THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
R. V. Weaver, fraprieUr.]
VOLUME 9.
THE STAR OF THE NORTH
IS PUBMSHXO EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNINU BY
R. W. WEAVER,
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Kansas, Utah and the |)red ecott decision.
KEN 4 It KB (IF
BON.I STEPIIEX A. DOFGLAB. ,
DELIVERED IN THE STATE HOV-E XT SPRINRFIELD
ILLINOIS, ON THE 12TII or JUNE, 1857.
Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen :—I
appear before you to night, at the request of
the Grand Jury in attendance upon 'the U. S.
Court, for ihe purpose of submitting my
views upon certain topics upon which they
have expressed a desire to hear my opinion. |
It was not my purpose when I arrived among 1
you to have engaged in any public or politi
cal discussion; but when oalled upon by a
body of genilemen so intelligent and respect
able, coming from all parts of ihe State, and
connected with the administration of pnblio
justice, I do not feel at liberty to withhold a
full snd frank exp*ession of my opinion upon j
the -objects to which they have referred, and
which now eugrosa so large a share of the
public attention.
The point* whiah I am requested to dis
cuss are—
'lst. The present condition and piospscts
of Kansas.
3d. The principle* affirmed by the Supreme
Court of tho United Stiles in Ihe Dred Scott I
care.
3d. The condition ot things in Utah, and
the appropriate remedies for existing evils.
Of the Kansas question, but little need be
said at the pteaeni time. You are familiar
with the history of the question, and my
connection with it. Subsequent reduction
lias strengthened and confirmed my convic
tions in the soundness of the principles on
which I acted, and the correctness of he
course 1 have felt it my duty to pursue upon
that subject. Kansas is about to speak for
herself through her delegates as-embled in
convention to form a constitution, prepara
tory to Uer admission into the Union on an
equal footing with the original States, i'ca.-e
and prosperity now prevail throughout her
border*. The law under which her delegates
are about to be elected is believed to be just
and fair in all its objects and provisions.—
Tbare is every reason to hope and believe
that the law will be fairly interpreted and
impartially executed so as to insure to every
bona fide inhabitant the free and quiet ex
ercise ot the elective franchise. If any por
tion of the inhabitants, acting under the ad
viae of political lenders in distsn' States,
•hslt choose to absent themselves from the
polls, and withhold their votes, with a view
of leaving the Free State Democrats in a mi
nority, and thus securing a pro-slavery Con
etilution in opposition to the wishes of the
majority of the people living under if, let
responsibility rest on those who, for par
tizan purposes, will sacrifice the principles
they profess to cherish and promote. Upon
them and npon the political party for whose
benefit, and under the direction of whose
leaders, they act, let the blame be visited
for fastening upon the people of a new Slate,
institution* repugnant to their feelings nd in
violation of their wishes. The organic act
secures to the people of Kansas the sole and
exclusive right of forming and regulating
their domestic institutions to suit themselves,
subject to no other limitation than that which
the Constitution of tbe United States iiu '
poses. The Democratic parly is determined j
to see the great fundamental principles of the ]
organic act carried out in gi-od faith. The
present election law in Kauss is acknowl
edged to be fair'and just—the righis ol voters j
are clearly defined—and the exercise of those
sights wi!l be efficiently and scrupulously
protected. Hence, if the majority of the
people of Kansas desire to have it a free
State, (and we are told by the Republican
party that nine tenths of the people of that
territory are Free State men,) there is no ob
stacle in the way of bringing Kansas into
tbe Union as a Free State, by the votes aod
voice of her own people, and in conformity
with the great principles of the Kansas Ne
braska act—provided all (hs Eree State men
will go to tbe polls, aod vote roeir principles
in accoruanor with their professions. If such
is not the result let the consequences be vis
sled opon the heads of those whose policy
it is to produce strife, anarchy and bloodsheed
in Kansas, that their parly may profit by
elsvery agitation io tbe Northern States of
Ibis Union. That tbe Democrats in Kansas
\will perform their duty, fearlessly and nobly,
according to tho principles they cherish, I
have no donbt, and that the result of tbe
struggle will be aoch as will gladden tbe
heart and strengthen .the hopes of every
friend of the Union, I have entire confidence.
