary Clay I Altho' we have frequently answered this question. as we thought hoAtly and truly, upon the authority of his Acts and Speeches, we propose to let theeditor of the Gazette, the "dear and dearly bought," give the responses ou this occasion. The unteachable and stiff necked whigs, who have chosen• the sapient Gazette for the exponent of their party principles and of the principles of usair candid.ste, though they may scout at other and better authority, must take the word of the Gazette: is CLAT A FaEI MADE MAO "3lr CittnnUe lithe devoted advocate of SLAVERY Owl FRE E TRADE,"—end "Mr CLAY IS SECOND REST." —Piltdamr,ak Gazette, Febtiary 27 , 1843. "He [Clay] PUTS THE KNIFE TO THE THROAT OF PROTECTION:AND ASKS FOR HELP TO DRIVE IT H 11 E."—PiUsbersA Gazette, .11113 2211, 1842. "He [Clay] give up Protection as either impossible to be carried out or imaxpedieut at present, when he con octtd - anti brought forward the Compromise Bill." —Pittsburgh Gazette, July 'l'2, 1342. h CLAY A MASoS AAP AN ADVOCATE OF SLAVE RY? lie is the "'scowl best" "advocate of Slavery in the United States.—See Gazette of Fob 27,1844. "Our great causes of opposition to Mr CLAI' are his Slavery and Masonry. We seek no "cover" to hide thew causes. We believu these causes will and should KEEP HIM FROM TILE PRESIDENTIAL CHAlR.—Gazette Feb 15.1343. "Wore the question put to the Harrison party of Al legheny county, toilay,tochoosehotween}l Es a r CLAY and some other anti-locsif leo candidate who wns free from the objections of Masonry, Slavery and Duel ling, Henry Clay wouid ho left far in the minority."— Game, January 10, 1842. 41110 WHAT 18 CLAY'S MORAL CH ARACTRII In con trasting CLAY and HARRISON, the Gazette says, "He [Harrison] was neither a DUELLIST, A DEBAU 'CHEF.. nor PROFANE." Ilia former life had also been .above reproach," The evident intention of the Gazette was to show that CLAT was obnoxious to these charges. We refer this to the editor of the Ga. zette's":ate partner, Mr GRA X I'," or a committee of intelligent whigs. "We do not let despair of some such North ern man as John Quincy Adana, or Judge kr Clem*, or God. Seward, brought forward for the support of the FRIENDS of IWQRALITY and human freedom.", —Pitts. Gazette, May 10, 1843. Coot. Ittreoteet.--The wrath of- that pink of truth, honor and political honesty, Deacon - White. has been roused by the extract which we gave from Geo McCalla's speech to sustain Au former denunciations of licenr CLAY, and he denies that he ever called the wbig candidate a gambler; ''either directly or by inference." If he did not call him a gambler, it was _because the term was not suffiently strong to express his abhorrence for the many crimes of the mason and duellist, and ho preferred using language which he considered more appropriate. "Gambler" was a word entirely too mild to express Denton White's de testation of n lay; he skipped it and used the more expressive epithets of "DUELLIST," "IMMORAL and PROFANE MAN," and "DEBAUCHER." it would be an easy inference, that any man to whom these epithets would justly apply, could not be inju red much by being called a gambler also. If White could have thought of any other term, in addition to them, that would have placed another "BLACK MARK opposite Clay's 'same," at he expressed it, be would have used it, but with the above, he supposed he had reached the acme of personal vituperation; his vocabulary could furnish no epitlietfhtore infammo and degrading than th-tie ho had applied. Knowing that the public must remember his gem' abuse of Clay, ho had the impudence a few days since to deny that he had ever spoken of him in any other than respectful language, and he now calls for the proof that he In.:lever called him q gambler, even by inference. If be did Got wish the public to infer that be believed Mr. Clay to be guilty of every vice in the catalogue of crime, why did he denitunce him as an "IMMORAL 4nd PROFANE MAN" and, a "DEBAUCHEE?" Are these epithets that tan be applied to more venial failings,than gambling? or did not the worthy Deacon suppose that card playing and. the other small vices of the whig candidate, were embraced i tribe sweeping and triumphant charge of eteloa *ekes, which he h el made against Clay? Will not this proof satisfy him 1 If it does not, we will give him proof of any thing he may desire, when i be can show on what principle of morality, he, a pro . fessoreiredigion , can support a man whom ho believe . in his beast to be a duelist, an IMMORAL and PROYAA I r lux and a DEBAUCHER. K. He has proclaimed Clay to be all of these, and he, with the professions of sanctity on his Jim js doi n g all in bis power to persuade the people to conks the hiek est trust in their a ft, on tin., pawl whossichatict. .e hu eskAeltured.:Sunisktinyttt*bp itiorolog to correct primigft' titan ttte cotoilte of this OditorA iiery . honot(tit4ingliiit fool shocidi at. , such tuirnst . 