THE STAR OF THE NORTH. B" W. Weaver, Proprietor.] VOLUME 8. THE STAR OF THE NORTH IS PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING BY K. W. WEAVER, OFFICE— Up stairs, in the new brick build ing, on the south side of Main Street, third square below Market. TERMS: —Two Dollars per annum, if paid within six months from the time of sub scribing; two dollars and fifty cents if not paid within the year. No subscription re ceived for a less period than six months ; no t discontinuance permitted until all arrearages •re paid, unless at the option of the editor. ADVERTISEMENTS not exceeding one square will be inserted three times for One Dollar and twenty-five cents for each additional in sertion. A liberal discount will be made to those who advertise by the year. ORIGINAL "POETRY. J or the "Star of the North." NELLY. Oh I thou art now at rest, Nelly, Tby body 'neath the sod; And thy freed spirit wafted home Unto its maker— GOD. . But one short year ago, Nelly, Thou wert happy, blithe and gay; i And now tby body lies beneath The cold unfeeling clay. Thou'rt free from earthly pain, Nelly, Thy sufferings here are o'er; And we hope thou'rt in that "Happy Land," "Where mortals weep no more." We mourn thee "loved and Jost," Nelly, We miss thee from our band; But trust thou'rt singing praises now With the saints at "God's right hsnd." The friends whom thon hast left, Nelly, As the tear drops dim the eye; Will grieve that one they loved so well, So soon should droop and die. Bat we'll bid thee now farewell, Nelly, And dry our streaming eyes; And strive to live that we at last, May join the in the skies. Hemlock Col. Co., Pa. LILLIAN. SPEECH OF HON. S. A. DOUGLAS. DELIVERED AT THE PHILADELPHIA MISS MEET ING OF 20,000 PEOPLE IN INDEPENDENCE SQUARE. FELLOW DEMOCRATS:—I have before me a sure guarantee of that triumph which certain ly awaits us at the polls in this election.— When, on any former occasion, was there ever such a dense mars of Democratic vo ters assembled to ratify the nominations for the Presidency and Vice Presidency? This vast assemblage, which may be measured by the acre, rather than counted by thousands! It shows the deep and heartfelt interest which the people of this country feel in the mo mentous cohtest in which we have justemei* ged. Never aince that memorable-contest of 1800, which resulted in the election of the immortal Jefferson, has there been a lime when issues, so pregnant with good or evil to our institutions, have been presented, as in the one which is now before us. Great ques tions of foreign policy, great questions of do mestic policy ; questions ftaught with the most intense import, are now before us. In our foreign policy there is a question which involves in its settlement the peace, the perpetuity of this glorious Republic. It is simply a question whether the principle of self-government upon which all our institu tions rest, shall be maintained in the Stales and Territories of this Union, subject only to the limitations of the Constitution of the Uni ted States. [Cheers and long applause— Hnrrahs for Squatter Sovereignty.] The Cincinnati Convention has performed its duty honorably, wisely, and patriotically, upon all points presented to ttiem. It has presented to the country a platform which commands the hearty approbation of every sonnd national man in the country; and it hat presented candidates for the Presidency and Vice Presidency, worthy of the platform on which they stand. Those nominations have been made, and that platlorm has been adopted by a unanimous vote—receiving the vote of every delegate from every State of thia great and glorioua Republic. Shall it hereafter be said that the Demo cratic parly is not a National party ? W hat other party ever existed in this country which could proclaim its creed by an unanimous vole. A creed to be construed alike in Penn sylvania and Virginia, in New York and Georgia, in Illinois and Louisiana, in the North and the South, iu the East and the West. Whatever the. Constitution reigns, there the Democratic creed ia one and the ame. It is a creed that can commaud the faith and support of every Democrat—aye, and of every old line Whig who is true to the principles of Clay and Webster. It is to be remarked, and never to be for gotten, that in 1850 the leaders—the cham pions of the "true grit" political patty—your Clays and your Webstera, your Cusses and your other patriots of the Democratic party— united and agreeing upon a common creed in respect to this vexed question of slavery, which should be common alike to Whigs and to Democrats. We agreed then, that we might quarrel and differ as much as we pleased in respeol to banks and tariffs, and public Itnds, and other question* of expediency ; but upon that great vital question, upon those fundamental