[
' i '' . '
. '. : , - ..T -. _..
. .. ,
.. .
every article which nided the operation of the maim.
securers."
And yet in the- fire of these facts, this wits the sa l ly
tariff hilt offered or pass , d by the whig Congress Stith
Mr Clay at its head, at its first session, or until More
than six months of the second had expired. •
Among the free articles were two that Mr Chic seem
ed particularly anxious to tax, but failed, though sup
ported by a large number of his whig friends; these
were Lea and coffee, articles used as necessaries of
life, and coining in competition with none produced
in this country. On this. subject I will let him speak
for himself. September 4811; he said,
'lie should vote for the tax rn tea anti coffee. It was
necessary under his calculations, and as he found he
was to be deserted by a portion of his friend-,he trust
ed tflat 'home of - those opposed to him would vote for
this tax, If they did not, the result would inevitably
hoe that at the next session the tax would be certainly
imposed, or a higher duty than is authorized by the
compromise net levied on other in
"He thought tea and coffee the most desirable things
on which to raise revenme."
On the motion of Mr Woodbury. to insert i n t h e
list of free articles tea nod coffee, Mr. Clay and other
wbigs, September 4,1341, voted no!
Though Mr Clay and his friends failed in 1341 to
impose tho tax on tea and coffee. the latter succeeded
in 184:2 in inserting it in the turiffund land distribu-
tion bill vetuedby Mr Ty hr. How coo Id Mr Clay,or
any true friend of the protective policy thus impose
taxes on articles used by the mmutlieturers or the in
dustrial classes of the country, and nut ',reduced by
them; nod to bring thereby into the treasury s om e fi ve
millions of dollars, or mine. annually, that ought tube
Collected according to their own shea lug from the pro
tected articles alone? Let them answer it if they can
Mr Polk Stands charged with no such anti-protective
votes or speeches.
But we are told, not by Mr Clayton. but by others,
that Mr. Polk is opposcd to the present tariff, and
Mr. Clay is in favor of ir. No d o ubt Mr Clay is in fa
vor of it, if he thinks it will help his election: but that
Le was in favor of its pi ;511,21! or even gave it his ap
probation until very recently. I do most positively de
ny, and call any arid all of his friends to the proof. It
was openly proclaim...l ut Washington, when the sub
ject was under consi:lertit toe, that he MO , opposed to
the passage of any tariff bill unless the late' dish ibte
lion was in it; an.l the speeches and votes of his Ken- ,
tacky and other particular ft iends gave strength to the '
report. Certain it is there is not on record any thing
said or done by them to give color or belief that Co
was friendly to its passage. Nor does their appear
any where any thing from him in its favor that I have
seen earlier than SepteM er 1813, more than a year
after its passage, and then such an approval! He
says, in his letter to Mr. Bronson,
"I hail resigned my scat in the Senate when the act
of 1842 passed. Generally, the duties which it
imposes are lower than !those in the act of 1832.
And, without intending to express any opinion npon
every item of this last tariff, I would say that Plank
the provisions. in the main. one wise and proper. If
there be any excesses or di:feels in it, (of which I
have not the means here ()nudging) they ought tube
corrected."
- Alas, alas ! for the open. daring Henry Clay! Wit/L
-ola expressing any opinion!" "I ?conic! say that I
think," I Aare notate means of judging." "Exces
ses" or "defects" ought to he corrected!" Cull vou
this standing up tothe rack, fodder or no fodder?" Awl
yet this was the first intimation we have of Mr Clay's
approval Of the present tarrifr, and that too. as I have
said not expressed for more than a year after it had
been the law of the land. Very recently. I understand,
he has come out unqualifiedly at the north in its favor,
hut with all holland - 4u men inch quibbling ought to go
for sotbin,g—it is unworthy n statesman. and partial, ,
larly a candidate for . „ the l'residency of the United
States.
H's first lore, or rather his present real lave is fur
the compromise act, I suppwc, becauso it iv his own
nlrspring. In his speech of September 1341, he urges
the friends of . the compromise act to votr fix the tax
on tea and collie, or, he says, if they do not, it tvill in
evitably be imposed at the next session, "Or, n Itigher
duty than is authorised by the compromise act %%mild
bo levied on other articles." And again in the same
debate he says:
"He was desirous to maintain the compmmise act
inviclate, and his hope anti belief was that tbey mig;.t
by economy be able to do so."
And again, in January 1842. he says.
"Carry out then, the spirit of the emmpromise act.
Look to revenne alone for the support of government.
Do not raise the question of protection, which I hod
hoped had been put at rem. Theme is no necessity of
protection for protection."
And yet again to Mr. Merriwether, ()ember 1843,
subsequently to his letter to Mr. Bronson, in which is
first found his qualified approbation of the act of 181„
he thus writes:
"I should har•e preferred thnt the• compromise in nll
its parts, including the home valuation, could have
been adhered to."
This "Compromise Act" appears to be an especial
favorite of Mr Clayton as well as Mr Clay; he prefers
it even now to the present "tchig," tariff, as Mr Clay
did until very recently. He says in his speech at
Wilmington, after explaining :old praising the compro•
liaise act through ten calunms of his speech.
"In my humble judgement, had the tariff of 1812
been passed strictly in the spirit of the compromise
itself, it would have been n better tariff for protection
than the law now in force. It would have better guar
ded the:revenue against frauds in the foteig,n valuation;
and it would more effectually have checked excessive
importation, which is one o f the greatest curses of our
country.