01, lateness. "'" MEWLS EDlroßs:—The article , signed "Modera— tor," having been written by H C Moorhead, Esq , must expiess regret that in Ids haste to defend the re fined "taste" of his brother, 3 K Moorhead, he should show so little himself as to abuse an individual who had out issuiled him )(or even cenvired his brother. Thcaigh Mr Moorhead has now placed himself in the nwkward attitude of a wanton assailant of a mutt who had no other feelings thin those of kindness towards him, and good will f o r his brother, yet his petulent arti cle should have been overlooked, had he confined him self to ill-natured remarks on myself; for, in laboring to be sarcastic, I think he has risen only to the di4ni tv of a bracer which I could suffer and yet survive. But kis "tastes" have led him further, and the misrep resentutiunsuf facts made by him and others, renders it necessary to show that in introducing Doer Resolu tions to a Democratic meeting, I was nut attempting to lead public opinion, but was only following in the course of the Democratic party. • The Globe, the leading organ of the party, has lot some time been recummendins action in regard to Rhode Island affairs, and the following circular from the oppressed Democrats of that State will show, that in presenting my Derr Resolutions, 1 selected the most ehilable, brmause the earliest occasion after we had been appealed to: TIIE CIRCULAR PaovinnitcE, (R. 1.,) Ang.2. 1844. "Dgsa. Si n &mit-main mass meeting - friendly to the election of Polk and Ihtllttv, and to the liberation of Governor Darr from the Sotto prlsion in a legal man• uer, has been called, to be !whim' in this city rat Wed nesday, theith of September next. ''ho undersigned, Who have been uppointed a committee of correspon dence, resoxtfully invite you to be present on that oc caion. The committee feel that the tiojmn nn i cruel iMpris onment ofdovernor Darr calls for the united action of the democracy of the Union, as it involves principles dear to every American citizen, and which never ought to be - untended. No isuo, in their opinion, in any pres sidential election since the adoptin the federal con stitution, has been made, which it ifFritally inaportara to thesproservation of our free institutions, as the one in volved itithe facts and circumstances which led to the trial and condemnation of tlmt distinguished individu al. It presents mac American people the greatest na. lion. que.stion since their declaration of independince in 1776. "The commiuee, therefore, hope that you will find itcongenial with your views and foelingS to honor tho meeting with your presence and influence; and they can assure you a henry welcome from the still strug gling but determined democracy of Ithodu "Yours recrectfit fly, • BENJAMIN COWELL, LIEZEKTAH IVILLARD, 1Y K DANFORTIL TIIOB. F. CARPENTER, L E EATON, L SALISBURY. "FRARcts P. BLAIR. Esq." But this is not the first occasion that I have been abused for too early defending democratic principles, when the Independent Treasury was first preposed, I received from pseudo Demote' tits and their whig friends much abuse and ridicule, for my bud taste in advoca ting, drat great measure which they called the odious Sub-Treasury. Certain democrats chum Mr Moor head might laud, for thcirgood taste and refined feel ings and discretion, opposed the Sub-Treasury, as they are now opposed ton too early expression of t.ympa thy for Guy Dorr. By Mr 11 C Moorhead's article, and the letter of his brother, herewith stibiehe4l, it a ill by .o en that they both desire to produce the that the late Moss Meeting was called to render porsokal hon ors to Mr Muhlenberg. But this is not the filet. The meeting was called to terminate a enodidntc fur Governor.