prin- ciples which involve the integrity or the Con •titution, the stability oi the Union, all patri ots of all parties and shades of opinion would agree that the great principle of State equali ty and self-government, under the Constitu tion, were paramount to all parly conflicts and party differences. Hence, in 1852, when the Whig parly assembled in their national convention, to present candidates to the coun try for their suffrages, they resolved that the principles of the compromise of 1850 should be firmly, steadily and honestly carried out; wh.r. the Democracy assembled at Baltimore and presented our ticket for the seme offices, BLODMSBURG; COLUMBIA COUNTY; PA., WEDNESDAY, tfUNE 25, 1856. we passed resolutions to the same' effect. — Whigs And Democrats agreed on the great platform involving the Slavery issue, the question of §tate rights—the question of the right of self-government in the territoties. After the great triumph of 1852, it became my duty as the organ of the Senate upon that question to report the Kansas Nebraska Bill. [Great cheering.] The Cincinnati Conven tion has said, by a unanimous vote, that the great principles of State rights and popular sovereignty, embraced in the compromise of 1850, endorsed by the Whigs in National Convention of 1852, affirmed by the Democ racy in the election of Ger.. Pierce of 1852, were rightly applied in the organization of Kansas and Nebraska in 1854. I ask, then, what Democrat can depart from the fai'h of the party, as proclaimed at Cin cinnati] without repudiating the long oher ished principles which he, as a member of the parly, has advocated from the time that he came on the stage ? And I ask further, with emphasis, what Whig, what disciple of the immortal Clay or the godlike Webster, can depart from the principles embraced in the compromise measure of 1850, and re-as serted in the Nebraska bill, without repudia ting the principles to which Whig stood pledged in the election of 1852? If a man was an honest Whig then, in or der to be consistent, he must vote for James Buchanan now; if a Whig believed that the great compromise measures of 1850 were right then, he must carry out the platform of the Cincinnati Convention now, in order to be true to the memory of the great Clay and the great Webster, whose last great act waß to adopt those measures. [Great cheering.] Yet you will find men who have proven false to the Whig parly, with which they once acted, and have gone into the secret Lodges of Ktiow-Nolhingism, taunting Whigs for not following them into those dark places. I ask you, can a Whig join the Know-Noth ing Order or connect himself with the Black Republican parly, without repudiating all the principles which the Whig party has advo cated for yqars? Hence the Cincinnati Con vention acted wisely and properly when they asked all men to co-operate with them in their principles, and to units -in the election of their nominees now, without reference to past political differences. We are told by the allied enemies, compo sed of Black Republicans, Know Nothings, and the other affiliated evils, that the Demo cratic parly are to be condemned because of our policy in regard to Kansas territory. I ask you to observe for one moment what has happened in Kansas and Nebraska. Those two territories were organized by the same law. In Nebraska, where there has been no foreign interference, where Abolitionism has not conducted its operations, to which the Emigrant Aid Society did not extend its ef forts, there is nothing but peace and quiet.— On the other hand in Kansas, where Aboli tionism has appeared, where the Emigrant Aid Society attempted to control the people, you find violence and discord, and rebellion against the laws of the land. Do not these two facts show that the principle of the Ne braska bill was right ? The only difficulties that have occurred, have diisen from the fact that the opponents of the measure were de termined not to give the bill a fair chance. If you will examine into these facts, you will find that the allegations have not one particle of ground on which to stand. Our principles are the principles of the Constitu tion ; they are the principles of law and or der, ol peace and quiet. Our remedy for ex isting evils in Kansas is that the Constitution and lawß shall prevail. We are the advo cates of the supremacy of the laws ; our op ponents are the advocates of lawless violence and of rebellion against the constituted au thorities of the country. One of the great questions to be now decided is whether the law shall prevail, or whether violence shall triumph; and the decision of that question is involved in the election which is now to lake place. In regard to this present election our ene mies are in the habit of asking 'he question: How can James Buchanan