Without expressing any opinion of the comparative
merits of the compromise act, and the act of 1343, I
ask you if it is not very strange, or rather if it is not
very much like playing coon in Mr Clayton and other
friends of Mr Clay, to attempt to cast censure upon
Mr Polk for preferring as the basis of a tariff the.
principles of the COIIIiIIO7IIISC act to those of the ac of
1842. Mr Clay has expressed his decided approval
of the principles of the compromise act, and both he
and Mr Clayton their decided preference to them over
those of the act of 1842—besides it is more than a
year since Mr Polk expressed any opinion on the act
of 1842, at which timo its workings had not been very
well tried nor very favorable. At that time even Mr
Clay 'had not the means of judging' of its merits or
demerits, and preferred the compromise act.
I have said and attempted to prove that Mr Cloy is
rather a late convert to the present tariff, nor is the
zeal of the whig party generally for it of long date--
only a few months 1 helieve.llt certainly is not such a
tariff as the simm pure friends of the protective policy
desired. It was not Ike bill reported by the Whig-
Committee of ManufactitreF, to the Whig House of
Representatives. Mr Fillmore, the chairman of the
eetemitten of ways and means who inn•o<luce.d it, sta
ted it to be 'only a revenue measure.' Mr Simmon4,
000 of the strongest friends of the protective policy in
the Senate and a whig Senator from Rhode Island,
said :
"it wart well known tint he did not ngree witli all
the friends - of the bill, in many parliculara. Ile ad
mitted it was not the beat bill that could be formed,
but.be believed it would now be billowed that it was
theinely measure which at this into period of the ses
sion would be likely to accomplish' the main of of
providing revenue. In hie opinion, there wag not time
within the few days which Congress hod yet to remain
in session, to adjust the tariff in such a manner as to
e the greatest possible satisfaction to the several
rests concerned."
Mr Evans of Maine, said the "bill was already auffi
cielftly onerous on the shipping interest of tho coun
try. Already every article that enters into the con
sumption of ship builders is heavily taxed"—"he did
net think for the sake of some four or fire mannfae
tnrers, that the whale of the shipping interests ought
to be sacrificed."
Mr Merrick, another whig senator and friend of
protection. said "it was a bill to tax the interests of
the agricultlrists, for the benefit of the manufacturers,"
...that it "unjust and unequal," and moved that it
lawt. tom two years, and said :
'His object was to give to the next congress nn op
.flortunity .to deliberate nine long months on the sub-
joslt and to readjust and arrange it on proper prin-
Cie ei m
s.sr • reston also advocated the limitation amend
inen4 and it was defeated by only one
yosingfor it. and among them Mr Crilteaden,
)fr. Clay's particular friend and the exponent of las
views, and three demorints voting against it, dos say
ing it from premature death—from being st,rtutgled in
its infancy by its Ichig, friends.
But good or had as the present tat iff bill may be In
the estimation of these whig gentlemen, and they seem
=4wS,c=-31441,.4151
at differ es triikerve WS , very different opinions
a' , uut its met its, wfitif, rightlive they to call it awing
ur hsivrite tlitinselvesdawn its exclusi iefrie t s l is?
Vidlheypess it by their Cutest Let the NI:olds-of
congrelp tell. The tariff bill they passed wAs a very
dillisient OM.; but that was vetoed.
Thipresent bill WAS it ot stick a one as therptissed
nor wait it passed by their votes—it never wool(' have
become a law hid it de l peuded-spun the whig party—
that is a fact that cannot, be denied.. I was in Congress
when it posed, and I speak. what. I know, when I say
that them wrre no more bittet enemies bits pus
s:lgo than some of Mr Clay's purticular friends,and
that but for the votes of democrau it never could or
would have been enacted. Tlmtmany of the demo.
Cl ate who voted for it did not believe it the best bill
that could be tnnde is most true; but the same may Le
said of many whip who voted for it. That they now
believe it can be made better than it is, unit better
the interett and prosperity of the country, is also must
true; but that Mr Volk or the democratic party have
ever proposed, or have any intenticn to repeal it, and
substitute free trade in its place, as is represented by
Mr Clayton and the whip generally, is most false.
The democrats who voted for it voted for it with all
its faults, rather than to have the government without
tevenne, and the industrial pursuits of the country
%without any protection at all, while Mr Clay's particu
lar whip ft iends chose rather to leave the government
without revenue, and the country without a tariff, than
that they should not ho allowed to squander the pro
ceeds of the sales of the public lands among the states,
to aid them in their Musk and other speculations. T hut
the whig party did not pass it, I submit the following
facts from the record, which I have found prepared to
my hand.
On the p;minge of the prearnt Tnziff Bill, in the
House of Repredentatives, ...uga4t 23c1, 1643, the vote
stood,
For the Bill, 101
Against the Bill, 101
'The Speaker announced the vote as above and vo
ted himself' in the negative.
So the Bill was r rjrcicd by THAT VOTE.'
Thirty nine taiga voting toninst tho Bill among
whom were Mr. Ad:owl, Botts and several of Mr
Clav'4 Kentucky wing friends.
Besides these whigs Vi he voted against the BBL,
there were absent whip= who did nut vote, sixtens--
muking AUX/Ty-fire who did norvoto for the Bill.
After the above vote n reconsideration was carried.
and a second trial had. when it appeared the vote stood.
Ayes 103, Nate 102.
Whet capon Mr Clay's Kentucky Whig Speaker:Air,
White, again voted No, making a tie you., and thus
defeating the Bill a second time. At this junettire,two
whig members who had dodged the vote, now liked
for t he Bill, and thus it was carried.
Dining all this time, twenty one Democratic mem
bers %Ire(' steadily fur the Bill, though in several of
iti,detaibi not agreeable t. them.
On the last vote, another of Mr Clay's Kentucky
Whig friends, Mr Sptig,g, voted against the Bill, ma
king out of eleven whig membersfrom that state, eighl
who voted against the Bill.