—and I have this to add, that if my liesolutions dirt not suit the taste of a select and courtly few, they did accord withtho feelings, and received the warm approbation of the thousands assembled on that ra:ension. The following is the letter of M J K Moorhead: Union Cotton Factory, Aug. 21, 1fi•11 EDWARD D. Gizzea, Esq. Dear Sin—Your note of the 19th inst., war; received ye-rterrlay evening. In reply I would inform you that 1 know nothing of the proceedings you allude to after the adjournment of the meeting, until I read them in the Post. Had 1 prepared :hem for publication, your reso'nr ions would have appeared in the body of the pro c•sdings, in the order in e }rich they were adopted by the meeting. At the same time I have no hesitation in saying! dwnied them entirely irrelevant, and was re quested by some of the officers to stop you (as being out of order) when they were reading, this I declined —when drequestion on them was called for, I .4 toted br;elly my views, but finding n portion of the meeting anxious on the subject, I put the question and they were adopted. The resolutions (in themselves considered) are en tirely praiseworthy. highly patriotic, and recommend themselves to the favor and support of every Demo crat, on this point there was no difference of opinion amongst us, but were they well timed, or nppropriote on that occasion. several officers of the meeting, my self among the number thought far otherwise Our meeting was °nett( solemn import—we ram , culled to gether in consequence of a sudden dispensation ofProv idence that had bereft our party of a candidate for gov ernor; my own feelings were those of deep solemnity, and this feeling appeared to pervade the meeting—we bad lost one of our greatest and best men—it was a fit occasion for mourning, and supposed our proceed ings"would have been confined entirely to the purpose for which we were convened, vir.: soma resolutions of ofeendelence with thefamily and friends of the distin guished man, who had been so suddenly taken from us, ancLa reccommendation that our fellow townsa an Francis R. Shenk be re-elected to till the vacancy on our ticket, occasioned by the bereavement-1 still be lieve that to have so confined our proceedings, would have been in better taste, and some other occasion bet ter suited for general party acclamation. I remain sir, Respectfully yours, J. K. MOORHEAD. If I am wanting in cornet "taste" it is a mis fortune which so many labor under, that 1 must even thus console myself, But I have too much regard to trolls to insinuate that a meeting called to ;moth, nate a Governor, was called fur- any whet specific ob ject—and I have too much regatd for the rights of the people to garble or suppress their proceedings. If I have any judgment in these matters. I should say it is in very bad taste fur if C Moorhead to charge E D Gazzans with a wish to disturb the harmony of the party. Has Mr H C Moorhead, of his bror ther, made so many sacrifices to the cause and to promote its harmony so often submitted to personal less and innonvtnience as they should set them selves up as censorseeet my principles and tastes. E. D. GAZZANI. MARRIED.—On Tuesday the 27th inst, by the Rev James Graham, Mr-Joao Fits titer+ a, to Miss ELLEN BLACK A Don x, daughter of Mr George Black adore, all of Wilkins township. Balance of a **entry Store at Auction. AT Davis' Commercial Auction Rooms, corner of Wood and sth streets, this day, Monday, Sep tember 2d, at 10 o'clock, A M., will be sold the bal.- ooze of a Retail Dry Goods Store, consisting in part of Gingham, and Calicoes; Alpaccrts and Delaines; Fancy Shawls and Cravats i Patent Thread and Sewing Cotton; Ribbons, 5-4 Padding; Barred Canton Flannel, Clod( Lining; Barred Silk Velvet Vesting; Cloths and Cassineus, &c. 4. D. DAVIS, seri 2 41 1 - Atitioneer. Desting ibr Flags. 800 y„ , ,Ros &mt Blue and White, .10et re calved at the Carpet Warphouse of W. BUCLINTOCK & Co„ No, 110, Market it. Aug 41-3 t.. Ililabel. 2buertiornunts Produce, Pezmnirding & Ceanoissfen Merchant, Also, Agent United Siam, Conaide 1304,1,4n-Dose TOR THR POET NO 4 2.72, MARKET ST., I.IIILADXLPHIA,. rYPLiberal advances made on c,onsigaments, 'whit Refer [o—Meseta Wm Wilson Jr. 404. 4 54.60 Temple; 13euld , Woody' ard &Co-; &WI& • William M'Kuight & Cu.; Cbsskes A. fll'Anult) ung-24-1y• Pietsborgli. Wholesale Dealers la Boot', Shoes!, Dal nets, Palm Lear Hats and Copy NO. 190 MARKET ST. PHILADE4PHIA:' H KY beg leave te inform Wester° ,14encliints shit they have n splendid assortment of the Astra GoodA, and are still manufacturing largely, which thee wilt all at the very lowest prices for Cash, or armoires credit. ring BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY. No. 233 Market Street, Northeast comer of Sixth Street, Philadelphia. WESTERN and Southern Merchants nre respeeti fully invited local! and examine his stoek, - no her feels confident that it will be to their interescbi fore purchasing elsels - hot e. eug G-ly HARDWARE AND CUTLERY. SMITH, BROTECINIS & y NO. 183 MARKET ST., I'HILAZIELPII.4, A RE now receiving in