stand upon the platform which has been made for us at Cin cinnati ? I ask, and do it with emphasis— how can James Buchanan, with his antece dents, stand on any other platform than the one made at Cincinnati? Our opponents have been in the habit of saying that they have made a Douglas platform, and then pot Buchanan on it. I ask you to examine this matter for a moment and you will find that James Buchanan and myself occupy iden tically the same position, and have done so for years, on this slavery question, in all its phases. In 1846, when Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylva nia, proposed the Wilmot proviso, I, then in the House of Representatives, proposed as a substitute, to extend the Missouri Line to the Pacific ocetn. You all remember,that in Oc tober, 1847, James Buchanan wrote his cel ebrated "Harvest Home letter," of Berks county, and in that, proposed to extend that line to the Pacific ocean, as tbe dividing line between slavery and freedom. He did not maintain then that the Missouri Compromise was founded on sound or wise principles, but j finding it on the statute book, rather than hazard the peace and harmony of the coun try, he was willing to close the controversy forever by extending it to the Pacific, rather than to raise sectional strife even to carry out a sound priooiple. Acting on that same the ory, in August, 1848, 1 proposed, in the Sen ate of the United States, a law to extend the Missouri line to the Pacifio ocean, in the same sense and with the same understand ing, with which it was originally adopted.— That proposition passed the Senate and was voted down in the House of Representatives, by Northern men with Free Soil and Aboli tion proclivities. Had the policy of Buchan an, as proposed in his "Harvest Home let ter," then prevailed—the same policy which I advocated in the law of 1848—there would have been an end to this sectional controver sy forever. Who is responsible for the de feat of the proposition to extend that line to the Pacific? Certainly not James Buchanan —certainly not myself—certainly not the Democratic party. The men who were re sponsible for that were the Abolitionists, the Free Soilers, the present Anti-Nebraska men of the country. They then told us that the Missouri law was an infamous measure; said that if sla very was right on the south side of the line, it was right on the north side. Th..y said if it was right to leave the people do. as ibny pleased on the south side of 36 36, it was right to grant them the same privilege north of 36.30. They said they would agree to any measure but that infamous measure, the Mis souri Compromise. By the defeat of the ex pression of the Missouri Compromise line in 1848, as proposed by Mr. Buchanan in his Harvest Home letter, as proposed by myself in the Senate of the United States, the coun try was plunged into a whirlpool of dangers of sectional agitation and sectional controver sy which was the result of the defeat of the proposition to extend the Missouri Compro mise line as proposed by Mr. Buchanan, and inrroduced by myself. In 1850 the controversy had raged to such an extent that the best men in the land trem bled on the fate of the Republic. Even the immortal Clay, who, after a long life of pa triotic public services, he had retired to the shades of Ashland, to prepare himself for another and a happier existence. There in his retirement he heard the mutterings of the approaching storm—heard the angry voices of discord breathing sectional hatred and sec tional strife, until he felt bound to come out from his retirement into the Senate of the United States, the scene of bis greatest tri umphs, and proudest services, to see, if he, by his age, his experience, his counsel, could not do something to calm the troubled wa ters, and restore peace and quiet to adistract ed country. From the moment when Clay appeared in the Senate, all party strife was bushed, pa triotic feelings subdued factious resistance; Clay became the leader of all the Union men of the country. He had the great, the immortal Case, whom you have heard to night, for his right hand man, and the god like Webster for the left, and there ranged ground hint] all Ibo patriotic llpitm man Whigs and Democrats united by a common object, animated by a common spirit, and and that was to restore peace to the country, to quell the sectional strife that abolitionism and free-snilism had produced, in conse quence of defeating the proposition of Mr. Buchanan to extend the Missouri line to the Pacific ocean. For five long months we as sembled in the Council room each morning to plan the operations for that day— to head off faction—to suppress combination against the institutions of the country ; and there we arranged step by step the propositions until they resulted in the