The Kansas question being settled peace
folly and satisfactorily, in accordance with
the wishes of her own people, slavery agita
tion should be banished from tbe hall-* of
Congrass, and cease to be an exciting ele
ment je our political snaggles. Give fait
play to that principle of self government
which recognizes the right of the people ol
each State and Territory to form and regu
late their owe domestic institutions, and sac-1
tioa*l 'liife will be forced to give place to I
BLOOMSBURG, COLUMBIA COUNTY, PA., WEDNESDAY, JULY 1, 1857.
that fraternal feeling which animated the
father* of the Revolution, and made every
oitiaen of every State of this glorious Con
federacy a member of a common brother
hood.
That we are steadily and rapidly approach
ing that result, I cannot doubt, for the slavery
issue ha* already dwindled down into the
1 narrow limits covered by the decision of the
| Supreme Court of the United Stales in the
Dred Scott case. The moment that decision
was pronounced, and before the opinions of
the Conrt could be published and read by
I the people, the newspaper press in the inter
est of a powerful political party in this coun
try, began to pour forth torrenta of abuae
and misrepresentations, not only upon the
decision, but upon the character and motives
of the venerable Chief Justice and his illus
trious associate* on the bench. The charac
ter of Chief Justice Taney and associate
judges who concurred wiih hitn require no
eulogy—no vindication from me. They are
end'ared to the people of the United States
b> tl.eir eminent public service*—venerated
lor their greit learning, wisdom and experi
ence—and beloved for the spotless purity ol
characters and their exemplary lives. The
poisonous shafts of pnr.izan malice will fall
harmless at their feet, while their judicial
decisions wdl aland ic all future time,a proud
monument to their greatness, the admiration
of the good and wise, and a rebuke to the
partisan* of faction and reckless violence. If,
unfortunately, any considerable portion ol the
people of the United Stales shall so fir forget
their obligations to society as to tllow the
partisan leaders to array them in violent re
sistance to the final decision of the highest
judicial tribunal on earth, it will become the
duly of all the friends ol order and constitu
tional government, without reference to past
political differences, to organize themselves
and marshal their forces under the glorious
banner of Union, in vindication of the con
stitution and the supremacy of the law* over
the advocates of faction and the champions
ol violence. To preserve the constitution
inviolate, and vindicate the supremacy of the
laws, is the first and highest duty ol every
citizen of a free republic. The peculiar mer
it of our form of government over all others
consists in the fact lhal the law, instead of
the arbitrary will ol a hereditary prince, pre
scribes, defines and protects all our rights.—
In this country the law is the will of the
people, embodied snd expressed according
to the svstem of the constitution.- The courts
are the tribunals prescribed by the constitu
tion, atid created by the authority of the peo
pie to determine, expound and enforce the
law. Hence, wtmever resists the final decie-
ion of tlio highest judicial tribunal, aims a
deadly blow at our wliolo republican (oim of
government—a blow, which if successful,
would place all our rights and liberties at the
mercy ol passion, anarchy and violence. I
j repeat, therefore, that if resistance to the de
cisions of the Supreme Court of the United
States, in a matter like the points decided in
i Dred Scott case, cl-arly within their jurisdic
tion as defined by the Constitution, shall be
i forced upon the country as a political issue,
it will become a distinct ffnd naked issue be
tween the friends snd the enemies of the
: constitution—die frieods and the enemies of
; the supremacy of the laws.
The case of Dred Scott was an action of
| trespass, vi *t armii, in the Circuit Coutt of
: the United Slates for the district of Missouri,
for tha purpose of establishing his claim to
i be a free man, and was taken by writ of er
| ror, on the application of Scott to the Su
preme Court of the United Slates, where the
final decision was pronounced by the Chief
Justice Tacey. The facts of the case were
j agreed upon and admitted to be true by both
parties, and were in substance, that Dred
Scott was a negro slave in Missouri; that he
went wnh his master, who was an ofiiuer of
the army, to Fort Armstrong, on Rock Island;
and thence to Fort Snelling, on the west
bii.k of the Mississippi river, and within
i the country covered by the act of Congress,
| known as the Missouri Compromise; and
thence he re accompanied his marter to the
1 Staie of Missouri, where he has since re
i msined a slave. Upon this siaiement of acts,
two important and material questions arose
besides several inctden'al and minor ones, '
which it was incumbent upon the court tn
take notice of and decide. Toe court did ;
not attempt to avoid responsibility by dispns- j
ing ot the case upon technical points with- j
out touching the merits, nor did they go out
of their way to decide questions not proper- J
ly before them and directly presented by the
record. Like honest and conscientious judges
as they are, they met and decided each point
as it trose, and faithfully performed their
whole duly, and nothing but their duty, to
the country by determining all the questions
in iha gate, and nothing but what was es
sentitl to the decision of the case upon its
merits. The State courts of Missouri had
decided against Dred Scott, and declared
him and his children slaves, and the Circuit
Court nf the United Slates for the district of
Missouri had decided the same thing in this
very case, which had thus been removed to
the Supreme Court of the United States by
Scott, with the hope of reversing the decision
of the Circoit Court and securing his free
dom. If the Supreme Court hid dismissed
the writ of error for want of jurisdiction,
without first examining into and deciding the
merits of 'he case, as Ihsy are now denounc
ed and abused for oof having done, the result .
would hats been to remand Dred Scott and
hisobildten to perpetual slavery, under the
decision which had already been pronounced
by the Supreme Court of Missouri, ae well
■ by the Ciiouit Court of the United States,
without obtaining a decision on the merit*
of his case by the Supreme Court of (he
United State*. Suppose Chief Just ice Taney
and hi* associate* had thna remanded Dred
Scott and his children hack to elaeery or. a
plea in abatement, cr any mere technical
point not touching the merit* of the question,
and without deciding whether under the
Constitution and lawa, a* applied to the fact*
in tho case, Dred Scott was n free man or a
slave, would they not have been denounced
with increased virulence and bitterness, on
the charge of having remanded Dred Scott
to perpetual slavery without first examining
the merit* of the case and ascertaining
whether he was a slave or not?
If the case had been disposed of in that
way, who can doubt thai such would have
been lite character of the denunciations
which would have been huried upon the de
voted head* of those illniir : mi,judge*, with
much more plausibility and show of fairness
than they are now denounced for having de
cided the case fairly and honestly upon its
merits 1
The material and controlling points in the
case—those which have been made Ihe *ub
ject of unmeasured abuse and denunciation,
may be thus stated:
Ist. The court decided that under the con
stitution of the United States a negro de
scended from slave parents i* not, and can
not be a citizen of the United Slate*.
2d. That the tot of the 6th of Mtrch,
1820, commonly called the Missouri com
promise act, was unconstitutional and void
before it was repealed bv the Nebraska act,
and consequently did not and could not
have the legal effect of extinguishing a mas
ter's right to his slaves in that Territory.—
While the right continues in full lorce under
the guarantees of the constitution, and can
not be divested or alienated by an act of
Congress, it necessarily remains ■ barren and
a worthless right, un'ess sustained, prolented
and enforced by appropriate police regula
tions and local legislation, prescribing ade
quate remedies for its violation. These reg
ulations and remedies must necessarily de
pend entirely upon the will and wishes of
the people of the territory av they oan only
he prescribed by 'ho local legislatures.—
Hence the great principles of popular sover
eignly and self-government is sustained and
firmly established by the authority of this
decision. Thus it appears that the only sin
involved in the passage of the Kansas Ne
braska act, consists in (he fact that it re
moved from the statute book an act of Con
gress which was unauthorized by the Con
stitution of the United States, and void be
cause passed without constitutional authority
and substituted in lieu of it that great funda
mental principle ol self-government which
rocogpizi-s the right of the people of each
State and territory to form and regulate their
domestic institutions and internal affairs to
suit themselves, in accordance witlt the con
stiluiion. [Applause.] The wisdom and
propriety of the measure have been sustain
ed by the decision of the highest judicial
tribunal on eatth, and ratified and approved
by the voice of the American people in the
election of James Buchanan to the residen
cy of the United States upon that naked and
distinct issue. lam willing to rest the vindi
cation of the measure and my action in
connection with it upon that decision snd
that verdict of the American people. [lm
mense applause]
Passing from this, I will proceed to the dis
cussion of the main proposition decided by
the court, which is, that under the Constitu
tion ol the United Slates a negro descended
from slave parents imported from Africa is
not and cannot be a citizen ol the United
Slates.
j We are told by the leaders of the Repob
' lican or Abolition party that this proposition
| is cruel, inhuman and infamons, and should
■ not be respected nor obeyed by any good
' citizen. In what does the objection consist?
' Wherein is the cruehy, the itihnmaniiy, the
infamy? It is supposed to consist in depriv
| ing the negro of citizenship, and consequent-
I ly excluding him ftom the exorcise of those
rights and privileges which are enjoyed in
common, snd oil terms of entire equality,
by all American citizens, whether native
] born or naturalized. They quote the Decla
' ration of Independence, which says: "We
i hold these truths to be self-evident, that all
men were CREATED EQUAL," and insist that
! this language referred to and was intended
! to include negroes as well ts white men; that
it was not intended to apply only to the while
race, but that it included the negroes and all
other inferior races, and placed them on a
fooling of entire and absolute equality with
j white men, and that tbe battles of the Revo
lotion were fooght in defence of the princi
ple and the foundations of this glorious Re
public were firmly planted on tne immova
ble basis of the perfect equality of the races.
Hence they argue that any lew or regulation,
whether under the authority of the State gov
ernment or thai of the United Slates, in vio
lation of (his fundsmental principle of negro
equality with white men, ia not only cruel,
inhuman and infamous, but is subversive ol
(he fouudatioos of the government itself,
aod therefore ought not to be tespected or
obeyed by any good citizen. If we grant the
■ruth of their premises it would be vain to
resist the force of their reasoning or the cor
rectness of their oonoluaione. Indeed, we
would be compelled, as holiest men, to ac
knowledge and adopt the principle end car
ry it oat in good faith, io ell our polit.oel no
tion, by modifying or repealing any legal and
constitutional provision in conflict with that
prinoipla.
Lai us azsmine and aae what changes this
prinetple would require in the constitution
and laws of tbie State as well ae of tho Unit
ed States. Of course it would intlantly eman
cipate and sat at liberty every slave in any
Truth and Right God and our Country.
I Sials of this Union, and in every other place
under the American flag, and within the ju-
I nediction of tho federal constitution. Slave- j
ry being thus abolished, tho same principle
would compel ua to strike Irom the constitu
tion of Illinois the clause which diciea to a
negro, whether free or slave,'the right to
come and live among us, and in lieu of it to
open the door for the three millions of eman
cipated slaves to enter and become citizens
on an equality with ourselves; The principle '
would compel us to strike (lie word "white" I
out of onr Constiiution, end allow the negro
to vote on art equality with white men—and i
I of course outvote us at the polls when tlieyi
! become a majority. The same principle |
j would compel us to change the Constitution
Iso ss to render a negro eligible to the legis
i lu'tire, to tho bench, to the governorship, to
I Congress, to the Presidency, and all other 1
| places of honor, proiil or trust, on an equal
1 footing with while men. When all. these
i things shall have been done, and the principle
; of negro equality shall have been fully carried
out to thia extent, still the requirement* of
the Decimation of Independence willnot have
| been satisfied, if it really mesne what the
Republican or Abolition party assert it does
mean in declaring that a negro was created
by the Almighty equal to a whits man. If
their intarptetation of the Declaration of In
dependence be correct, and the principle ol
, negro equality be true, as supposed by the
! opponents ot the Dred Scott decision we shall
| certainly be compelled, as conscientious and
; just men, to go one step further—repeal all
I laws making any distinction whatever on ac
count af race and color, and authorize negroes
| to marry white women on an equality with
; white men. [lmmense cheerinp ]
When the Republican or Abblition party
shall have done all these things,anil thus have
carried into practical operation the Declara
tion of Independence as they understand it,
they will have laid the Inundation for their
j organized opposition to so much of the Dred
\ Scott case a* declares that a negro is not a
1 c di/en of the United States. [Great applause ]
If on the contrary, tho opponents of the
Dred Scott decision shall refuse to carry out
their views of tho Declaration of Indeperi
' dence and negro citizenship, by conferring
upon tho African race all the rights,privileges
I and immunities of citizenship the same as
1 they ate now or should he enjoyed by the
white, how will they vindicate the integrity
of their motive* and the linearity ol their
profession 1 If the negro ie the equal of the
white man and was thus eteated by the Al
j mighty, what right have they orwe fo reduce
j him to a condition of inequality, by denying
' to him the privilege of voting, holJing office,
I marrying the woman of bis choice, in short,
j withholding from him oolitioal rights and
j consigning him lo political slavery ? Per
ceiving the inconsistency between their pro
fessions and their past aotion on this point,
the leaders of the Republican and Abolition
, parly in the Legislature of New York, and
some of the New England Slates,and indeed,
in Wisconsin and such other S'ates they
think publio sentiment is prepirpd for the
measnre, have recently taken the prelimin
ary flaps to amend the Constitution of their
respective Slates so as to allow negroes to
vote and hold office, and enjoy all the rights
and privileges of citizenhip oi an equal
1 footing with while men. The movements
have been initiated in those Stales, and will
sonn follow in others upon the ground that
the Republican parly was bound and pledged
by its creed and its professions, as proclaimed
from the pulpit, from the stump. arid through
the newspaper press, to carry out the Decla
ration ot Independence as they profess, to
understand it, by placing the negro on equali
ty with the white man in all those States
I where they carried the Presidential election
I last fall, and secured the absolute control of
1 all the departments ol the State government.
It is not to be presumed that any step lor
changing the Constitution of Illinois so as to
confer the rights and privileges of citizenship
upon negroes will be taken until after the
next election, nor will any such purpose be
openly avowed, but, on the contrary, in the
central and southern portions of the State it
will be stonily denied, at the same time that
all their orators, lecturers, and papers will
continue to quote the Declaration of Inde
pendence to prove that the Almighty created
a negro equal lo a white nan, and conse
quently he he* a divine right to enjoy all the
righie and privilege* of the while man, and
that all human laws in conflict with that di
vine right muM yield and give place to the
"higher law." The time has not arrived
when it was deemed prudent by the leaders
of the Republican party in ibis Stale to make
a frank and honest confession of faith, and
proclaim it to the world in tones that can be
understood to mean the same thing in all
portiona ol the State. But so long ae they
quote the Declaration of Independence to
prove that a negro was created equal to a
white man, we have no excuse for closing
oor eyes and professing iguorace of what
they intend to do, so soon as .tbey get the
power.
To show how shallow i< the pretence thai
ihe Declaration of Independence had refer
ence to, or inoluded the negro race when it
declared all men created equal, it is only
necessary to tufer to a few historical facts,
reoorded in our school books, and familiar to
our children.
On the 4th of July, 177t>, when the D-de
ration of Independence was promulgated to
the world, African slavery existed in eaeh
ooe of the thirteen colonist. Every signer
of the Declaration of Indspendeeee wee elect
ed by and rspreaenl*d a rlavebeldtof consti
tuency Every battle of the levetatioa, from
Lexingtou) and Bunker Mill to Kings Moun-
jlain and Yorktown, was fought in a slave
; holding State.
The treaty of peace acknowledging and
confirming the independence of the United
Stales, was made aod signed on behalf of
Great Britain on the one part, and of the
thirteen slaveholding States on the other.
The Constitution of the United States under
which we now live so happily and have
grown so great and powerful, and which we
all profess to cherish and venerate, was
formed, adopted, and put in operation by the
people of the twelvu slaveholding States and
one free State, slavery having disappeared
from Massachusetts about that time, under
the operation of the great fundamental prin
ciple of eelf-governmout, which recognizes
the right of each State and colony to regulate
its own domestic snd local affaire.
In view of the incontrovertible facts, can
any sane man believe that tho signers of tho
Declaration ot Independence, and the
heroes who fougul the battle* ot tho revolu
tion, and the sages who laid the foundation
of oor complex system of federal snd Stnte
Governments, intended to plac* tho negro
race on an equal footing with the white raoef
It such had been their purpose, would they
not have abolished slavery, and convertad
every negro into a citizen on the day on
which they out forth tho Declaration of In
dependence ? Did they do it ? Did an v of
the thirteen States abolish slavery—much less
place the negro on an equality with the white
man during the whole revolutionary struggle ?
History record* the emphatic answer. No.
Not on* of the original S'ates abolished slave
ry during the revolution,nor has any ol them,
at any lime since, extended to tho Afrioan
race all the rights and privileges of cilizon
ship on term* of entire equality wnh the
while man.
Not one can vindicate the character, mo
tives and conduct of the signors of the De
claration of Independence, except upon the
hypothesis that they referred to the white :
race alone, and not to the African, when they I
declared till men to have been created equal
—that they were speaking of British subjects !
on this continent being equal to British sub- 1
I jecls born and residing in Great Britain—that [
they were entitled to the same inalien
able rights, and among them were enunierat- !
ed life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, j
The declaration was adopted for the purpose |
of justifying the colonists in the eyes of the I
civilized world in withdrawing their allegi - |
ance from the British crown, and dissolving I
I their connection with their mother oountry. 1
: In this point of view the Declaration of Inde
pendence is in perfect harmony with all the
events ol the revolution, and the line of poli
cy pursued under the articles of confedera
tion, and the principles embodied and estab
lished in Ibe federal constituiion. The histo
ry ol the times clearly shows that the m-props j
were regarded as an inferior race, who, in
all ages, and in every part of the globo, and I
under the most favorable circumstances, bad
shown themselves incapable of sell govern- '
ment, and consequently under the pro
tection of those who were capable of i
providing for and protecting them in tho'
exercise of all the rights they were cap- I
able of enjoying consistent with the good ;
and safety of society. It is on this principle 1
that in all civilized and Christian countries
ibe government provides for the protection of ,
Ibe insane, the lunatic, the idiotic, and all j
other unfortunates who are incompetent to
take care of themselves. It does not follow
by any means that because the negro race .
are incarable of governing themselves, that
therefore they should become slaves and be j
treated as such. The safe rule upon that,
subject, I apprehend to be this, that the Afri- j
can race should be allowed to exercise all
the rights and privileges which they are cap
able enjoying consistent with the welfare of 1
the community in which they reside ar.d that
under the form of government the people of
each Slate and Territory must be allowed to ]
determine for themselves the nature and ex- :
tent of those privileges. [Applause ]
The whole history of our country clearly
shows that our tau.ers acted on this principle:
not only in promulgation of the Declaration
of Independence, but in laying the founda
tions and erecting the superstructure of our
complex system of Federal and State govern
ments. Whoever will take the pains to ex
amine the journals ol the Continental Con
gress, will find that nearly every colony, be
fore it would authorize its delegates to assent
to a Declaration of ledependence, placed on
record an express condition, reserving to it-,
self the sole and exclusive right ol regulat- i
ing its own internal alfairs and domestic
concerns, and local politics, without the
interference of the general congress, or
of any other State or colony. The battles of 1
the revolution were all lougbt in defence of
this principle, and ibe constitution of ibe
United State* was formed and adopted lor the
purpose ol perpetuating it in all lime to come
ut the same time it combined all the people
of the Union in one confederacy, wiib cer
tain specified and limited powers for the
common defence and geueral welfare.
Under this system of government, the rights
and privileges of the African race remain pre
cisely as thry were wheu the Constitution of
the United State* wa adopted, dependent
entirely upon the looal legislation end policy
of the several State* where they may be
(ound. In my opinion, the policy of Illinois
ha* been a wise and just one in regard to ibis
race, and ought to becontiaued, only making
snrh changes from time to time at experi
ence shall prove to be just and necessary.
While lUtuoie had the undoubted rigbi M oodei
the CouMitmion of the United State*, to adopt
and pereovere in thie line ol poitejr, Virginia
and each oth*t State has n tight equally eteat j
and undeniable to pursue a tiue of pointy on
(be name subject, directly lha reverse of ours,
and we have no morn right to complain of
or interfere with the local and domsstio con
cern* of other State* and Territories than they
have with cure. [Applause]
The founder* of our government did not
deem it possible, nor desirable if practicable,
to maintain entire uniformity in the locol le
gislation and dotnPHtic institution* of the
different State*, and for this reason each
State was allowed a neperate and distinct le
gislature, with lull powers over all interns'
and local concern* in order that each might
shape and vary it* internal policy, and adapt
it to the circumeiance*, interest* and wishes
of iu own people. While there wae a diver
sity of opinion in regard to the extent
of the right* and piivi leges which
could be *.. sly entrusted to the African race
in tho different States, they all repudiated
tint doctrine of the equality of the white and
black race*, and concurred in tbal line of
policy which should preserve the purity of
each,nnd prevent any species of amalgama
tion, political, social or domestic. They had
witnessed the sad and melancholy results of
tho mixture of the race* in Mexico, South
Am erica, and Central America, and where
the Spanish, ftom motives ol policy, had ad
mitted the negro and other iuferior race* to
citizenship, and consequently, to political end
social amalgamation. The demoralization
and degradation which prevailed in tho Span
ish and b'rench colonies, where no distinc
tions on account of color or race were tole
rated, operated as a warning to our revolu
tionary fathers to preserve tho purity of the
white race, and to establish their political,
social arid domestic institutions upon such a
basis as would forevar exclude the idea of
negro citizenship and negro equality. [Ap- |
plattse.] ;
They understood that grosl natural law
which declares that amalgamation between ;
superior and inferior taces brings their posle-
I rity down to the lower level ol the inferior
I race. I appeal to each of ihote gallant \
i young men before me, who won immortal
| glory on the bloody holds of Mexico, in vtn- j
dication of their country'* rights and honor, 1
whether their information and observation
| in that counlry, does not fully sustain the
the truth of the proposition that amalgama- 1
lion is degrading, demoralizing, disease and
I death ! Is it true that the negro is our equal
' and our brother'? The history of the times
! clearly show that our fathers did not regard
I the negro race as any kin to litem, and dele'- '
I mined so to lay the foundation of society and
government that-they should never be o! any
kin to their posterity. [lmmense applause.]
But when you confer upon the African race ,
the privileges of citizenship, and pot them
upon an equality with white men at the polls
in the jury box. on the bench, in ihe execu
| live chair, and in tho council* of tho nation,
1 upon what principle will you denie their
1 equality at the festive board and in the do
j meslic circle.
The Supreme Court of the United States
have decided that under the Consutuiion a
negro is not and cannot be a citizen.
The Republican or Aboliiinn party pro
nounce thai decision cruel, inhuman and in
famous. and appeal to the American people
to disregard and refuse to obey it. Let us
join issue with them and put ourselves upon
the country for trial. (Cheers and applause )
Mr. President I will now respond to ibe
the call which has been made upon me for
my opinion of the condemn of things in
Uiah, and the appropriate remedy for exist
ing evils.
The Territory of Utah was organizej under
one of ibe acts known as the Compromise
Measures of 1850, on the supposition that lbs
inhabitants were American citizens, owing
and acknowledging allegiance to the United
States, and consequently entitled to the bene
fit of self government while a territory, and
to admission into the Union on an equal foot
ing w.th the ~, ig nl States, so soon as they
should .-.umber ibe requisite population. It
was conceded on all haodt, and by all par
ties, thot the peculiarities of their religious
faith and ceremonies interposed no valiJ and
constitutional objection to their reception ioto
the Union, in conformity with the Federal
Constitution, so longasihey were in all other
respects entitled to au admission. Hence the
great political parties of the country indorsed
and approved the compromise measures ot
1850, including the act for the organization
of the Territory of Utah, with the hope and
io the confidence that the inhabitants would
contorm in constitution and laws, aod prove
themselves worthy, and law abiding citi
zens. If we sre permitted io place credence
in the rumors and reports from the coantry.
(and it roust be admitted li.at they hare in
creased ar.d jireng'bened aod assumed con
sistency and plaosibiii-y by each succeeding
mail,') seren years' experience has disclosed
a state of facts entirely different from thai
which was supposed to exist when Utah was
organized. The rumors aad reports would
seem to justify the belief that the following
facte are susceptible of proof.
Ist. That nine-teuths of the inhabitants
are aliens by birth, who have refuses! to be
come naturalized, or to take the oath of
allegiance, or do any other act recoeoiricg
the government of the United States as the
paramount authority of that Territory.
3d. That all the in habitants, whether
native or aliea born, known as Mormons,
(and they constitute the whole people of
the territory,) are bound by horrid oaths
and terrible penalties to recognize and
uiauttaiu the authority of Brig ham Young
and the government of which he is ue
head, it paramount to that of the U sated
States, in civil as wed as religious aAuia:
and that they e iH, to due ute, and utakr
the direction ef their Irewfer*. use all aiewas
[Twe Dollars par Anna.
NUMBER 25.
| in their power to subvert the government of
i the United States, and resist its authority.
3d. That th e Mormon government, with
Brigham Young at the head, is now forming
allinncos with the Indianjtribes of Utah and
: adjoining territories—elimulating*the Indi
' ans to arts of hostility—and organizing
, bands of his own followers under the namo
: of Daniies or Destroying Angels," to prose
cute 11 system of robbery and murder upon
i American citizens, who support the autho
rity of the United States, and denounce the
infamous and disgusting practices and insti
tutions of the Mormon government.
If, upon a full investigation, these repre-
I sontntions shall prove true, they will estab
| lisli the fact that the inhabitants of Utah,
I as a community, are out laws and alien ene
mies, unfit to exercise the right of self-go
vornment under the organic act, and un
worthy to be admitted into the Union as a
State, when their only object in seeking ad
i misssion is to interpose the sovereignty of
j the State, as an invincible shield to protect
! them in their treason and crime, debauche*
iry and inlamy. [Applause ] *
, Under this view ot thfe subject, I think it
' is the duty of the President, as ;i havo
Ino doubt it is his fixed purpose, to
j removo Brigham Young and all his follow
ers from office, and to fill their places with
. bold, able and true men, and to cause a
i thorough and searching investigation into all
the crimes and enormities which are alleged
1 to be perpetrated daily in that territory, un
i der the direction of Brigham Young and his
■ confederates, and to use all the military
force necessary to protect the officers in the
discharge of their duties, and to enforce the
■laws of the land. [Applause]
j When the authentic evidence shall arrive,
I if it shall establish the facts which are be
lieved to exist, it will become the duty of
| Congress to apply the knife and cut the
1 loathsome, disgusting ulcer. [Applause.]
No temporizing policy—no half way mea
l | sure will then answer. It has been suppos-
I ed by those who have not thought deeply
. upon the subject, that an act of Congress,
! prohibiting murder, robbery, polygamy,and
, other crimes, with appropriate penalties, for
, those offences, would afTord adeqda'e reme
, i dies for all the enormities complained on
1 Suppose such a law to be on the statute
I I books, and I believe they have a criminal
, code, providing the usual punishment for
I the entire catalogue of crimes, according to
. j the usages sf all civilized and Christian
j countries, with the exception of
r which is practiced under the sanction of the
| Mormon Church, but is neither prohibited
, ( nor authorized by the laws of the Territory.
, 1 Suppose, 1 repeat, that Congress should
. pass a law prescribing a criminal code and
, | punishing polygamy among other offences,
J what efleet would it have—what trood would
, it do? Would you call on twenty-three
grand jurymen with twenty-three wifes
each,-to find a bill of indictment against a
. poor miserable wretch for having two
t wives 1 [Cheers and laughter ] Would
; you rely upon twelve pe it jurors with twelv*
wives each, to convict the -ame loathsome
wretch with two wives ? [Continued ap
( plause ] Would you expect a grand jury
composed of twenty-three : Danhea" to find
! a bill ot indictment against a brother "Da
j nite" for having murdered a gentile, as they*
call all Americ&u citizens, under their di
reuion! Much less would you expect of
"twelve destroying angels" to find another
. "destroying angel" guilty of the crime of
murder, and cause tiim to be hanged for no
r other offence than that of taking the life of
( a Gentile ? No. If there is any truth in
, tue reports we receive from Utah. Congress
, may pass what law it chooses, bnt you caa
never rely upon the iocal tribunals and ju
ries to punish crimes committed by Mor-
mens in that territory. Svtne other and
more effectual remedy must be devised and
applied. In my opinion thefirst step should
be the absolute ard unconditional repeal
of the organic act—blotting the ternteria!
government on; of existence— upoo the
ground that they are alien enemies and
outlaws, denying their allegiance and defy
ing the authority of the United States. [lm
mense applduse }
The territorial government once aboi shed
the country would revert to its p-iautiva
condition prior to tne act of 1840, i mil
the so.ear.d exclusive jurisdiction of the
United State* and should be pUced unties
the operation of the act of Co ogress of the
30 h of April, 1780. and the rar.ojs aits
sapplemcutal thereto and amendatory there
of, "providing for the p uaishmeni of crimes
against the United tsates within any fort,
arsenal, dockyard. magazine, er any other
pixee or district of country, under the solo
and exclusive junsdicuoa of the U&fed
States All offences against the provisions
of these acts are required by taw t ho tried
and punished by the Vited States Courts
in the Stars cr Terr.teres where the offen
ders shall be -hrst ap'w(*eadedara bavogfK
tor trial.'" Thus it witt be see* that aimer
►he plan proposed. Srtgham Young and has
confederates roo d bo --apprehended ami
brought for trvai" lowa a-wd M
litoraia re CWegoc. re so nay other araoMt
Stare re TWhtw. where a fiatr trial coo hi
be had. and pt slice adremaeeredjagfaMrety
—whore the witaeeeee if bo fMMaI
aad the -a>%atew of the react mill Wnc
ried into eaecu&o*. wwhre* vwhM re re
timid* <oa Ido are prepense to xamareore
any aew prtacipee iare our j -wfrilmtt.
are to change the mode of prreoedtiig at
practice ia ear core's. I ooiv h
he district re ceaaoy eoabreeed efihti
Tlmhyr ef Utah aaht uw -lyirmxm el
the same laws ssd sv'e* pros' 11 that
hse-a* Vehredta Vf tn-jeocaaad arihKtMs