addition to their f orstrii nod; a large aAdortment of FOREIGN.4SC DOMESTIC HARDWARE AND CUTLERY, tc which !hey invite the attention of Western Iderchtuo. nog 6-ly • OF New Goods, at At.oxo & M Gotur's Fashion ablee Head quarters, No 251 Liberty Street. Titti- c newest style and most splendid goods that is bruusirt , to this market is to he seen at our establishment. W. Would invite the attention of purchasers to our present tut ck, which for variety and richness of style cannot he excelled. In catering for the taste of our custom ers we are determined net to be out done, as arrange ments have been made by U 3 to secure every new style of goods upon its arrival in the Eastern market, as well as the beat Paris inonthly reports, which we receive, ageltely; neither expense or pains shall be spared in making our establishment THE FASHIONAIII.i HEAD gUARTER3 of the West: and we trust to be sustained by our old !wrens, ns well as a great many slew ones, whom we - shall not fail to please, as we trust our abili ty IS equal to our *tit 2 A LGEO & MsGUIRE, Chronicle and Age copy. Otilt last report brings us out two new coats of this description. The material used in the first is French and English Tweeds, of which we hare re ceived some new patterns, suitable for the coming rea son—such as Bronzed and granite mixed Plaids, these are lined with rich Cuchmere throughout, which makes them suitable for any weather. The other is u very desirable Coat, being something between a Allow or dress Cont—the material is Olive. Citron, Mull:wi ry. London Brown or Rifle Green Cloths, and trimmed with shorting Buttons, nll of which we hare In sib* &owe.. Come on with your orders, gentlemen; the Cash system makes all the difference, for there is r • other customer shop in the City can sell as cheep as the Fashionable Head quarters. No 251 Liberty street, Sept 2 ALGEO & M'GUIRE. Chronicle and Age copy. JUST re.:eived at No 86, Market street. 100 Portraits of J K Polk. 100 " " 11 Clay. 100 " G M 100 " " T Frelingilysen, 100 Grand National Whitt Banners. 100 " " Nmnennic Banners. 40 Nests Straw travelling baskets. 3 Gross o' Jet Breast pins. 10 lbs Jet Bugle Beads. Sept 2. ZEBULON KINSEY Its die Districteourtnf Allegheny Comes. Simpson, Silken &Jones, Phi. volit . • , f• k 4 - Ex No 144, V April T., Charles M. Bollmnn. 1844. .. And now, to wit, August 29th, 1844. On motion of T Mellon, Esq., the Court appoint Erancis R. Shunk, Esq., Auditor. to audit and drstribute the proceeds or Pale in this cam From the Record. GEO R RIDDLE, Pre. The Auditor above named will attend for the im pose of hit appointment, at bib Office, 4th suref,,pa That-Any, thelifth Jay or September next. at 10 o'- clock, A. M., when and where theme interrateti may attend. FRANCIS R. SHUNIC, Auditor. Sept. 2, 4341. THE subscriber has just received the 6,14 1, GOODS, which he will sell at a small ad on Easters Prices, wholesale and retail: 300 lbs Titley's Shoe Thread ; 5 gross hoist Boot Webb ; 75 " Awl Blades; T 00 lbs Sparables; 50 bushels Shoe Pegs; 100 gross Boot Laces; 8 eases Shoe Rubbers; 3 gross Ames, Wilson and Alger's- Shoe Knives together with a complete assortment of findings; 300 gross best Hooks uud Eyes, on cards an 4 in boxes; .sat 60 " Steel Pens; 10,000, Quills ; 100 - Packs American and German Pins; Y 20 gross Lead Pencils; _ 100 " ever-point Lcilds; 10,000 Slate l'encils I 41111 . ' 150,000 Percussion Caps; 76,000 Fish Hooks I Silk, linen, grass and trout lines, rtxls, reels. &c. Sm.; Ivory, Shell and Horn Combs, every description; Pen, Pocket and Dirk Knives; Shaving and Toilet Soaps, Razors. Straps, Boxes, Cases; &c. &c. JOHN W. FLAIR, aug 31.1 w 120 Wood street. WARD'S DENTAL PRESERVATOR, • A Superior Wash for the Teeth, 110,110DUciNG at once the most healthy state tithe mouth--Cleansipg and result ing the teetlyyp dasir aptUrtiiiiirbitenees ; giving hardnesi to the grtms, der troying the putrifachine influence of decayed teeth, lessening in every instance the irritation and spews. incidental to their diseased state, and in fact combin ing in its effect all that can be desired in a Dentifrice. Also, a superior Tooth Powder, as ree In the Medical faculty of Philadelphia, by the c Lod Duct. Hudson. Prepared and sold by Wm. A. Want), Liberty street. .014,31 3" BARRELS Ox' ALUM ; Ai Just received and for sale by • 4OHN D. DA4/18, swg 4 Corner c.f Wood and Ai streets, THOMAS BORBIDGi, GENERAL required T. B. & W. P. CONOVER, JOSZIPE TALLMAN% W L ESA LE DAILY ARRIVALS Musinc so Coat& VARDSTY GOODS.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers