10 HUGHES CHARGES WILSON WITH SERIES OF MEXICAN BLUNDERS; HIS CONSTRUCTIVE POLICIES INCLUDE SUFFRAGE AND NATIONAL BUDGET President Precipitated Vera Cruz Trouble, Attempted to Control Mexican Politics, Patronized Villa and Left Country to Ravages of Revolution, Candidate Asserts [Continued From First Page] expeditions into Mexico as "the height of folly." Mr. Hftghes' reference to the sinking of the Lusitania and his direct charge that it resulted from the failure of this government to convince foreign nations that the words "strict account ability" meant what they said brought the most prolonged applause of the evening. The only rival to this demon stration came when he declared that he favored woman's suffrage and be lieved that the granting of universal suffrage should not be delayed because It would intensify a feminist move ment which would subvert normal is sues. Mr. Hughes assailed the administra tion for the course it has pursued with reference to Mexico, maintained of American rights during the European war, preparedness and other great questions of the day. He decided for a new policy of "firmness and consis tency" toward Mexico, for "the un flinching maintenance of all American rights on land and sea." and for "ade quate national defense; adequate pro tection on both our western and east ern coasts." The nominee assailed the adminis tration for its "direction of diplomatic intercourse" for the beginning, declar ing that where there should have been conspicuous strength and expertness there had been weakness and inexpert ness. He cited San Domingo as an in stance where appointments had gone to "deserving Democrats" and to the failure to continue Ambassador Her rick at his post in Paris after the war had started as "a lamentable sacrifice of international repute." "I indorse the declaration in the platform in favor of woman suff rage," Mr. Hughes declared. And he added: "Opposition mav delay, biit. In my judgment, cannot defeat this movement. * * * I favor the vote for wwmen." Long Reference to >lOllOO One-fourth of the speech was de voted to Mexico. Step after step taken by the administration with reference to Mexico was assailed, from tlu day* •©f Huerta to the note sent the de facto government by the State Department June 20 last, part of which was quoted In the speech. The seizure of Vera Cruz, the nominee said, "was war, of course." Brave Words in Notes Safeguarding American rights ebroad had not been accomplished. Mr. Hughes said, by the administration. TThere had been "brave words in a se ries of notes," but "what does it avail .to use some of the strongest words known to diplomacy if ambassadors can receive the impression that the words are not to be taken seriously?" The nominee reiterated his declara tion that had this government left 110 doubt that it meant to hold Germany to "strict accountability" there would have been no loss of life on the Lusl tania. Discussing preparedness, Mr.Hughes said it was apparent that the United States was "shockingly unprepared." Of the present prosperity Mr. Hughes said: "We are living in a fool's paradise." It Is, he said, a pros perity brought about by the abnormal conditions of war. For the protection of the industries and workingmen of the United States, against the competi tion of "an energized Europe." Mr. Hughes said it was plain that "we must have protective, upbuilding poli cies." Other measures, too. should be applied, he said, notably the upbuild ing of a merchant marine. "To make peace lasting and effec tive when the present war shall end," Mr. Hughest advocated the formation of an international tribunal to dispose of controversies of a justifiable sort, hacked by the co-operation of the na tions to prevent war before peaceful methods of adjustment end. Mr. Hughes also declared for the "conservation of the just interests of labor," for conservation of national resources and for a national budget. "Our opponents promised economy, but they have shown a reckless extrav agance. It is time we had fiscal re form." Mr. Hughes closed with an indorse ment of the Republican platform adopted by the National convention and a formal acceptance of the nomi nation. Cheered Several Minutes The large audience which crowded Carnegie Hall to capacity cheered for several minutes when Mr. Hughes ap peared, shortly after 8 o'clock. The nominee, recognizing Theodore Roosevelt in one of the boxes waved to him and Colonel Roosevelt clapped his hands in acknowledgment. Senator Harding, of Ohio, chairman of the Notification Committee, was cheered at every reference to the name of the nominee and a Republican vic tory in November. When he had fin, lshed the band played and the crowd arose and cheered again. Mr. Hughes was frequently Inter rupted by laughter and applause. After delivering his speech, he was host at a reception to the Notification Committee and the invited guests to the notification ceremony. Text of.Speech Senator Harding, members of the notification committee and fellow-citi- Eens This occasion is more than a mere ceremony of notification. We are not here to indulge in formal expression. We come to state in a plain and direct manner our faith, our purpose and our pledge. This representative gathering is a happy augury. It means the strength of reunion. It means that the party of Lincoln is restored, alert, effective. It means the unity of a com mon perception of paramount national needs. It means that we are neither deceived nor benumbed by abnormal conditions. We know that we are in a critical period, perhaps more critical than any period since the civil war. We need a dominant sense of national unity; the exercise of our best constructive pow ers; the vigor and resourcefulness of % quickened America. We Gestre that the Republican party as a great liberal party shall be the agency of national achievement, the organ of tne effective expression of dominant Americanism. What do I mean by that? I mean America conscious of power, awake to obligation, erect In self-respect, pre pared for every emergency, aevoted to the ideals of peace. Instinct with the spirit of human brotherhood, safe guarding both individual opportunity and the public interest, maintaining a well-ordered constitutional system adapted to local self-government with out the sacrifice of essential national authority, appreciating the necessity of stability, expert knowledge and thorough organization as the indis pensable conditions of security and progress: a country loved by its citi lens with a patriotic fervor permitting Bo division In their allegiance and no rivals in their aftectlon—l mean Am erica first and America efficient. It Is In this spirit that I respons to your summons. Foreign Rotations in Weak Hands Our foreign relations have assumed grave importance in the Tast three fears. The conduct of diplomatic in tercourse is in the keeping of tne ex- TUESDAY E\ r ETN T TKG, 1 ecutive. It rests chiefly with him whether we shall show competence or whether the national : honor shall be maintained; whether ' I our prestige and influence shall be > lowered or advanced. What is the record of the adminis tration? The first duty or trie execu tive was to commend the respect of : the world by the personnel of our State ' Department and our representation abroad. No party exigency could ex cuse the nonperformance of this ob vious obligation. Still, after making I every alowance for certain commena >, able appointments, it is apparent that this obligation was not performed. I At the very beginning of tlge present administration, where in tne direction of diplomatic intercourse there should have been conspicuous strength and expertness we had weakness and lnex pertness. Instead of assuring respect we invited distrust of our competence and speculation a? to our capacity for firmness and decision, thus entailing many difficulties which otherwise easily could have been escaped. Then. in numerous instances, notably in Latin-America, where such a course was particularly reprehen | sible. and where we desire to encour age the most friendly relations, men of long diplomatic training were of especial value to the country, were retired from the service, apparently I for no other reason than to meet partisan demands in the appointment ! of inexperienced persons. Where, as in Santo Domingo, we had assumed an important special trust'in the interest of its people, that trust was shockingly betrayed in order to satisfy "deserving Democrats." Hcrrick's Removal a Sample The record showing the administra tion's disregard of its responsibilities I with respect to our representation in ! diplomacy is an open book and the specifications may easily be had. It ts a record revealing professions belied. It is a dismal record to those who be i lieve in Americanism. Take, for example, the withdrawal of Ambassador Herrick from France. There he stood, in the midst of alarms, the very embodiment of courage, of i poise, of executive capacity, univer | sally trusted and beloved. No diplomat | ever won more completely the affec : tions of a foreign people, and there was no better fortune for this country j than to have at the capital of any one i of the belligerent nations a representa-' j tive thus esteemed. Vet the adminis tration permitted itself to supersede him. The point is not that the man was Ambassador Herrick. or that the na tion was France, but that we invited the attention of the world to the inex cusable yielding of national interest to partisan expediency. It was a la mentable sacrifice of international re pute. If we would have the esteem of foreign nations we must deserve it. We must show our regard for special knowledge and experience. I propose that we shall make the agencies of our diplomatic intercourse in every nation worthy of the American name. Promoted Anarchy in Mexico The dealing of the administration with Mexico constitute a confused chapter of blunders. We have not helped Mexico. She lies prostrate, Impoverished, famine-stricken, over whelmed wth the woes and outrages of internecine strife, the helpless vic tim of a condition of anarchy which the course of the administration only served to promote. For ourselves, we have witnessed the murder of our citizens and the destruction of their property. We have made enemies, not friends. In stead of commanding respect and de serving good will by sincerity, firm ness and consistency, we provoked misapprehension and deep resent ment. In the light of the conduct of the administration no one could under stand its professions. Decrying inter ference, we interfered most exasper atingly. We have not even kept out of actual conflict and the soil of Mexico is stained with the blood of our soldiers. We have resorted to physical Invasion, only to retire with out gaining the professed object. It is a record which cannot be examined without a profound sense of humilia tion. When the administration came into power Huerta was exercisine authority as provisional president of Mexico. He was certainly in fact the »iea<l of the government of Mexico. Whether or not he should be recognized was a question to be determined in the exer cise of a sound discretion, but accord in? to correct principles. The president was entitled to be as sured that there was at least a de facto sovernment; that international obliga tions would be performed: that the lives and property of American citizens would have proper protection. To at tempt, however, to control the domes tic concerns of Mexico, was simply in tervention, not less so because dis claimed. The height of folly was to have a vacillating and ineffective in tervention, which could only evoke bitterness and contempt, wmch would fail to pacify the country and to as sure peace and prosperity under a stable government. Banned Huerta, Patronized Villa If crimes were committed, we do not palliate them. We make no de fense of Huerta. But the administra tion had nothing to do with the moral character of Huerta. if in fact he rep resented the government of Mexico. We shall never worthily prosecute our unselfish aims or serve humanity by wrong-headedness. So far as the character of Huerta Is concerned; the hollowness of the pre tensions on this score is revealed by the administration's subsequent pat ronage of Villa (whose qualifications as an assassin are indisputable), whom apparently the administration was ready to recognize had he achieved his end and fulfilled what then seemed to be its hope. The question is not as to the non recognition of Huerta. The adminis tration did not content itself with re fusing to recognize Huerta, who was recognized by Great Britain, Germany, France. Russia, Spain and Japan. The ad ministration undertook to destroy Huerta. to control Mexican politics, even to deny Huerta the right to be a candidate for the office of president at the election the administration de manded. With what bewilderment must the Mexicans have regarded our assertion of their right to manager their own affairs: In the summer of 1913 John Lind was dispatched to the City of Mexico as the president's "personal spokesman and representative" to the unrecognized Huerta in order to de mand that the latter eliminate himself It was an unjustifiable mission, most offensive to a sensitive people. John Lind lingered irritatingly. The admin istration continued to direct its efforts at the destruction of the only govern ment Mexico had. Seizing Vera Cruz Was War In the Spring of 1914 occurred the capture of Vera Cruz. Men from one of the ships had been arrested at Tam pico and had been discharged with an apology. But our admiral demanded ,a salute, which was refused. There- • u. §few 'HffifiwffirfflWffnßM j||a CHARLES E. HUGHES upon the President went to Congress, asking authority to use the armed forces of the United States. Without waiting for the passage of the resolution. Vera Cruz was seized. It appeared that a shipload of ammu nition for Huerta was about to enter that port. There was a natural op position to this invasion and a battle occurred, in which nineteen Americans and more than 100 Mexicans were killed. This, of course, was war. Our dead soldiers were praised for dying like heroes in a war of service. Later we retired from Vera Cruz, giving up this noble warfare. We had not obtained the salute which was de manded. We had not obtained repar ation for affronts. The ship with am munition which could not land at Vera Cruz had soon landed at another port, and its cargo was delivered to Huerta without interference. Recently the naked truth was admitted by a cabinet officer. We are now informed that "we did not go to Vera Cruz to force Huerta to salute the flag." We are told that we went there "to show Mex ico that we were in earnest in our de mand that Huerta must go." That is. we seized Vera Cruz to depose Huerta. The question of the salute was a mere pretext. Failed to Protect Citizens to secure protection for the etaointa Meanwhile, the administration ut terly failed to perform its obvious duty to secure protection for the lives and property of our < itizens.. It is most unworthy tcr*lur those who have in vestments in Mexico in order to escape a condemnation for the nonperform ance of this duty. There can be no such escape, for we have no debate, and there can be 110 debate, as to the existence of this duty on the part of our government. Let me quote the word of the Demo cratic platform of 1912: "The consti tutional rights of American citizens should protect them on our borders, and go with them throughout the world, and every American citizen re siding or having property in any for eign country is entitled to and must be given the full protection of the United States government, both for himself and his property." The bitter hatred aroused by the course of the administration multiplied outrages, while our failure to afford protection to our citizens evoked the scorn and contempt of Mexicans. Con sider the ignominious incident at Tam pico in connection with the capture of Vera Cruz. in the midst of the greatest danger to hundreds of Americans congregated at Tampico our ships, which were in the harbor, were withdrawn and our citizens were saved only by the inter vention of German officers and were taken away by British and German ships. The official excuse of the secretary of the navy is an extraordinary com mentary. Our ships, it - seems, had been ordered to Vera Cruz; but, as it appeared that they were not needed, the order was rescinded. Then, we are told, our admiral was faced with this remarkable dilemma; 'lf he attempt ed to go up the river at Tampico and take our citizens on board, the word of "aggressive action," as the secre tary called it. "would have spread to the surrounding country," and is as "almost certain that reprisals on American citizens would have followed and lives would have been lost." Had to Rely on Other Nations We had so incensed the Mexicans that we could not rescue our own citi zens at Tampico. save at the risk of the murder of others. We must take Vera Cruz to get Huerta out of office and trust to other nations to get our own citizens out of peril. What a tra vesty of international policy: Destroying the government of Huer ta, we left Mexico to the ravages of revolution. I shall not attempt to nar rate the sickening story of the barbari ties committed, of the carnival of mur der and lust. We. were then told that Mexico was entitled to spill as much blood as she pleased to settle her af fairs. The administration vacillated with respect to the embargo on the ex port of arms and munitions to Mexico. Under the resolution of 1912, Presi rent Taft had laid such an embargo. In August, 1913, President Wilson stated that he deemed it his duty to see that neither side to the struggle in Mexico should receive any assistance from this side of the border( and that the export of all arms and munitions to Mexico would be forbidden. But in February, 1914, the embargo was lifted. In April, 1914, the embargo was restored. In May, 1914, it was explained that the embargo did not apply to Ameri can shipments through Mexican ports, and ammunition for Carranza was sub sequently landed at Tampico. In Sep tember. 1914, the embargo was lifted on exports across the border; there upon mlltiary supplies reached both Villa and Carranza. In October, 1915, HARRISBURG TELEGRAPH 'an embargo was declared on all ex ports of arms except to the adherents iof Carranza. There was an utter ab- I sence of consistent policy. r. S. Note Confesses Failure ! For a time we bestowed friendship !on Villa. Ultimately we recognized Carranza, not on the ground that he ' had a constitutional government, but that it was a de facto government. The 1 complete failure to secure protection !to American cititzens is shown con ; clusively in the note of the Secretary | of State of June 20, 1916, in which he ithus described the conditions that have | obtained during the last three years: "For three years the Mexican repub ] lie has been torn with civil strife: the lives of Americans and other aliens I have been sacrificed; vast properties i developed by American capital and en ; terprise have been destroyed or ren dered nonproductive; bandits have been permitted to roam at will through the territory contiguous to the United States and to seize, without punishment or without effective at tempt at punishment, the property of Americans, while the lives of citizens of the United States who ventured to remain in Mexican territory or to re turn there to protect their interests have been taken, in some cases bar barously taken,and the murderers have I neither been apprehended nor brought Ito justice. • * * It would be te dious to recount insta: ce after in stance, outrage after outrage, atrocity after atrocity, to illustrate the true na ture and extent of the widespread con ditions of lawlessness and violence which have prevailed." No One Punished for Massacres The Santa Ysabel massacre, the raid at Columbus, the bloodshed at Carri zal are fresh in your minds. After the Columbus raid we started a "punitive expedition." We sent a thin line of troops hundreds of miles into Mexico, between two lines of railway, neither of which we were allowed to use and which we did not feel at liberty to seize. We were refused permission to enter the towns. Though thus restricted, the enter prise was still regarded by the Mex icans as a menace. Our troops faced hostile forces, and it is not remark able that our men felt at Carrizal. What other result could be expected? We were virtually ordered to with draw, and without accomptlsning our purpose we have been withdrawing and we are now endeavoring to safe guard our own territory. The entire national guard has been ordered out, and many thousands or our citizens have been taken from their peaceful employment and hurried to the Mex ican border. The administration was to seize and punish Villa for his outrage on our soil. It has not punished any one; we went in only to retire, and future movements are apparently to be de termined by a joint commission. The nation has no policy of aggres sion toward Mexico. We nave no de sire for any part of her territory. We wish her to have peace, stability and prosperity. We should be ready to aid her in binding up her wounds, in re lieving her from starvation and dis tress. and in giving her in every prac ticable way the benefits of our disin terested friendship. Must Develop Xew Policy The conduct of this administration has created difficulties which we shall have to surmount. We shall have to overcome the antipathy needlessly cre ated by that conduct an«l to develop genuine respect and < onfidence. We shall have to adopt a new policy, a policy of tirnines-, and consistency, through which alone we can promote an enduring: friendship. Wc demand from Mexico the protection of the lives and the property of our citizens and the security of our border from depredations. Much will be gained if Mexico is convinced that we contem plate no meddlesome interference with what does not concern us, but that we propose to insist in a firm and can did manner upon the performance of international obligations. To a stable government, appropriately discharging Its international duties, we should give ungrudging support. A short period of firm, consistent and friendly dealing will accomplish more than many years of vacillation. U. S. Neutral Rights Sacrificed In thts lajid of composite population drawing its strength from every race, the national security demands that there shall be no paltering with Amer ican rights. The greater the danger of divisive influences, the greater is the necessity for the unifying force of a Just, strong and patriotic position. We countenance no covert policies, no intrigues, no secret schemes. We are unreservedly, devotedly, whole-heart edly, for the United States. That is the rallying point for all Americans. That is my position. I stand for the unflinching maintenance of all Amer ican rights on land and sea. We have had a clear and definite r Emphatic Passages From Hughes' Speech MEXICO_ Decrying intervention (in Mexico) we interfered most exasperatinglv. We have not even kept out of actual con flict, and the soil of Mexico is stained with the blood of our soldiers. FOREIGN POLICY I stand for the unflinching maintenance of all American rights on land and sea. AMERICANISM We denounce all plots and conspiracies in the interest of any foreign nation. PREPAREDNESS It is apparent we are shock ingly unprepared. We demand adequate national defense. INDUSTRY When we contemplate indus trial and commercial conditions we see that we are living in a fool's paradise. TARIFF Our opponents promised to reduce the cost of living. This they have failed to do; but they did reduce the oppor tunities of making a living. SUFFRAGE The granting of suffrage to women is inevitable. The con test should be ended promptly. mission as a great neutral nation. It was for us to maintain the integrity of international law; to vindicate our rights as neutrals; to protect the lives of our citizens, their property and trade from wrongful acts. Putting aside any question as to the highest possibilities of moral leader ship in the maintenance and vindica tion of the law of nations in connec tion with the European war, at least we were entitled to the safeguarding of American rights. But tills has not been secured. AVe have had brave words in a series of notes, but despite our protests the lives of Americans have been destroyed. What does it avail to use some of the strongest words known to diplo macy if ambassadors can receive the impression that the words are not to be taken sexiously? It is not words, but the strength and resolution behind the words that count. W here U. S. Diplomacy Failed The chief function of diplomacy is prevention; but in this our diplomacy tailed, doubtless because of its im paired credit and the manirest lack of disposition to back words wun action. Had this government by tne use of both informal and formal diplomatic opportunities left no doubt that when we said "strict accountability" we meant precisely what we said, and that we should unhesitatingly vindi cate that position, I am confident that there would have been no destruction of American lives by the sinking of the Lusitania. There, we had ample notice; in fact, published notice. Furthermore, we knew the situation and we did not re quire specific notice. Instead of whit tling away our formal statements by equivocal conversations, we needed the straight, direct and decisive represen tations which every diplomat and for eign office would understand. 1 believe that in this way we should have been spared the repeated assaults on Amer ican policy would have been strongly supported by our people and the op portunities for the development of bitter feeling would have been vastly reduced. It is a great mistake to say that resoluteness ia protecting American rights would have led to war. Rather, in that course lay the best assurance of peace. Weakness and indecision in the maintenance of known rights are always sources of grave danger; they forfeit respect and invite serious wrongs, which in turn create an an controllable popular resentment. That is not the path of national security. Mere Words Won't Promote l'euie Not only have we a nost of re sources short of war by which to en force our just demands, but we shall never promote our peace by being stronger in words than in deeds. We should not have found it difficult to maintain peace, but we should have maintained peace with honor. During this critical period the only danger of war has lain in the weak course of the administration. I do not put life and property on the same footing, but the administra tion has not only been remiss with respect to the protection of American lives; it has been remiss with respect to the protection of American property and American commerce. It has been too much disposed to be content with leisurely discrssion. I canno tnow undertake to review the course of events, but it is entirely clear that we failed to use the re sources at our command to prevent injurious action, and that we suffered in consequence. We have no ulterior purposes, and the administration should have known how to secure the entire protection of every legitimate American interest and the prompt recognition of our Just demands as a neutral nation. We denounce all plots and con spiracies in the interest of any foreign nation. Utterly intolerable is the use of our soil for alien Intrigues. Every American must unreservedly condemn them, and support every effort ror their suppression. Slow to Suppress Plotters But here, also, prompt, vigorous and adequate measures on the part of the administration were needed. There should have been no hesitation; no notion that it was wise and polite to delay. Such an abuse of our territory demanded immediate and thorougn going action. As soon as the admin istration had notice of plots and con-- spiracies. It was its duty to stop them. It was not lacking in resources. Its responsibility for their continuance cannot be escaped by the condemna tion of others. We are a peace-loving people. r>ut we live in a world of arms. We have no thought of aggression, and we de sire to pursue our democratic ideals without the wastes of strtre. So de voted are we to these ideals, so intent upon our normal development, that I do not believe that there is the slight est danger of militarism m tnis conn- AUGHQST 1,1916. Firmness That Meant Something Should Have Been Used in European Questions; American Rights Not Safe guarded in World Cataclysm; Preparedness Measures Inadequate try. Adequate preparedness is not j militarism. It is the essential assur ance of security; it is a necessary safeguard of peace. It is apparent that we are shockingly | unprepared. There is no room for ! controversy on this point since the ob ject lesson on the Mexican border. All our available regular troops (less, 1 believe, than 40,000> are there or tn Mexico, and as these have been deemed insufficient the entire national guard has been ordered out; that is, we are I summoning practically all our movable military forces in order to prevent bandit incursions. Viipreparedness Inexcusable : In view of the warnings of the last three years, it is inexcusable that we should find ourselves in this plight. For our faithful guardsmen, who with ; a fine patriotism responded to this call and are bearing this burden, I have nothing but praise. But 1 think it little short of absurd that we should • be compelled to call men from their ; shops, their factories, their offices and : their professions for such a purpose. | This, however, is not all. The units of the national guard were at peace strength, which was only about one ! half the required strength. It was nec i cssary to bring >n recruits, for the most j part raw and untrained. Only a small percentage of the regiments recruited ; up to war strength will have had even a i ear E trainln s in the national guard, | which at the maximum means 100 hours of military drill, and, on the average, means much less, i . Take the eastern department as an illustration. The states in this de i partment contain about 72 per cent, of ! the entire organized militia, of the country. lam informed by competent authority that the quota of militia from this department recently sum moned, with the units raised to war i strength as required, would amount to about 131,000 men: that in response to this call there are now en route to or on the border about 54,000 men and in i camp in their respective states about j 25.000 men;' and thus, after what has already been accomplished, there still \ remain to be supplied in recruits about 48.000 men. Mer. fresh from their peaceful em ployments and physically unprepared have been hurried to the border for actual service. They were without proper equipment; without necessary supplies: suitable conditions of trans portation were not provided. Men with dependent families were sent, and con ditions which should have been well known were discovered after the event. Coulil All Ha\ e Been Foreseen And yet the exigency, comparatively speaking:, was not a very grave one. It involved nothing that could not readily have been foreseen during the last three years of disturbance, and re quired only a modest talent for organ ization. That this administration while pursuing its course in Mexico should have permitted such conditions to exist is almost incredible. In the demand for reasonable pre paredness the administration has fol lowed, not led. Those who demanded more adequate forces were first de scribed as "nervous and excited." Only about a year and a half ago we were told that the question of preparedness was not a pressing one; that the coun try had been misinformed.. Later, under the pressure of other leadership, this attitude was changed. The administration, it was said, had "learned something," and it made a belated demand for an increased army. Even then the demand was not prose cuted consistently, and the pressure exerted on Congress with respect to other administrative measures was notably absent. The President addressed Congress but little over six months ago, present ing the plans of the War Department, and Congress was formally urged to sanction these plans as "the essential first steps." They contemplated an in crease of the standing: force of the regular army from its then strength of 5,023 officers ami 102,955 enlisted men to a strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 enlisted men, or 141,843 all told. It was said that these additions were "necessary to render the army adequate for its present duties." Further, it was proposed that the army should be supplemented by a force of 400,000 disciplined citizens raised in increments of 133,000 a year, through a period of three years. At least so much "by way of preparation tor defense" seemed to the President to be "absolutely imperative now." He said: "We cannot do less." Army Defects Xot Rectified But within two months this program was abandoned, and the able Secretary of War, who had devoted himself per sistently to this important question, felt r.o keenly the change in policy that he resigned from the Cabinet. Now, the army organization bill provides for an army on paper of 178,000 men, but in fact it provides for only 105,000 enlisted men for the line of the regular army for the fiscal year ending; June 30, 1917, and I am informed that for the next fiscal year there will be an in crease of only 15,000. The plan for the supplemental Federal army com pletely under Federal control was given up. told that the defects revealed by the present mobilisation are due to the "system." But it was precisely such plain defects that under the con stant warnings of recent years, with the whole world intent on military concerns, should have been studied and rectified. The administration lias failed to discharge its responsibilities. Ap parently. it is now seeking to meet po litical exigencies by its naval program. But It has imposed upon the country an incompetent liaval administration. Wo demand adeo.uate national de fense: adequate protection on both our western and eastern coasts. We de mand thoroughness and efficiency in both arms of the service. It seems to be plain that our regular army is too small. We are too great a country to require of our citizens who are engaged in peaceful vocations the sort of mili tary service to which they are now called. As well Insist that our citizens in this metropolis be summoned to put out fires and police the streets. Demands Fp-to-Dato Preparedness We do not count it inconsistent with cur liberties, or with our democratic ideals, to have an adequate police force. With a population of nearly 100.000'.000, ve need to be surer of ourselves than to become alarmed at the prospect of having a regular army which can reasonably protect our bor der. and perform such other military service as may be required, in the ab sence of a grave emergency. I believe, further, that there should be not only u reasonable increase in the regular army, but that the first citizen reserve subject to call should be enlisted as a Federal army and trained under Federal authority. The country demands that our mili tary and naval programs shall be car- I ried out in a businesslike manner un der the most competent administrative heads; that wo thall have an up-to- | date preparation, that the moneys ap- | propriated shdll be properly expended. We should also have careful plans for mobilizing our industrial resources: ; for piomoting research and utilizing the investigations of science. And a policy of adequate preparedness must I constantly ixava in viaw t_h« nnraasityj of conserving our fundamental human interests; of promoting the physical well-being of our population, as well aa education and training; of developing to the utmost our economic strength and independence. It must be based upon a profound sense of our unity and democratic obli gation. It must not mean the aban donment of other essential govern mental work, but that we shall have, in both, efficiency, and. in neither, waste or extravagance. Xo Militarism, He Insists We should also be solicitous, by wise provision and conference, to remove so far as possible the causes of irritation which may in any degree threaten friendly rejations. In our proposals there is, I repeat, no militarism. There is simple insistence upon common sense in providing reasonable meas ures of security and avoiding the perils of neglect. We must have the strength of self-respect; a strength which con tains no threat, but assures our de fense, safeguards our rights and con serves our peace. We are deeply interested in what I may term the organization of peace. We cherish no illusions. We Know that the recurrence of war is not to be pre vented by pious wishes. If the conflict of national interests is not to be brought to the final test of force, there must be the development of inter national organization in order to pro vide international justice and to safe guard so far as practicable the peaca of the world. Arbitration treaties are useful within their proper sphere, but it is worse than folly to ignore the limitations of this remedy or to regard such treaties as an adequate means of preventing war. There should be an international tribunal to decide controversies sus ceptible of judicial determination, thus affording the advantage of judicial standards in the settlement of par ticular disputes and of the gradual growth of a body of judicial precedents. In emphasizing the desirability of such a tribunal for the disposition of controversies of a justiciable sort it must not be overlooked that there are also legislative needs. We need confer ences of the nations to formulate inter national rules, to establish principles, to modify and extend international law so as to adapt it to new conditions, to remove causes of international dif ferences. Xced International Organization We need to develop the instru mentalities of conciliation. And be hind this international organization, if it is to be effective, must be tha co-operation of the nations to prevent resort to hostilities before the appro priate agencies of peaceful settlement nave been utilized. If the peace of the world is to be maintained, it must be through the preventive power of a common pur pose. Without this it will still remain not only possible, but practicable, to disregard international obligations, to override the rights of States, particu larly of small States, to ignore prin ciples, to violate rules. And it is only through internation al co-operation giving a reasonable assurance of peace that we may hope for the limitation of armaments. It is to be expected that nations will con tinue to arm in defense of their re spective interests, as they are con ceived. and nothing will avail to dim inish this burden, save some practical guaranty of international order. We in this country can, and should, maintain our fortunate freedom from entanglements with Interests and pol icies which do not concern us. But there is no national isolation in the world of the twentieth century. If at the close of the present war the nations are ready to undertake prac ticable measures in the common inter est, in order to secure international justice, we cannot fall to recognize our international duty. The peace of the world is our inter est, as well as the interest of others, and in developing the necessary agen cies for the prevention of war we shall be glad to have an appropriate share. All our preparedness will have proper relation to this end, as well as to our own immediate security. A Fool's Paradise of Prosperity When we contemplate industrial and commercial conditions, we see that we are living in a fool's para dise. Tije temporary prosperity to which our opponents point lias been created by the abnormal conditions incident to the war. With the end of the war there will be the new conditions determined by a new Europe. Millions of men in the trenches will then return to work. The energies of each of the now belliger ent nations, highly trained, will then be turned to production. These are days of terrible discipline for the nations at war, but it must not be forgotten that each is develop ing a national solidarity, a knowledge of method, a realization, a knowledge hitherto unapproached. In each the lessons of co-operation now being learned will never be forgotten. Fric tion and waste have been reduced to a minimum: labor and capital have a better understanding, business or ganization is more nighly developed and more intelligently directed than ever before. We see in each oj these nations a marvelous national effic iency. Let it not be supposed that this efficiency will not count when Europe, once more at peace, pushes its productive powers to the utmost limit. On the other hand, in this country, with the stoppage of the manufac ture of munitions, a host of men will be turned out of employment. Wa must meet the most severe competi tion in industry. We are undiscip lined, defective in organization, loose ly knit, industrially unprepared. Failed to Reduce Living Cost Our opponents promised to reduce the cost of living;, xiiiv tliej have failed to do; but tlicy did reduce the opportunities of making a living. Let us not forget the conditions that ex isted in this country under the new tariff prior to the outbreak of the war. Production had decreased, business was anguishing, new enterprises were not undertaken, instead of expansion there was curtailment and our streets were filled with the unemployed. It was estimated that in the city of New York over 300,000 were out of work. Throughout the country the jobless demanded relief. The labor commis sioners of many States and our mu nicipal administration devoted them selves to the problem of unemploy ment, while the resources of our vol untary charitable organizations were most severely taxed. What ground is there for expecting better conditions when the unhealthy stimulus of the war has spent its force and our industries and working men are exposed to the competition of an energized Europe? It is plain that we must have pro tective, upbuilding policies It is Idle to look for relief to the Democratic party, which as late es 1912 declared in itt> platform that it was "a funda mental principle of the Democratic party that the ' federal government, under the constitution, had no right or IConlinued on l'age 14J
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