So much for the passage of the 'whig' tariff through
the whi ' i , House of Representatives, and now I intend
to show from the same so-tree, how it got through a
Whip. &male. I wish you to bear in mind ale, that
Mr Adams and other leading whigs had fot inure than
two months asserted that the country was srlthont any
tariff, and that there existed nq legal right to collect
one cent of duties on any article imported.
The Bill, after it had escaped from the House by
the skin of its teeth, came up in the Senate fur a final
vote on the 27th Angus', 181'2, and the vote stood, •
Yeas 24. Nays 23—One majority.
Four democrats voting for it, and nine Whigs a
gaingt. it, Mr Clayton of Delaware among them.
Befiire the vote was taken, Mr ‘Vhite, a Whig, Sett-,
atm from Indiana, said:
'IV ithont the votes of the op position, Congress would
Wriest) adjourn without gi‘ing any revenuer to the got/-
eminent.' For this nid In' thanked them.
Mr Moorehead snid, 'hecongtattalated the Senators
from l'ennAylvania and Nen- York in having come for
ward to rescue the country and the gocernsnent in
their need."
This bill thus opposed by Whigs. and passed ngeinst
their TOM/ and wishes, have Mr Clay end his friends
new seized upon as their onlyhope—sheir last plank—
on which he is to float into the i!seddeney.
The sincerity oldie present enthusiastic regard of
Mt Clay and his party for the present tariff, and their
painful anxiety for its safety, may well be questioned,
when we reflect upon the rude treatment it received
from them at its birth, and the coldness with whi
they looked upon it in its infancy. To me it is appa
rent that their recent and apparent friendship is more
Gum party political caleelatims than from anything
national or patriotic. In 1840 they deflated that the
country never could or would prosper unless it was un
der a Whig administration—they went fur change—
and promised a thousand blessings upon every body
and every interest, if the people would place the Gov.
ernment in their hands. The people in an evil bout
did so, but it was the will of Pr.tvidence that they should
not he allowed to hold that power long. They failed.
as they say themselves, to carry out their plans; and yet
time went on, end the country became prosperous with
out a Whig administration or Whig measures.
This falsified all their assertions in 1840 If the
country could prosper without a whig administmtion,
or without the consummation of whig measures, what
could they Ray in 1844 to induce the people errata to
entrust them with power? In this dilemma they look
ed over all they had done, or tried to do, during the
brief ported of their political life, and among it all
was there nothing that they dared 446 seize Oil but
the. Tariff act. The country was outs, end the
currency and the exchanges sound, without a Bank—
they dare not, therefore, place the issue upon the
Bank. They had falsified all their promises of re
trenchmmt and reform, and proscribing proscription,
and every thing else; they therefore dare not place
the issue upon any or all of them. What could they do
but seize upon the Tariff? And little as is their hold
upon it. or their right to claim it as their own, it is
all the political capital they have—all they dare turn
to of all the many acts proposed or performed during
their two year's administration in Congress. Who
can blame them, then, for taking such a death grasp at
this I -Ist plank left them to stand upon?
Whether the present prosperity of the country is
solely or mainly attributable to the present tariff act,
is a question too new to be fully settbd. If it is meant
by the whigs that the prosperity of the country arises
from the tariff keeping foreign merchandise from co.
mica into the country, and thus leaving the country to
be supplied by our own productions, then facts are
ngainst them; for at no time for the last four years,
not even in 1841-2, when the tariff was at its lowest,
did there so much fureig,n merchandise come into der
country as is coming in now under the present tariff.—
Yet it is asserted the great object of a protective tariff
is to increase home productions and diminish foreign
importations. I have no means of knowing exactly
the amount of present imports, but they are unques
tionably fur beyond what they were in 1841-2.
It is not my intention, however, to discuss the merits
of the present tariff question, but I may be allowed to l i
say that it may well be questioned whether the ap
pa.rent present prosperity of the country is not less at
tributable to the tariff act of 1842, than to tbe small
importations and large exportations of past years, and
particalarly to that of 1841-. 5 2, and to the fact that
we have had no National Bank to inflate and derange
the currency and exchanges. To this last are we to i
look mainly fur true protective policy. No tariff of
duties however high they may be laid, can ever be of
any avail while we have a National Bank or a banking
system of uny kind that can expand and comment the
currency of the country at will—yet such a bank and
such a banking system, form the must pro oinent fea
ture of Whig measures.
That there are men associated with the democratic
party opposed to this and all other protective tariffs is
true; and so there are men, and many of them too, as
sociated with the wit* party equally opposed to it.
The tariff never has been made a pony question, and
if the people of this country are true to themselves they
will never let ambitious politicians thus use it. The
use that has already been made of it by Mr Clay has
done irreparable injury to the country. While it suit- '
ed his ambitious views to urge on his high lartYpuli
cy, misnamed the "American System," even to the
verge of civil war, bloodshed and disunion, he urged it
madly on. When he had thus raised the storm of mad
dening passions to their height, Sild by his policy had
crarated the necessity for governmental protection for
many interests of the country, be, Henry Clay. was LW
man to strike down his own A merican system and at a
single blow level all protection, and leave, as did his
communise law, the country in I[ll2 without any tar
itf. Ibis wl ale coUrSe of policy and action has been to
build up and destroy as best mightsuit his ownilitileskisMortaly,satera•arks and most stop.—
ends—to promote through banks and tariffs higkficti-Illn con4i , *ion permit ore to Ay Mr Clayton and Iris
tinuslivosperityat'eaertitter; and panic and preaMrii at lfriend4 if in anything I hiVe Aid, hi eir, , aliej - shell
sontlwr. MI, all his catirsi: has been thet*hirl- hhiolt Ihave done hint or darer rendYgo
triad that he might dingo. the storm; and Ms it la that meet,him before the peophraf Delaware, AO
caused his continual °banging , and irAillation in rola-, not only
,Mr Polk and Mr .Clays spn din torjr. but
that to the tariff. Dallas and Mr. Frelinghtlysen; mid all other men end
This is the history of Mr Clay and his tariff policy. measures that have disided, or do, or may divide the
What has been that of Mt folk? 'Let his whole life two parties; and notwithstanding all his professions of
answer. It has been patriotic, calm, steady and con- the disinterested anxiety of himself and party to get
sistent, from beginning to end. His doctrine, and that I"Bread." for the "Laborers" of the country , I think I
erthe party that support him is, protection to all class- I can show very clearly that the real objects of all their
es of the commiutity—privileges to none. In his I exertions is to get the 'loaves and ftshea'! and °Frt.
