THE STAR OF THE NORTH. R. V. Weaver, fraprieUr.] VOLUME 9. THE STAR OF THE NORTH IS PUBMSHXO EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNINU BY R. W. WEAVER, OfFICII Up stairs, in the netc brick build ing, on Ike south side oj Main Street, third equare below Market. V BR M B:—Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the time of sub scribing ; two dollars and fifty cants if not paid within the year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than six months; no discontinuance permitted until all arrearages are paid, unless al the option of the editor. ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square { will be inserted three times for One Dollar,' end twenty-five cents for each additional in settion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the yeer. Kansas, Utah and the |)red ecott decision. KEN 4 It KB (IF BON.I STEPIIEX A. DOFGLAB. , DELIVERED IN THE STATE HOV-E XT SPRINRFIELD ILLINOIS, ON THE 12TII or JUNE, 1857. Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen :—I appear before you to night, at the request of the Grand Jury in attendance upon 'the U. S. Court, for ihe purpose of submitting my views upon certain topics upon which they have expressed a desire to hear my opinion. | It was not my purpose when I arrived among 1 you to have engaged in any public or politi cal discussion; but when oalled upon by a body of genilemen so intelligent and respect able, coming from all parts of ihe State, and connected with the administration of pnblio justice, I do not feel at liberty to withhold a full snd frank exp*ession of my opinion upon j the -objects to which they have referred, and which now eugrosa so large a share of the public attention. The point* whiah I am requested to dis cuss are— 'lst. The present condition and piospscts of Kansas. 3d. The principle* affirmed by the Supreme Court of tho United Stiles in Ihe Dred Scott I care. 3d. The condition ot things in Utah, and the appropriate remedies for existing evils. Of the Kansas question, but little need be said at the pteaeni time. You are familiar with the history of the question, and my connection with it. Subsequent reduction lias strengthened and confirmed my convic tions in the soundness of the principles on which I acted, and the correctness of he course 1 have felt it my duty to pursue upon that subject. Kansas is about to speak for herself through her delegates as-embled in convention to form a constitution, prepara tory to Uer admission into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, i'ca.-e and prosperity now prevail throughout her border*. The law under which her delegates are about to be elected is believed to be just and fair in all its objects and provisions.— Tbare is every reason to hope and believe that the law will be fairly interpreted and impartially executed so as to insure to every bona fide inhabitant the free and quiet ex ercise ot the elective franchise. If any por tion of the inhabitants, acting under the ad viae of political lenders in distsn' States, •hslt choose to absent themselves from the polls, and withhold their votes, with a view of leaving the Free State Democrats in a mi nority, and thus securing a pro-slavery Con etilution in opposition to the wishes of the majority of the people living under if, let responsibility rest on those who, for par tizan purposes, will sacrifice the principles they profess to cherish and promote. Upon them and npon the political party for whose benefit, and under the direction of whose leaders, they act, let the blame be visited for fastening upon the people of a new Slate, institution* repugnant to their feelings nd in violation of their wishes. The organic act secures to the people of Kansas the sole and exclusive right of forming and regulating their domestic institutions to suit themselves, subject to no other limitation than that which the Constitution of tbe United States iiu ' poses. The Democratic parly is determined j to see the great fundamental principles of the ] organic act carried out in gi-od faith. The present election law in Kauss is acknowl edged to be fair'and just—the righis ol voters j are clearly defined—and the exercise of those sights wi!l be efficiently and scrupulously protected. Hence, if the majority of the people of Kansas desire to have it a free State, (and we are told by the Republican party that nine tenths of the people of that territory are Free State men,) there is no ob stacle in the way of bringing Kansas into tbe Union as a Free State, by the votes aod voice of her own people, and in conformity with the great principles of the Kansas Ne braska act—provided all (hs Eree State men will go to tbe polls, aod vote roeir principles in accoruanor with their professions. If such is not the result let the consequences be vis sled opon the heads of those whose policy it is to produce strife, anarchy and bloodsheed in Kansas, that their parly may profit by elsvery agitation io tbe Northern States of Ibis Union. That tbe Democrats in Kansas \will perform their duty, fearlessly and nobly, according to tho principles they cherish, I have no donbt, and that the result of tbe struggle will be aoch as will gladden tbe heart and strengthen .the hopes of every friend of the Union, I have entire confidence. The Kansas question being settled peace folly and satisfactorily, in accordance with the wishes of her own people, slavery agita tion should be banished from tbe hall-* of Congrass, and cease to be an exciting ele ment je our political snaggles. Give fait play to that principle of self government which recognizes the right of the people ol each State and Territory to form and regu late their owe domestic institutions, and sac-1 tioa*l 'liife will be forced to give place to I BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1857. that fraternal feeling which animated the father* of the Revolution, and made every oitiaen of every State of this glorious Con federacy a member of a common brother hood. That we are steadily and rapidly approach ing that result, I cannot doubt, for the slavery issue ha* already dwindled down into the 1 narrow limits covered by the decision of the | Supreme Court of the United Stales in the Dred Scott case. The moment that decision was pronounced, and before the opinions of the Conrt could be published and read by I the people, the newspaper press in the inter est of a powerful political party in this coun try, began to pour forth torrenta of abuae and misrepresentations, not only upon the decision, but upon the character and motives of the venerable Chief Justice and his illus trious associate* on the bench. The charac ter of Chief Justice Taney and associate judges who concurred wiih hitn require no eulogy—no vindication from me. They are end'ared to the people of the United States b> tl.eir eminent public service*—venerated lor their greit learning, wisdom and experi ence—and beloved for the spotless purity ol characters and their exemplary lives. The poisonous shafts of pnr.izan malice will fall harmless at their feet, while their judicial decisions wdl aland ic all future time,a proud monument to their greatness, the admiration of the good and wise, and a rebuke to the partisan* of faction and reckless violence. If, unfortunately, any considerable portion ol the people of the United Stales shall so fir forget their obligations to society as to tllow the partisan leaders to array them in violent re sistance to the final decision of the highest judicial tribunal on earth, it will become the duly of all the friends ol order and constitu tional government, without reference to past political differences, to organize themselves and marshal their forces under the glorious banner of Union, in vindication of the con stitution and the supremacy of the law* over the advocates of faction and the champions ol violence. To preserve the constitution inviolate, and vindicate the supremacy of the laws, is the first and highest duty ol every citizen of a free republic. The peculiar mer it of our form of government over all others consists in the fact lhal the law, instead of the arbitrary will ol a hereditary prince, pre scribes, defines and protects all our rights.— In this country the law is the will of the people, embodied snd expressed according to the svstem of the constitution.- The courts are the tribunals prescribed by the constitu tion, atid created by the authority of the peo pie to determine, expound and enforce the law. Hence, wtmever resists the final decie- ion of tlio highest judicial tribunal, aims a deadly blow at our wliolo republican (oim of government—a blow, which if successful, would place all our rights and liberties at the mercy ol passion, anarchy and violence. I j repeat, therefore, that if resistance to the de cisions of the Supreme Court of the United States, in a matter like the points decided in i Dred Scott case, cl-arly within their jurisdic tion as defined by the Constitution, shall be i forced upon the country as a political issue, it will become a distinct ffnd naked issue be tween the friends snd the enemies of the : constitution—die frieods and the enemies of ; the supremacy of the laws. The case of Dred Scott was an action of | trespass, vi *t armii, in the Circuit Coutt of : the United Slates for the district of Missouri, for tha purpose of establishing his claim to i be a free man, and was taken by writ of er | ror, on the application of Scott to the Su preme Court of the United Slates, where the final decision was pronounced by the Chief Justice Tacey. The facts of the case were j agreed upon and admitted to be true by both parties, and were in substance, that Dred Scott was a negro slave in Missouri; that he went wnh his master, who was an ofiiuer of the army, to Fort Armstrong, on Rock Island; and thence to Fort Snelling, on the west bii.k of the Mississippi river, and within i the country covered by the act of Congress, | known as the Missouri Compromise; and thence he re accompanied his marter to the 1 Staie of Missouri, where he has since re i msined a slave. Upon this siaiement of acts, two important and material questions arose besides several inctden'al and minor ones, ' which it was incumbent upon the court tn take notice of and decide. Toe court did ; not attempt to avoid responsibility by dispns- j ing ot the case upon technical points with- j out touching the merits, nor did they go out of their way to decide questions not proper- J ly before them and directly presented by the record. Like honest and conscientious judges as they are, they met and decided each point as it trose, and faithfully performed their whole duly, and nothing but their duty, to the country by determining all the questions in iha gate, and nothing but what was es sentitl to the decision of the case upon its merits. The State courts of Missouri had decided against Dred Scott, and declared him and his children slaves, and the Circuit Court nf the United Slates for the district of Missouri had decided the same thing in this very case, which had thus been removed to the Supreme Court of the United States by Scott, with the hope of reversing the decision of the Circoit Court and securing his free dom. If the Supreme Court hid dismissed the writ of error for want of jurisdiction, without first examining into and deciding the merits of 'he case, as Ihsy are now denounc ed and abused for oof having done, the result . would hats been to remand Dred Scott and hisobildten to perpetual slavery, under the decision which had already been pronounced by the Supreme Court of Missouri, ae well ■ by the Ciiouit Court of the United States, without obtaining a decision on the merit* of his case by the Supreme Court of (he United State*. Suppose Chief Just ice Taney and hi* associate* had thna remanded Dred Scott and his children hack to elaeery or. a plea in abatement, cr any mere technical point not touching the merit* of the question, and without deciding whether under the Constitution and lawa, a* applied to the fact* in tho case, Dred Scott was n free man or a slave, would they not have been denounced with increased virulence and bitterness, on the charge of having remanded Dred Scott to perpetual slavery without first examining the merit* of the case and ascertaining whether he was a slave or not? If the case had been disposed of in that way, who can doubt thai such would have been lite character of the denunciations which would have been huried upon the de voted head* of those illniir : mi,judge*, with much more plausibility and show of fairness than they are now denounced for having de cided the case fairly and honestly upon its merits 1 The material and controlling points in the case—those which have been made Ihe *ub ject of unmeasured abuse and denunciation, may be thus stated: Ist. The court decided that under the con stitution of the United States a negro de scended from slave parents i* not, and can not be a citizen of the United Slate*. 2d. That the tot of the 6th of Mtrch, 1820, commonly called the Missouri com promise act, was unconstitutional and void before it was repealed bv the Nebraska act, and consequently did not and could not have the legal effect of extinguishing a mas ter's right to his slaves in that Territory.— While the right continues in full lorce under the guarantees of the constitution, and can not be divested or alienated by an act of Congress, it necessarily remains ■ barren and a worthless right, un'ess sustained, prolented and enforced by appropriate police regula tions and local legislation, prescribing ade quate remedies for its violation. These reg ulations and remedies must necessarily de pend entirely upon the will and wishes of the people of the territory av they oan only he prescribed by 'ho local legislatures.— Hence the great principles of popular sover eignly and self-government is sustained and firmly established by the authority of this decision. Thus it appears that the only sin involved in the passage of the Kansas Ne braska act, consists in (he fact that it re moved from the statute book an act of Con gress which was unauthorized by the Con stitution of the United States, and void be cause passed without constitutional authority and substituted in lieu of it that great funda mental principle ol self-government which rocogpizi-s the right of the people of each State and territory to form and regulate their domestic institutions and internal affairs to suit themselves, in accordance witlt the con stiluiion. [Applause.] The wisdom and propriety of the measure have been sustain ed by the decision of the highest judicial tribunal on eatth, and ratified and approved by the voice of the American people in the election of James Buchanan to the residen cy of the United States upon that naked and distinct issue. lam willing to rest the vindi cation of the measure and my action in connection with it upon that decision snd that verdict of the American people. [lm mense applause] Passing from this, I will proceed to the dis cussion of the main proposition decided by the court, which is, that under the Constitu tion ol the United Slates a negro descended from slave parents imported from Africa is not and cannot be a citizen ol the United Slates. j We are told by the leaders of the Repob ' lican or Abolition party that this proposition | is cruel, inhuman and infamons, and should ■ not be respected nor obeyed by any good ' citizen. In what does the objection consist? ' Wherein is the cruehy, the itihnmaniiy, the infamy? It is supposed to consist in depriv | ing the negro of citizenship, and consequent- I ly excluding him ftom the exorcise of those rights and privileges which are enjoyed in common, snd oil terms of entire equality, by all American citizens, whether native ] born or naturalized. They quote the Decla ' ration of Independence, which says: "We i hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men were CREATED EQUAL," and insist that ! this language referred to and was intended ! to include negroes as well ts white men; that it was not intended to apply only to the while race, but that it included the negroes and all other inferior races, and placed them on a fooling of entire and absolute equality with j white men, and that tbe battles of the Revo lotion were fooght in defence of the princi ple and the foundations of this glorious Re public were firmly planted on tne immova ble basis of the perfect equality of the races. Hence they argue that any lew or regulation, whether under the authority of the State gov ernment or thai of the United Slates, in vio lation of (his fundsmental principle of negro equality with white men, ia not only cruel, inhuman and infamous, but is subversive ol (he fouudatioos of the government itself, aod therefore ought not to be tespected or obeyed by any good citizen. If we grant the ■ruth of their premises it would be vain to resist the force of their reasoning or the cor rectness of their oonoluaione. Indeed, we would be compelled, as holiest men, to ac knowledge and adopt the principle end car ry it oat in good faith, io ell our polit.oel no tion, by modifying or repealing any legal and constitutional provision in conflict with that prinoipla. Lai us azsmine and aae what changes this prinetple would require in the constitution and laws of tbie State as well ae of tho Unit ed States. Of course it would intlantly eman cipate and sat at liberty every slave in any Truth and Right God and our Country. I Sials of this Union, and in every other place under the American flag, and within the ju- I nediction of tho federal constitution. Slave- j ry being thus abolished, tho same principle would compel ua to strike Irom the constitu tion of Illinois the clause which diciea to a negro, whether free or slave,'the right to come and live among us, and in lieu of it to open the door for the three millions of eman cipated slaves to enter and become citizens on an equality with ourselves; The principle ' would compel us to strike (lie word "white" I out of onr Constiiution, end allow the negro to vote on art equality with white men—and i I of course outvote us at the polls when tlieyi ! become a majority. The same principle | j would compel us to change the Constitution Iso ss to render a negro eligible to the legis i lu'tire, to tho bench, to the governorship, to I Congress, to the Presidency, and all other 1 | places of honor, proiil or trust, on an equal 1 footing with while men. When all. these i things shall have been done, and the principle ; of negro equality shall have been fully carried out to thia extent, still the requirement* of the Decimation of Independence willnot have | been satisfied, if it really mesne what the Republican or Abolition party assert it does mean in declaring that a negro was created by the Almighty equal to a whits man. If their intarptetation of the Declaration of In dependence be correct, and the principle ol , negro equality be true, as supposed by the ! opponents ot the Dred Scott decision we shall | certainly be compelled, as conscientious and ; just men, to go one step further—repeal all I laws making any distinction whatever on ac count af race and color, and authorize negroes | to marry white women on an equality with ; white men. [lmmense cheerinp ] When the Republican or Abblition party shall have done all these things,anil thus have carried into practical operation the Declara tion of Independence as they understand it, they will have laid the Inundation for their j organized opposition to so much of the Dred \ Scott case a* declares that a negro is not a 1 c di/en of the United States. [Great applause ] If on the contrary, tho opponents of the Dred Scott decision shall refuse to carry out their views of tho Declaration of Indeperi ' dence and negro citizenship, by conferring upon tho African race all the rights,privileges I and immunities of citizenship the same as 1 they ate now or should he enjoyed by the white, how will they vindicate the integrity of their motive* and the linearity ol their profession 1 If the negro ie the equal of the white man and was thus eteated by the Al j mighty, what right have they orwe fo reduce j him to a condition of inequality, by denying ' to him the privilege of voting, holJing office, I marrying the woman of bis choice, in short, j withholding from him oolitioal rights and j consigning him lo political slavery ? Per ceiving the inconsistency between their pro fessions and their past aotion on this point, the leaders of the Republican and Abolition , parly in the Legislature of New York, and some of the New England Slates,and indeed, in Wisconsin and such other S'ates they think publio sentiment is prepirpd for the measnre, have recently taken the prelimin ary flaps to amend the Constitution of their respective Slates so as to allow negroes to vote and hold office, and enjoy all the rights and privileges of citizenhip oi an equal 1 footing with while men. The movements have been initiated in those Stales, and will sonn follow in others upon the ground that the Republican parly was bound and pledged by its creed and its professions, as proclaimed from the pulpit, from the stump. arid through the newspaper press, to carry out the Decla ration ot Independence as they profess, to understand it, by placing the negro on equali ty with the white man in all those States I where they carried the Presidential election I last fall, and secured the absolute control of 1 all the departments ol the State government. It is not to be presumed that any step lor changing the Constitution of Illinois so as to confer the rights and privileges of citizenship upon negroes will be taken until after the next election, nor will any such purpose be openly avowed, but, on the contrary, in the central and southern portions of the State it will be stonily denied, at the same time that all their orators, lecturers, and papers will continue to quote the Declaration of Inde pendence to prove that the Almighty created a negro equal lo a white nan, and conse quently he he* a divine right to enjoy all the righie and privilege* of the while man, and that all human laws in conflict with that di vine right muM yield and give place to the "higher law." The time has not arrived when it was deemed prudent by the leaders of the Republican party in ibis Stale to make a frank and honest confession of faith, and proclaim it to the world in tones that can be understood to mean the same thing in all portiona ol the State. But so long ae they quote the Declaration of Independence to prove that a negro was created equal to a white man, we have no excuse for closing oor eyes and professing iguorace of what they intend to do, so soon as .tbey get the power. To show how shallow i< the pretence thai ihe Declaration of Independence had refer ence to, or inoluded the negro race when it declared all men created equal, it is only necessary to tufer to a few historical facts, reoorded in our school books, and familiar to our children. On the 4th of July, 177t>, when the D-de ration of Independence was promulgated to the world, African slavery existed in eaeh ooe of the thirteen colonist. Every signer of the Declaration of Indspendeeee wee elect ed by and rspreaenl*d a rlavebeldtof consti tuency Every battle of the levetatioa, from Lexingtou) and Bunker Mill to Kings Moun- jlain and Yorktown, was fought in a slave ; holding State. The treaty of peace acknowledging and confirming the independence of the United Stales, was made aod signed on behalf of Great Britain on the one part, and of the thirteen slaveholding States on the other. The Constitution of the United States under which we now live so happily and have grown so great and powerful, and which we all profess to cherish and venerate, was formed, adopted, and put in operation by the people of the twelvu slaveholding States and one free State, slavery having disappeared from Massachusetts about that time, under the operation of the great fundamental prin ciple of eelf-governmout, which recognizes the right of each State and colony to regulate its own domestic snd local affaire. In view of the incontrovertible facts, can any sane man believe that tho signers of tho Declaration ot Independence, and the heroes who fougul the battle* ot tho revolu tion, and the sages who laid the foundation of oor complex system of federal snd Stnte Governments, intended to plac* tho negro race on an equal footing with the white raoef It such had been their purpose, would they not have abolished slavery, and convertad every negro into a citizen on the day on which they out forth tho Declaration of In dependence ? Did they do it ? Did an v of the thirteen States abolish slavery—much less place the negro on an equality with the white man during the whole revolutionary struggle ? History record* the emphatic answer. No. Not on* of the original S'ates abolished slave ry during the revolution,nor has any ol them, at any lime since, extended to tho Afrioan race all the rights and privileges of cilizon ship on term* of entire equality wnh the while man. Not one can vindicate the character, mo tives and conduct of the signors of the De claration of Independence, except upon the hypothesis that they referred to the white : race alone, and not to the African, when they I declared till men to have been created equal —that they were speaking of British subjects ! on this continent being equal to British sub- 1 I jecls born and residing in Great Britain—that [ they were entitled to the same inalien able rights, and among them were enunierat- ! ed life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, j The declaration was adopted for the purpose | of justifying the colonists in the eyes of the I civilized world in withdrawing their allegi - | ance from the British crown, and dissolving I I their connection with their mother oountry. 1 : In this point of view the Declaration of Inde pendence is in perfect harmony with all the events ol the revolution, and the line of poli cy pursued under the articles of confedera tion, and the principles embodied and estab lished in Ibe federal constituiion. The histo ry ol the times clearly shows that the m-props j were regarded as an inferior race, who, in all ages, and in every part of the globo, and I under the most favorable circumstances, bad shown themselves incapable of sell govern- ' ment, and consequently under the pro tection of those who were capable of i providing for and protecting them in tho' exercise of all the rights they were cap- I able of enjoying consistent with the good ; and safety of society. It is on this principle 1 that in all civilized and Christian countries ibe government provides for the protection of , Ibe insane, the lunatic, the idiotic, and all j other unfortunates who are incompetent to take care of themselves. It does not follow by any means that because the negro race . are incarable of governing themselves, that therefore they should become slaves and be j treated as such. The safe rule upon that, subject, I apprehend to be this, that the Afri- j can race should be allowed to exercise all the rights and privileges which they are cap able enjoying consistent with the welfare of 1 the community in which they reside ar.d that under the form of government the people of each Slate and Territory must be allowed to ] determine for themselves the nature and ex- : tent of those privileges. [Applause ] The whole history of our country clearly shows that our tau.ers acted on this principle: not only in promulgation of the Declaration of Independence, but in laying the founda tions and erecting the superstructure of our complex system of Federal and State govern ments. Whoever will take the pains to ex amine the journals ol the Continental Con gress, will find that nearly every colony, be fore it would authorize its delegates to assent to a Declaration of ledependence, placed on record an express condition, reserving to it-, self the sole and exclusive right ol regulat- i ing its own internal alfairs and domestic concerns, and local politics, without the interference of the general congress, or of any other State or colony. The battles of 1 the revolution were all lougbt in defence of this principle, and ibe constitution of ibe United State* was formed and adopted lor the purpose ol perpetuating it in all lime to come ut the same time it combined all the people of the Union in one confederacy, wiib cer tain specified and limited powers for the common defence and geueral welfare. Under this system of government, the rights and privileges of the African race remain pre cisely as thry were wheu the Constitution of the United State* wa adopted, dependent entirely upon the looal legislation end policy of the several State* where they may be (ound. In my opinion, the policy of Illinois ha* been a wise and just one in regard to ibis race, and ought to becontiaued, only making snrh changes from time to time at experi ence shall prove to be just and necessary. While lUtuoie had the undoubted rigbi M oodei the CouMitmion of the United State*, to adopt and pereovere in thie line ol poitejr, Virginia and each oth*t State has n tight equally eteat j and undeniable to pursue a tiue of pointy on (be name subject, directly lha reverse of ours, and we have no morn right to complain of or interfere with the local and domsstio con cern* of other State* and Territories than they have with cure. [Applause] The founder* of our government did not deem it possible, nor desirable if practicable, to maintain entire uniformity in the locol le gislation and dotnPHtic institution* of the different State*, and for this reason each State was allowed a neperate and distinct le gislature, with lull powers over all interns' and local concern* in order that each might shape and vary it* internal policy, and adapt it to the circumeiance*, interest* and wishes of iu own people. While there wae a diver sity of opinion in regard to the extent of the right* and piivi leges which could be *.. sly entrusted to the African race in tho different States, they all repudiated tint doctrine of the equality of the white and black race*, and concurred in tbal line of policy which should preserve the purity of each,nnd prevent any species of amalgama tion, political, social or domestic. They had witnessed the sad and melancholy results of tho mixture of the race* in Mexico, South Am erica, and Central America, and where the Spanish, ftom motives ol policy, had ad mitted the negro and other iuferior race* to citizenship, and consequently, to political end social amalgamation. The demoralization and degradation which prevailed in tho Span ish and b'rench colonies, where no distinc tions on account of color or race were tole rated, operated as a warning to our revolu tionary fathers to preserve tho purity of the white race, and to establish their political, social arid domestic institutions upon such a basis as would forevar exclude the idea of negro citizenship and negro equality. [Ap- | plattse.] ; They understood that grosl natural law which declares that amalgamation between ; superior and inferior taces brings their posle- I rity down to the lower level ol the inferior I race. I appeal to each of ihote gallant \ i young men before me, who won immortal | glory on the bloody holds of Mexico, in vtn- j dication of their country'* rights and honor, 1 whether their information and observation | in that counlry, does not fully sustain the the truth of the proposition that amalgama- 1 lion is degrading, demoralizing, disease and I death ! Is it true that the negro is our equal ' and our brother'? The history of the times ! clearly show that our fathers did not regard I the negro race as any kin to litem, and dele'- ' I mined so to lay the foundation of society and government that-they should never be o! any kin to their posterity. [lmmense applause.] But when you confer upon the African race , the privileges of citizenship, and pot them upon an equality with white men at the polls in the jury box. on the bench, in ihe execu | live chair, and in tho council* of tho nation, 1 upon what principle will you denie their 1 equality at the festive board and in the do j meslic circle. The Supreme Court of the United States have decided that under the Consutuiion a negro is not and cannot be a citizen. The Republican or Aboliiinn party pro nounce thai decision cruel, inhuman and in famous. and appeal to the American people to disregard and refuse to obey it. Let us join issue with them and put ourselves upon the country for trial. (Cheers and applause ) Mr. President I will now respond to ibe the call which has been made upon me for my opinion of the condemn of things in Uiah, and the appropriate remedy for exist ing evils. The Territory of Utah was organizej under one of ibe acts known as the Compromise Measures of 1850, on the supposition that lbs inhabitants were American citizens, owing and acknowledging allegiance to the United States, and consequently entitled to the bene fit of self government while a territory, and to admission into the Union on an equal foot ing w.th the ~, ig nl States, so soon as they should .-.umber ibe requisite population. It was conceded on all haodt, and by all par ties, thot the peculiarities of their religious faith and ceremonies interposed no valiJ and constitutional objection to their reception ioto the Union, in conformity with the Federal Constitution, so longasihey were in all other respects entitled to au admission. Hence the great political parties of the country indorsed and approved the compromise measures ot 1850, including the act for the organization of the Territory of Utah, with the hope and io the confidence that the inhabitants would contorm in constitution and laws, aod prove themselves worthy, and law abiding citi zens. If we sre permitted io place credence in the rumors and reports from the coantry. (and it roust be admitted li.at they hare in creased ar.d jireng'bened aod assumed con sistency and plaosibiii-y by each succeeding mail,') seren years' experience has disclosed a state of facts entirely different from thai which was supposed to exist when Utah was organized. The rumors aad reports would seem to justify the belief that the following facte are susceptible of proof. Ist. That nine-teuths of the inhabitants are aliens by birth, who have refuses! to be come naturalized, or to take the oath of allegiance, or do any other act recoeoiricg the government of the United States as the paramount authority of that Territory. 3d. That all the in habitants, whether native or aliea born, known as Mormons, (and they constitute the whole people of the territory,) are bound by horrid oaths and terrible penalties to recognize and uiauttaiu the authority of Brig ham Young and the government of which he is ue head, it paramount to that of the U sated States, in civil as wed as religious aAuia: and that they e iH, to due ute, and utakr the direction ef their Irewfer*. use all aiewas [Twe Dollars par Anna. NUMBER 25. | in their power to subvert the government of i the United States, and resist its authority. 3d. That th e Mormon government, with Brigham Young at the head, is now forming allinncos with the Indianjtribes of Utah and : adjoining territories—elimulating*the Indi ' ans to arts of hostility—and organizing , bands of his own followers under the namo : of Daniies or Destroying Angels," to prose cute 11 system of robbery and murder upon i American citizens, who support the autho rity of the United States, and denounce the infamous and disgusting practices and insti tutions of the Mormon government. If, upon a full investigation, these repre- I sontntions shall prove true, they will estab | lisli the fact that the inhabitants of Utah, I as a community, are out laws and alien ene mies, unfit to exercise the right of self-go vornment under the organic act, and un worthy to be admitted into the Union as a State, when their only object in seeking ad i misssion is to interpose the sovereignty of j the State, as an invincible shield to protect ! them in their treason and crime, debauche* iry and inlamy. [Applause ] * , Under this view ot thfe subject, I think it ' is the duty of the President, as ;i havo Ino doubt it is his fixed purpose, to j removo Brigham Young and all his follow ers from office, and to fill their places with . bold, able and true men, and to cause a i thorough and searching investigation into all the crimes and enormities which are alleged 1 to be perpetrated daily in that territory, un i der the direction of Brigham Young and his ■ confederates, and to use all the military force necessary to protect the officers in the discharge of their duties, and to enforce the ■laws of the land. [Applause] j When the authentic evidence shall arrive, I if it shall establish the facts which are be lieved to exist, it will become the duty of | Congress to apply the knife and cut the 1 loathsome, disgusting ulcer. [Applause.] No temporizing policy—no half way mea l | sure will then answer. It has been suppos- I ed by those who have not thought deeply . upon the subject, that an act of Congress, ! prohibiting murder, robbery, polygamy,and , other crimes, with appropriate penalties, for , those offences, would afTord adeqda'e reme , i dies for all the enormities complained on 1 Suppose such a law to be on the statute I I books, and I believe they have a criminal , code, providing the usual punishment for I the entire catalogue of crimes, according to . j the usages sf all civilized and Christian j countries, with the exception of r which is practiced under the sanction of the | Mormon Church, but is neither prohibited , ( nor authorized by the laws of the Territory. , 1 Suppose, 1 repeat, that Congress should . pass a law prescribing a criminal code and , | punishing polygamy among other offences, J what efleet would it have—what trood would , it do? Would you call on twenty-three grand jurymen with twenty-three wifes each,-to find a bill of indictment against a . poor miserable wretch for having two t wives 1 [Cheers and laughter ] Would ; you rely upon twelve pe it jurors with twelv* wives each, to convict the -ame loathsome wretch with two wives ? [Continued ap ( plause ] Would you expect a grand jury composed of twenty-three : Danhea" to find ! a bill ot indictment against a brother "Da j nite" for having murdered a gentile, as they* call all Americ&u citizens, under their di reuion! Much less would you expect of "twelve destroying angels" to find another . "destroying angel" guilty of the crime of murder, and cause tiim to be hanged for no r other offence than that of taking the life of ( a Gentile ? No. If there is any truth in , tue reports we receive from Utah. Congress , may pass what law it chooses, bnt you caa never rely upon the iocal tribunals and ju ries to punish crimes committed by Mor- mens in that territory. Svtne other and more effectual remedy must be devised and applied. In my opinion thefirst step should be the absolute ard unconditional repeal of the organic act—blotting the ternteria! government on; of existence— upoo the ground that they are alien enemies and outlaws, denying their allegiance and defy ing the authority of the United States. [lm mense applduse } The territorial government once aboi shed the country would revert to its p-iautiva condition prior to tne act of 1840, i mil the so.ear.d exclusive jurisdiction of the United State* and should be pUced unties the operation of the act of Co ogress of the 30 h of April, 1780. and the rar.ojs aits sapplemcutal thereto and amendatory there of, "providing for the p uaishmeni of crimes against the United tsates within any fort, arsenal, dockyard. magazine, er any other pixee or district of country, under the solo and exclusive junsdicuoa of the U&fed States All offences against the provisions of these acts are required by taw t ho tried and punished by the Vited States Courts in the Stars cr Terr.teres where the offen ders shall be -hrst ap'w(*eadedara bavogfK tor trial.'" Thus it witt be see* that aimer ►he plan proposed. Srtgham Young and has confederates roo d bo --apprehended ami brought for trvai" lowa a-wd M litoraia re CWegoc. re so nay other araoMt Stare re TWhtw. where a fiatr trial coo hi be had. and pt slice adremaeeredjagfaMrety —whore the witaeeeee if bo fMMaI aad the -a>%atew of the react mill Wnc ried into eaecu&o*. wwhre* vwhM re re timid* <oa Ido are prepense to xamareore any aew prtacipee iare our j -wfrilmtt. are to change the mode of prreoedtiig at practice ia ear core's. I ooiv h he district re ceaaoy eoabreeed efihti Tlmhyr ef Utah aaht uw -lyirmxm el the same laws ssd sv'e* pros' 11 that hse-a* Vehredta Vf tn-jeocaaad arihKtMs
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