adoption of the measures known as the Compromise Measures of 1850. You all remember with what shouts and rejoicing the passage of those measares was recei' ed throughout the country. You all recollect the great meeting you then held here in Philadelphia, composed of Whigs and Democrats—Union men of all parties— who approved of the settlement which was made by those measures of that vexed ques tion: anil now let me remind you my friends, that among the proudest productions of that meeting here—in fact the chief ornament of that meeting—is the letter ol James Buchan an to the meeting congratulating the country upon the restoration of peace by the estab lishment of the great principles of the Com promise measures of 1850. Thus we find thai Mr. Buchanan was a mong the Brat to approve of those measures. He had been for the Missouri line—so had I. We tried to carry it out and were voted down. Failing in that we took the next best measure and succeeded in that, and, fortun ately for the country, that measure was a re turn to the true principles of the Constitution of the United Stales, as the great Washing ton, Madison, Hamilton and Franklin and other sages formed it in the Hail. From 1850, having returned to the Constitution, having abandoned all of these patch-work compro mises, which were outside of the Constitu tion, James Buchanan has stood firm and immovable by those principles. In 1854, it became my duty to report bills to organize Kansas and Nebiaska, or. the principles laid down in 1850, endorsed by the Whigs; endorsed by the Democracy; sanctioned by Mr. Buchanan's letter to the Philadelphia Ratification meeting; and I brought in the Nebraska bill in the form that it now stands, from the Statute book.— (Cheers.) That bill passed the Senate by a majority of the Whig party then in the body, also by a majority of the Democratic Sena tors receiving the votes of a majority of the Southern Senators, and also of a majority of all the Northern Senators; and yet we are told that the country was betrayed in the passage of that bill, (a voice—"no suob thing,") betrayed by whom I Betrayed by a majority of the North? Betrayed by the whole South? Betrayed by a majority of the Democrats? Betrayed by a majority of the Whigs—and that, too, in carrying out a prinoiple to whioh every Whig and every Democrat two years previously had pledged his honor to carry out in good faith. The fact is, that these Old Line Democrats who stood immovable by the principles of Truth and Bight d ufMur Country. that bill, wete true to their pledges, true to their instincts, (rue to those immortal Demo- I crstio principles which we alt love and cber | ish; and (host Whigs too, then and now, stand firmly spd proudly by those same prin ciples embraced in the Nebraska bill, stand where Clay stiod, where Webster stood; by the principles that were consecrated by the | death of Clay, tnd in the grave ol Webster. Old Line Whigi are now asked to abandon the faith of their parly; they are asked to repudiate the principles of Clay when yet (he grass is haally grown over bis grave; they are asked tt repudiate the great Consti tutional principles ol Webster, while yet his family are wearing the weeds of mourning, and ihey are asked to do thi* in order to join with those who not' only despise the Whig leaders, but denounce a Jeffer son, and a Madison, anient thermal patri ots, in consequence of their having lived in the Southern instead of the Northern section of :he conntty. It is simply a proposition to be decided whether we shall be governed by sectional lines or Constitutional principles. The pol icy of the Abolitionists is to array the North against the South—section against section— Slats against State—until civil war and dis union shall be the consequence. I ask, are you prepared to engsge in such a controver sy ? Are yon prepared to imbrue your hinds in a brother's blood? [Voices —"never, nev er."] Did oar Fathers of the Revolution make any distinction between a Northern and a Southern army? ("No, no,") When they made the Constitution, was (here any line drawn between a Northern and a South ern statesman—between a Northern and a Southern Patriot; and are we now,.when the Constitution is assailed,. whether it has been assailed on its Southern or its Northern border? What matters it to me if that great instrument is assailed, whether it he upon a point that' effects the rights of the South or the rights of the North? It is enough lor me to know that that great palladium of American Liberty has been rudely touched by a sacrilegious hand. I ask, if a foreign enemy should land en army here to invade our country, would you stop to enquire whether the invasion was made upon the line of the Northern Lakes, or upon the Gulf of Mexico, or upon the Pacific coast? Would it change