speech in Congress in January 1833, be expressed iris 'ci 1/04 THt lisst.TES.
views that the taiilf should be kept to the "standard
of revenue that the government required," and that it
be levied so as to "land sufficient incidental protec
tion" to all the substantial interests of the country.
From that day to this, all his speeches, votes and
letters, express and carryout the same sound doctrine.
In his last letter to Mr Kane, he thus reiterates the
sentiments that he expressed eleven years before iu
Congress:
"1 ant in favor of a tariff for revenue, such an one
as will yield a sufficient amount to the Treasury to de
fray the expenses of the Government, economically
administered. In adjusting the details of a revenue
tariff. I have heretofore sanctioned such moderate dis
criminating duties, as would produce the amount of
rcvenue needed, and at the same time afford reasona
ble incidental protection to our home industry."
"In my jut - It:tricot, it is the duty of the government,
to extend, as far as it may be' practicable to do an, by
its revenue laws, and all other means within its power,
fair and just protection to all the great interests of the
whole Union, embracing agriculture, manufactures;the •
mechanic arts, commerce and navigation."
How nobly dues this consistency contrast with tho '
marchanging course of Henry Clay—trimming his
sails to catch every popular breeze. Had Mr Polk's
doctrines, which he so eloquently urged upon Congress
in 1833, been carried out, how different would have
been the scenes of the last ten years. Nu surplus re
venue would have accumulated to prompt to large ex
penditures or to be distributed among the states to
promote speculations that ended in witle-spteail state
debt and individual ruin. Nor would the duties en
foreign rnensiksos, dixe have sunk as they did under Mr.
Clay's co re bill, until they afforded neither
pm:eclionster revenue, but all would have cone on
steadily aakiretispertamly. Mr. Polies whole course
shows thatbe is for leaving free every thing that aids
the industtjal, chases in their pursuits, and does nut
come in conspetition with the productions, end to raise
by moderate; discriminating protective ditties on all
that does come in competition with their productions,
a sufficient revenue for the economical-expenses of the
government. This is the true democratic ground—
the true interest of the country. This is the system
every tree democrat. will support, and leave to Mr.
Clay and his friends their system of taxing
tea and
coffee, and all the other necssaries of life , that they
may get money to distribute among the States again
—to make high tariffs at one time and destroy them at
another, and to keep the interests of the country con
tinually in the market fir their political advantage.—
, The peopleof the United States are not to be deceiv-1
ed by whig issues or Whig falsehoods; they will hunk
to the facts, and inquire what party it was that passed
the many tariff acts of 1818-24-1-32, under which;
the country prospered—they will inquire who claimed i
the' merit of striking down that tariff—they will Wok •
to what a whig Concuss would have dorm in 1842,
had it not beau fur democratic votes, and they will
judge truly who an, the true friends of the country— ,
who best can be relied upon in the 1 our of danger.
There is another charge made by Mr Clayton. not
against Mr Polk, but against the ditto ratio adminis
tration of Mr Van Buren. which for the effrontery of I
its misrepresentations exceeds if possible any made a. 1
gainst Mr Polk.
He says: •
"flew stood the facts on that day? (June 30, 1942.)
We had actually incurred a national debt of more than
$20,000,000. at that very time, under the operation of I
a higher tariffthan2o per cent, and that, too, with the
aid of all the land fund,and bunk stocks and bank div
idends besides. Our revenue had sunk so low that the
credit of the nation was, at that very moment, in the
most deplorable condition. We had borrowed on that
credit till foreigners would not lend us another dollar;
and in our own market tire 6 per cent. certificates of
the loan redeemable in twenty years, could not be sold
teeny considerable ferment, for any thing like their
par value. We bad approached the very verge erne
tienal bankruptcy, and but for the whig revolution of
1840, whickhal elected a IVhig Congress to decide
our fate, we should at that moment have been in immi
nent peril of/national repudiation."
And again:
"Although they (the democrats) continued in power
from the passage of thnt law until the year 1841, they
never attempted, in a single instance, to provide eith
er_ prospective legislation or by any Executive n°-
6400; flor any merle of assessing duties on the Home
VaTutatien, nor did they attempt to pass a law raising
the theies, prospectively, after the 30th origins, 1012,
to the real warns of the governmeut, although they
knew, as well through the whole sessions of Congress
0148404, uwe know, one or both of these measures
ought to be pmspectivelyaftfmterl; to save the govern
ment from the danger of bankruptcy."
Here is an attempt to induce the belief that in con
sequence of the neglect or default of the democratic ad
ministration of Stir Van Buren the country bad been
run in debt, and brought to baßkruptcy. Now let us
examine the facts. I hold in my hand a copy of a let
ter to the Secretary of the Treasury to Congress, dated
May 17, 1843, in which the whole debt of the govern
mept on 4th of March, 1841, the day when Mr. Van
•
wren went out of office, is put down at $8,341,55S 70,
which, after deducting debts assumed by the govern.
meat for the cities of the District of Columbia, redeem
ed treasury notes, and other improper items, was in
reality Outa little over free millions of dollars
Nor had the credit of the Government at any time
been doubted or impaired during Mr Van Buren's ad.
ministration. He had never required a loan, and had
only issued some 3ve millions of Treasury notes.—
These notes, the only marketable debt of the Govern
ment at that time, though only drawing five per cent
interest,always passed at par and above it; and it
was not until theta of March, 1842, more than a
year efter.the Whig administration game into power,
they sunk below it. Then, and for some time after
wards, it is true, that t h e credit of the Govern
ment sunk so low that Treasury notes drawing siz per
cent were at a discount, and no one would take the
Crovetnment loans at any price. The cause of this was
plain. The Whigs had been in power mere than a
year—lied held one entire session of Congress—had
squandered the money of the Government by making
large and improper appropriations, and by distributing
it among the States—hod prbvided 1,0 mode of raising
adequate revenue, no mitt to supply their extavagance
and waste. They had falsified all their promises of
retrenchment, and kid exerted all their energies in
passing 4 ‘bankrupt laws," and in making Banks and
Fiscal Agents, and devising plans to alter the Consti
union and destroy the whole chatncter of the Govern
ment.
In the midst of this reckless career of squandering
the public money tad neglecting to provide for the pub
lic wants, it was, that the credit of the Government
fell. And it diii fall; and never would have risen a
gain, had not Mr Tyler in part checked Mr gay and
his associates in their profligate career, and duo people
come up in their might, ns they did in 1842, and elect
a majority of democrats to Congress and the State
Legislatures, and thus save the country, its credit and
its institutions, from thedestructive hands that in the
madness of 1840 had got unholy possession of the
Government.
What effrontery then is it not for Mr Clayton to im
pute the fallen credit of the Government to the Dem
ocratic party, when it did not fall until more than a year
oiler the whig party came into power? Nor is it less
effrontery for him to impute neglect of the interests of
the country upon the democrats for not passing a new
tariff' act in view of a deficient revenue, when his own
party In Congress went on for a year and a half under
a more deficient revenue, distributing the public mon
ey, and increasing the public debt, and leaving un
touched the whole tariff question. When they did en
act one, I have already shown how it was done.
I have said the public debt left by Mr Van Buren's
administration was about five millions of dollars. On
the 4th of March, 1843, the day on which the Whig
Congress expired, the Secretary of the Treasury sta
ted to Congress the debt of the Government at $27.
394;281 13, nteking an increase of the publiemdebt du
ring these two years of whit; economy, retrenchment
and refer m, of over TWES TY M 1 1 4, 10 715 of dollar*:
Them is much more of this speech of Mr Clayton7s,
- that it is equally void of truth and fairness, but I have
111)e Clailv Morning Post.
THUS PHILLIPS & WM. H. SMITH, EDITORS
PITTSBURGH, MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 2
FOR PRESIDENT,
JAMES K. POLK,
FOR VICE PRESIDENT,
GEO.. M. DALLAS,
or PENNSTLYANIA
FOR GOVERNOR,
FRS. R. SHUNK:
Subject to the deciiien of the People
FOR CANAL COMMISSIONER,
.JOSHUA HARTSHORNE,
Or CHI: TER COUNTY
Congreatt,
ALEXANDER BRACKENRIDGE, Pitt
State Senate
CHAMBERS MICIBBIN, City.
. Amiably,
JAMES A. GIBSON, Pine,
JOHN ANDEREGG, Pitt,
JAMES WHITTAKER, Mifflin,
STEPHEN WOODS, Robinson,
Commies Loper,
WILLIAM EWING, Robinson. -
Auditor,
EDWARD M:CORKLE, Indiana.
What are the Principles of Weary Clay I
Altho' we have frequently answered this question.
as we thought hoAtly and truly, upon the authority of
his Acts and Speeches, we propose to let theeditor of
the Gazette, the "dear and dearly bought," give the
responses ou this occasion. The unteachable and stiff
necked whigs, who have chosen• the sapient Gazette
for the exponent of their party principles and of the
principles of usair candid.ste, though they may scout
at other and better authority, must take the word of
the Gazette:
is CLAT A FaEI MADE MAO "3lr CittnnUe
lithe devoted advocate of SLAVERY Owl FRE E
TRADE,"—end "Mr CLAY IS SECOND REST."
—Piltdamr,ak Gazette, Febtiary 27 , 1843.
"He [Clay] PUTS THE KNIFE TO THE
THROAT OF PROTECTION:AND ASKS FOR
HELP TO DRIVE IT H 11 E."—PiUsbersA
Gazette, .11113 2211, 1842.
"He [Clay] give up Protection as either impossible
to be carried out or imaxpedieut at present, when he
con octtd - anti brought forward the Compromise Bill."
—Pittsburgh Gazette, July 'l'2, 1342.
h CLAY A MASoS AAP AN ADVOCATE OF SLAVE
RY? lie is the "'scowl best" "advocate of Slavery
in the United States.—See Gazette of Fob 27,1844.
"Our great causes of opposition to Mr CLAI' are his
Slavery and Masonry. We seek no "cover" to hide
thew causes. We believu these causes will and
should KEEP HIM FROM TILE PRESIDENTIAL
CHAlR.—Gazette Feb 15.1343.
"Wore the question put to the Harrison party of Al
legheny county, toilay,tochoosehotween}l Es a r CLAY
and some other anti-locsif leo candidate who wns free
from the objections of Masonry, Slavery and Duel
ling, Henry Clay wouid ho left far in the minority."—
Game, January 10, 1842. 41110
WHAT 18 CLAY'S MORAL CH ARACTRII In con
trasting CLAY and HARRISON, the Gazette says, "He
[Harrison] was neither a DUELLIST, A DEBAU
'CHEF.. nor PROFANE." Ilia former life had
also been .above reproach," The evident intention of
the Gazette was to show that CLAT was obnoxious to
these charges. We refer this to the editor of the Ga.
zette's":ate partner, Mr GRA X I'," or a committee of
intelligent whigs.
"We do not let despair of some such North
ern man as John Quincy Adana, or Judge kr Clem*,
or God. Seward, brought forward for the support of
the FRIENDS of IWQRALITY and human freedom.",
—Pitts. Gazette, May 10, 1843.
Coot. Ittreoteet.--The wrath of- that pink of
truth, honor and political honesty, Deacon - White. has
been roused by the extract which we gave from Geo
McCalla's speech to sustain Au former denunciations
of licenr CLAY, and he denies that he ever called
the wbig candidate a gambler; ''either directly or by
inference." If he did not call him a gambler, it was
_because the term was not suffiently strong to express
his abhorrence for the many crimes of the mason and
duellist, and ho preferred using language which he
considered more appropriate. "Gambler" was a
word entirely too mild to express Denton White's de
testation of n lay; he skipped it and used the more
expressive epithets of "DUELLIST," "IMMORAL
and PROFANE MAN," and "DEBAUCHER." it
would be an easy inference, that any man to whom
these epithets would justly apply, could not be inju
red much by being called a gambler also. If White
could have thought of any other term, in addition to
them, that would have placed another "BLACK
MARK opposite Clay's 'same," at he expressed it, be
would have used it, but with the above, he supposed
he had reached the acme of personal vituperation;
his vocabulary could furnish no epitlietfhtore infammo
and degrading than th-tie ho had applied.
Knowing that the public must remember his gem'
abuse of Clay, ho had the impudence a few days
since to deny that he had ever spoken of him in any
other than respectful language, and he now calls for the
proof that he In.:lever called him q gambler, even by
inference. If be did Got wish the public to infer that
be believed Mr. Clay to be guilty of every vice in
the catalogue of crime, why did he denitunce him as
an "IMMORAL 4nd PROFANE MAN" and, a
"DEBAUCHEE?" Are these epithets that tan be
applied to more venial failings,than gambling? or did
not the worthy Deacon suppose that card playing
and. the other small vices of the whig candidate,
were embraced i tribe sweeping and triumphant charge
of eteloa *ekes, which he h el made against Clay?
Will not this proof satisfy him 1 If it does not, we
will give him proof of any thing he may desire, when
i be can show on what principle of morality, he, a pro .
fessoreiredigion , can support a man whom ho believe .
in his beast to be a duelist, an IMMORAL and PROYAA I
r lux and a DEBAUCHER. K.
He has proclaimed Clay to be all of these, and he,
with the professions of sanctity on his Jim js doi n g all
in bis power to persuade the people to conks the hiek
est trust in their a ft, on tin., pawl whossichatict. .e
hu eskAeltured.:Sunisktinyttt*bp itiorolog
to correct primigft' titan ttte cotoilte of this OditorA
iiery . honot(tit4ingliiit fool shocidi at. , such tuirnst . 01,
lateness. "'"
MEWLS EDlroßs:—The article , signed "Modera—
tor," having been written by H C Moorhead, Esq ,
must expiess regret that in Ids haste to defend the re
fined "taste" of his brother, 3 K Moorhead, he should
show so little himself as to abuse an individual who
had out issuiled him )(or even cenvired his brother.
Thcaigh Mr Moorhead has now placed himself in the
nwkward attitude of a wanton assailant of a mutt who
had no other feelings thin those of kindness towards
him, and good will f o r his brother, yet his petulent arti
cle should have been overlooked, had he confined him
self to ill-natured remarks on myself; for, in laboring
to be sarcastic, I think he has risen only to the di4ni
tv of a bracer which I could suffer and yet survive.
But kis "tastes" have led him further, and the misrep
resentutiunsuf facts made by him and others, renders
it necessary to show that in introducing Doer Resolu
tions to a Democratic meeting, I was nut attempting to
lead public opinion, but was only following in the
course of the Democratic party. •
The Globe, the leading organ of the party, has lot
some time been recummendins action in regard to
Rhode Island affairs, and the following circular from
the oppressed Democrats of that State will show, that
in presenting my Derr Resolutions, 1 selected the
most ehilable, brmause the earliest occasion after we
had been appealed to:
TIIE CIRCULAR
PaovinnitcE, (R. 1.,) Ang.2. 1844.
"Dgsa. Si n &mit-main mass meeting - friendly
to the election of Polk and Ihtllttv, and to the liberation
of Governor Darr from the Sotto prlsion in a legal man•
uer, has been called, to be !whim' in this city rat Wed
nesday, theith of September next. ''ho undersigned,
Who have been uppointed a committee of correspon
dence, resoxtfully invite you to be present on that oc
caion.
The committee feel that the tiojmn nn i cruel iMpris
onment ofdovernor Darr calls for the united action of
the democracy of the Union, as it involves principles
dear to every American citizen, and which never ought
to be - untended. No isuo, in their opinion, in any pres
sidential election since the adoptin the federal con
stitution, has been made, which it ifFritally inaportara
to thesproservation of our free institutions, as the one in
volved itithe facts and circumstances which led to the
trial and condemnation of tlmt distinguished individu
al. It presents mac American people the greatest na.
lion. que.stion since their declaration of independince
in 1776.
"The commiuee, therefore, hope that you will find
itcongenial with your views and foelingS to honor
tho meeting with your presence and influence; and they
can assure you a henry welcome from the still strug
gling but determined democracy of Ithodu
"Yours recrectfit fly, •
BENJAMIN COWELL,
LIEZEKTAH IVILLARD,
1Y K DANFORTIL
TIIOB. F. CARPENTER,
L E EATON,
L SALISBURY.
"FRARcts P. BLAIR. Esq."
But this is not the first occasion that I have been
abused for too early defending democratic principles,
when the Independent Treasury was first preposed, I
received from pseudo Demote' tits and their whig friends
much abuse and ridicule, for my bud taste in advoca
ting, drat great measure which they called the odious
Sub-Treasury. Certain democrats chum Mr Moor
head might laud, for thcirgood taste and refined feel
ings and discretion, opposed the Sub-Treasury, as they
are now opposed ton too early expression of t.ympa
thy for Guy Dorr.
By Mr 11 C Moorhead's article, and the letter of
his brother, herewith stibiehe4l, it a ill by .o en that
they both desire to produce the that the
late Moss Meeting was called to render porsokal hon
ors to Mr Muhlenberg.
But this is not the filet. The meeting was called
to terminate a enodidntc fur Governor.—and I
have this to add, that if my liesolutions dirt not suit
the taste of a select and courtly few, they did accord
withtho feelings, and received the warm approbation
of the thousands assembled on that ra:ension.
The following is the letter of M J K Moorhead:
Union Cotton Factory, Aug. 21, 1fi•11
EDWARD D. Gizzea, Esq.
Dear Sin—Your note of the 19th inst., war; received
ye-rterrlay evening. In reply I would inform you that
1 know nothing of the proceedings you allude to after
the adjournment of the meeting, until I read them in
the Post. Had 1 prepared :hem for publication, your
reso'nr ions would have appeared in the body of the pro
c•sdings, in the order in e }rich they were adopted by
the meeting. At the same time I have no hesitation in
saying! dwnied them entirely irrelevant, and was re
quested by some of the officers to stop you (as being
out of order) when they were reading, this I declined
—when drequestion on them was called for, I .4 toted
br;elly my views, but finding n portion of the meeting
anxious on the subject, I put the question and they
were adopted.
The resolutions (in themselves considered) are en
tirely praiseworthy. highly patriotic, and recommend
themselves to the favor and support of every Demo
crat, on this point there was no difference of opinion
amongst us, but were they well timed, or nppropriote
on that occasion. several officers of the meeting, my
self among the number thought far otherwise Our
meeting was °nett( solemn import—we ram , culled to
gether in consequence of a sudden dispensation ofProv
idence that had bereft our party of a candidate for gov
ernor; my own feelings were those of deep solemnity,
and this feeling appeared to pervade the meeting—we
bad lost one of our greatest and best men—it was a
fit occasion for mourning, and supposed our proceed
ings"would have been confined entirely to the purpose
for which we were convened, vir.: soma resolutions of
ofeendelence with thefamily and friends of the distin
guished man, who had been so suddenly taken from
us, ancLa reccommendation that our fellow townsa an
Francis R. Shenk be re-elected to till the vacancy on
our ticket, occasioned by the bereavement-1 still be
lieve that to have so confined our proceedings, would
have been in better taste, and some other occasion bet
ter suited for general party acclamation.
I remain sir, Respectfully yours,
J. K. MOORHEAD.
If I am wanting in cornet "taste" it is a mis
fortune which so many labor under, that 1 must even
thus console myself, But I have too much regard
to trolls to insinuate that a meeting called to ;moth,
nate a Governor, was called fur- any whet specific ob
ject—and I have too much regatd for the rights of the
people to garble or suppress their proceedings. If I
have any judgment in these matters. I should say it
is in very bad taste fur if C Moorhead to charge
E D Gazzans with a wish to disturb the harmony
of the party. Has Mr H C Moorhead, of his bror
ther, made so many sacrifices to the cause and to
promote its harmony so often submitted to personal
less and innonvtnience as they should set them
selves up as censorseeet my principles and tastes.
E. D. GAZZANI.
MARRIED.—On Tuesday the 27th inst, by the
Rev James Graham, Mr-Joao Fits titer+ a, to Miss
ELLEN BLACK A Don x, daughter of Mr George Black
adore, all of Wilkins township.
Balance of a **entry Store at Auction.
AT Davis' Commercial Auction Rooms, corner of
Wood and sth streets, this day, Monday, Sep
tember 2d, at 10 o'clock, A M., will be sold the bal.-
ooze of a Retail Dry Goods Store, consisting in part
of
Gingham, and Calicoes;
Alpaccrts and Delaines;
Fancy Shawls and Cravats i
Patent Thread and Sewing Cotton;
Ribbons, 5-4 Padding;
Barred Canton Flannel, Clod( Lining;
Barred Silk Velvet Vesting;
Cloths and Cassineus, &c.
4. D. DAVIS,
seri 2 41 1 - Atitioneer.
Desting ibr Flags.
800 y„ , ,Ros &mt Blue and White,
.10et re
calved at the Carpet Warphouse of
W. BUCLINTOCK & Co„
No, 110, Market it.
Aug 41-3 t..
Ililabel. 2buertiornunts
Produce, Pezmnirding & Ceanoissfen
Merchant,
Also, Agent United Siam, Conaide 1304,1,4n-Dose
TOR THR POET
NO 4 2.72, MARKET ST., I.IIILADXLPHIA,.
rYPLiberal advances made on c,onsigaments, 'whit
Refer [o—Meseta Wm Wilson Jr. 404. 4 54.60
Temple; 13euld , Woody' ard &Co-; &WI&
•
William M'Kuight & Cu.; Cbsskes A. fll'Anult)
ung-24-1y• Pietsborgli.
Wholesale Dealers la Boot', Shoes!, Dal
nets, Palm Lear Hats and Copy
NO. 190 MARKET ST. PHILADE4PHIA:'
H KY beg leave te inform Wester° ,14encliints shit
they have n splendid assortment of the Astra
GoodA, and are still manufacturing largely, which thee
wilt all at the very lowest prices for Cash, or armoires
credit. ring
BOOT AND SHOE MANUFACTORY.
No. 233 Market Street, Northeast comer of
Sixth Street, Philadelphia.
WESTERN and Southern Merchants nre respeeti
fully invited local! and examine his stoek, - no
her feels confident that it will be to their interescbi
fore purchasing elsels - hot e.
eug G-ly
HARDWARE AND CUTLERY.
SMITH, BROTECINIS & y
NO. 183 MARKET ST., I'HILAZIELPII.4,
A RE now receiving in addition to their f
orstrii
nod; a large aAdortment of FOREIGN.4SC
DOMESTIC HARDWARE AND CUTLERY, tc
which !hey invite the attention of Western Iderchtuo.
nog 6-ly
•
OF New Goods, at At.oxo & M Gotur's Fashion
ablee Head quarters, No 251 Liberty Street. Titti- c
newest style and most splendid goods that is bruusirt ,
to this market is to he seen at our establishment. W.
Would invite the attention of purchasers to our present
tut ck, which for variety and richness of style cannot
he excelled. In catering for the taste of our custom
ers we are determined net to be out done, as arrange
ments have been made by U 3 to secure every new style
of goods upon its arrival in the Eastern market, as well
as the beat Paris inonthly reports, which we receive,
ageltely; neither expense or pains shall be spared in
making our establishment THE FASHIONAIII.i HEAD
gUARTER3 of the West: and we trust to be sustained
by our old !wrens, ns well as a great many slew ones,
whom we - shall not fail to please, as we trust our abili
ty IS equal to our
*tit 2 A LGEO & MsGUIRE,
Chronicle and Age copy.
Otilt last report brings us out two new coats of
this description. The material used in the first
is French and English Tweeds, of which we hare re
ceived some new patterns, suitable for the coming rea
son—such as Bronzed and granite mixed Plaids,
these are lined with rich Cuchmere throughout, which
makes them suitable for any weather. The other is u
very desirable Coat, being something between a Allow
or dress Cont—the material is Olive. Citron, Mull:wi
ry. London Brown or Rifle Green Cloths, and trimmed
with shorting Buttons, nll of which we hare In sib*
&owe.. Come on with your orders, gentlemen; the
Cash system makes all the difference, for there is r •
other customer shop in the City can sell as cheep as
the Fashionable Head quarters. No 251 Liberty street,
Sept 2 ALGEO & M'GUIRE.
Chronicle and Age copy.
JUST re.:eived at No 86, Market street.
100 Portraits of J K Polk.
100 " " 11 Clay.
100 " G M
100 " " T Frelingilysen,
100 Grand National Whitt Banners.
100 " " Nmnennic Banners.
40 Nests Straw travelling baskets.
3 Gross o' Jet Breast pins.
10 lbs Jet Bugle Beads.
Sept 2. ZEBULON KINSEY
Its die Districteourtnf Allegheny Comes.
Simpson, Silken &Jones, Phi. volit
. •
, f• k 4 -
Ex No 144,
V
April T.,
Charles M. Bollmnn. 1844.
.. And now, to wit, August 29th, 1844.
On motion of T Mellon, Esq., the
Court appoint Erancis R. Shunk, Esq., Auditor. to
audit and drstribute the proceeds or Pale in this cam
From the Record. GEO R RIDDLE, Pre.
The Auditor above named will attend for the im
pose of hit appointment, at bib Office, 4th suref,,pa
That-Any, thelifth Jay or September next. at 10 o'-
clock, A. M., when and where theme interrateti may
attend. FRANCIS R. SHUNIC, Auditor.
Sept. 2, 4341.
THE subscriber has just received the 6,14
1, GOODS, which he will sell at a small ad
on Easters Prices, wholesale and retail:
300 lbs Titley's Shoe Thread ;
5 gross hoist Boot Webb ;
75 " Awl Blades;
T 00 lbs Sparables;
50 bushels Shoe Pegs;
100 gross Boot Laces;
8 eases Shoe Rubbers;
3 gross Ames, Wilson and Alger's- Shoe Knives
together with a complete assortment of findings;
300 gross best Hooks uud Eyes, on cards an 4
in boxes;
.sat
60 " Steel Pens;
10,000, Quills ;
100 - Packs American and German Pins; Y
20 gross Lead Pencils; _
100 " ever-point Lcilds;
10,000 Slate l'encils I
41111 . '
150,000 Percussion Caps;
76,000 Fish Hooks I Silk, linen, grass and trout
lines, rtxls, reels. &c. Sm.;
Ivory, Shell and Horn Combs, every description;
Pen, Pocket and Dirk Knives;
Shaving and Toilet Soaps, Razors. Straps, Boxes,
Cases; &c. &c. JOHN W. FLAIR,
aug 31.1 w 120 Wood street.
WARD'S DENTAL PRESERVATOR, •
A Superior Wash for the Teeth,
110,110DUciNG at once the most healthy state tithe
mouth--Cleansipg and result ing the teetlyyp dasir
aptUrtiiiiirbitenees ; giving hardnesi to the grtms, der
troying the putrifachine influence of decayed teeth,
lessening in every instance the irritation and spews.
incidental to their diseased state, and in fact combin
ing in its effect all that can be desired in a Dentifrice.
Also, a superior Tooth Powder, as ree
In the Medical faculty of Philadelphia, by the c
Lod Duct. Hudson.
Prepared and sold by Wm. A. Want),
Liberty street.
.014,31
3" BARRELS Ox' ALUM ;
Ai Just received and for sale by •
4OHN D. DA4/18,
swg
4 Corner c.f Wood and Ai streets,
THOMAS BORBIDGi,
GENERAL
required
T. B. & W. P. CONOVER,
JOSZIPE TALLMAN%
W L ESA LE
DAILY ARRIVALS
Musinc so Coat&
VARDSTY GOODS.