your patriotism whether it was a Northern or Southern invasion? (No, no.) Then, why will you hesitate, when the Constitution is infringed, to enquire whether the infringement ia upon the South ern man's rights, or the Northern man's rights? Onr mollp is; as it is; the-Union as it was made, as it now is, and as it shall be in the future," —and these are the principles endorsed on the platform of the Cincinnati Convention. All men who believe in tbe integrity of the Constitution, and the perpetuity of tbe Union, ate asked to rally under these princi ples, which are essential to tbe preservation of either. Can any sectional party, animat ed with sectional prejudices, safely be en trusted with the preservation of this Union! [Cries of "No, no."] Has any other party sloughed off all its isms, and received the reformed, regenera ted, purified principles wbioh insures the preservation of the Union, like the Demo cratic patty ? Has any other parly suoh claims to nationality. What other parly has assurance enough to cross either the Potomac or the Ohio, and carry their principles forenqpsf on their ban ners? And yet you are asked So trust a par ly whose sole aim ia dissention instead of combination, hostility instead of fraternity, disunion instead of union. Now, my friends, these principles, these issues, are all involved in the present elec tion. Never had an American so much to animate his soul, and inspire his patriotism, as in this contest. With a platform that is our own, expressing our principles, cherish ing and sustaining alt our feelings and de sires; principles which insure peace and do mestic tranquility at home, and whose poli cy, if carried out, will command respect and honor abroad. With a compact so formed, can even calumny itself, with its thousand heads, dare to stain the private character of either? With Buchanan as our leader, and gallant young Breckinridge second in command, we hare a representation which commands the entire respect of the whole-country. Let me say to you, believe not that in supineness, we can achieve an easy victory. Do not be lulled into indifference and lethargy; but re member that our enemy is an arch fiend, who has sworn hatred, discord, heresy and schißms among men. Breihern, without the name, and dressed in different guises in each separate locality—in one place a Native American—tuling America by Americans— in another, • Black Republican—in anothdr, an Abolitionist—in another, a Free Soiler, and in. another, an anti-Nebraska man— changing his name and his colors wherever he goes—but he is the same insidious enemy of Democracy wherever he may be found, and whatever his name. [Applause]. I have of'en said, and now repeat, that all of these different factions and tnese faction-1 isls, are akin to each other. They will fuse and act together when the time of election comes. [Thai's so.] Hence we have to fight them as an allied army, and when we get the Democracy in a line, with suoh an army to back us as we have to-night, with the Xnow-Nolhings and Abolitionists, and all the other schisms in front of us, 1 tell you rake them down. I care not whioh of them you bit. (Applause.) Our object is not only to elect our men but to bury Abo litionism, with all its conoomitant evils, so deep in the grave that there will be no resur rection for them. We ask you for a major ity that will be recorded upon the eternal pages of history. We wish the Keystone State to pile up such a majority on the top of the key of the aroh, as will keep it forev er firm and immovable in ill place. (Con tinued Applause) A LAY OF REAL LIFE. BY TOM HOOD. "Some are born with a wooden spoon in their months, and some with a wooden la dle."—Goldsmith. "Some are born with a tftt ring in their no ses, and some with silver ones."— Silversmith. Who ruined me ere I was born, Sold every acre, grass, or corn, And left the next heir all forlorn ? My Grandfather. Who said my mother was no nnrae, And physicked me and made me worse, Till infancy became a curse? My Grandmother. Who left me in my seventh year, A comfort to my mother dear, And Mr. Pope, the overseer ? My Father. Who let me starve to buy her gin, Till all my bones came through my skin, Then called me "ugly little sin?" ( My Mother. Who said my mother was a Turk, And took me home—and made me work. But managed half my meals to shirk? My Aunt. Who "of all earthly things," would boast, 4*He hated others' brats the most," And therefore made me feel my post ? My Uncle. Who got in scrapes, an endless score, And always laid them at my door, Till many a bitter pang I bore? My Cousin. Who took me home when mother diod, Again with father to reside, Black shoes, clean knives, run far and wide? My Stepmother. Who married my stealthy urohin joys. And when I played cried "what a noise!" Girls always hector over boys— My Sister. Who used to share in what was mine, Or lake it all did he incline, 'Cause I was eight and he was nine? My Btother. Who stroked my head and said "good lad," And gave sixpence, "all he had;" But at the stall the coin was bad ? My Godfather. Who, gratis, shared my social glass, Hut when misfortune came to pass, eferred me to the pump? Alas! My Friend. Through all this weary world, in brief, Who ever sympathised with griel, Or shared my joy—my sole relief? Myself. THE UNION IS SAFE!—A Western poet says the Knickerbocker, composed the following ia jost an hour--by a Connecticut clock.— There can be no danger while there ia so much 'Speril' iu the country: What! bust this glorious Union up, An' go to drawin' triggers, Just for a thundsrin' parcel of Emancipated niggers? The eagle of Ameriky, Though flu across the seas, An' threwed the bluddy British lion Ker slump upon his knees; Say, shall we rend him lim' from lim' Wun wing wun way, an' won lather, An' every sepperit pin feather A flyin' at the other ? It can't be did! "THAT LETTER'S FOR ME."—A rather a musir.g scene was witnessed at the Colum bus, Ohio, post office, the other morning. A rough, uncouth looking customer inquired for a letter at the general delivery. He re oeived one, and not being sure that it was for him, he asked the clerk to read a few [ lines to him. The postmaster, with his usual urbanity and natural desire to accommodate, resd as follows ; "Dear S——. This letter comes a hop pin'. I take my pen in Hand to inform you that we are awl well, and hope you are en joyin' the same blessin'. lam sorry to hear that yon have been on another drunken spree " "Stop!" shouted the attentive listener, "stop, 1 say, that 'ere letter's lor me; here's your live cents, and fork that 'ere document over I" And amid a general laugh of the by standers, he vanished. A CHILD'S ANSWER.—A father once said playlully to his little daughter, a child abont five years old: "Mary you are not good for any thing." 'Yes, f am, dear father,' replied she, look ing thoughtfully and tenderly into his face. "Why, what are you good for—pray tell me, my dear?" "lam good to love you, father," replied she at the same time throwing her tiny arms around bis neck, and giviug him a kiss of unutterable affection. Blessed child ! may your life ever be an expression ol that early felt instinct of love. The highest good you or any other mortal can possibly confer is, to live in the full ex ercise of affection. WHAT IT COSTS —The people of the United States, in gratuities to ocean mail st tamers, pay about twioe as muoh as England pays fur the same mail service. There are paid to two of the oompanies, viz., the New York and California and the Collins, upwards of sixteen hundred thousand dollars a year,while the receipts of postage from both are only about one-tbird of the money paid to them. DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE SINGULAR AND PLURAL. —When William, Prince of Orange, landed in England, be said to the people whom he first met: "I come for your good, for all your goods." E7* Universally Admitted—that unless a union is effected between the Black Republi cans, Americans, et id omne genus, "Buck" and "Breck" will walk into tbe White House without opposition. ANECDOTE. Old Parson 8., who presided over a little flock in one of the back towns of the Stale of eccentric divine we ever knew. Hit eccen trlcities|were carried as far in the pulpit as out of it. An instance we will relate. Among his church members was one who invariably made a practice of leaving ohurob ere the parson was two-thirds through his sermon. This was practised so long, that af ter while it became a matter of course, and no one, save the divine, seemed to lake no tioe of it. And he at length notified brother P. that such a thing must, he felt assured, be needless, but P. said at that hour his family needed bis services at home, and he must do it, nevertheless, on leaving church he always took a roundabout course, which by some mysterious means always brought him in close proximity with the village tavern, which he would enter, "and thereby hanga a tale." Parson B. acsrtained from some source that P.'e object in leaving the church was to ob tain a 'dram,' and be determined to stop his leaving and disturbing the congregation in future, if such a thing was possible. The next Sabbath, brother P. left his seat at the usual time, and started for the door, when Parson B. exclaimed : "Brother P.!' P., on being thus addressed, stopped short, and gazed toward the pulpit. "Brother P.," continued the parson, "there is no need of your leaving church at this lime aa I passed the tavern this morning, I made arrangements with the landlord to keep your toddy hot till church was out." The surprise and mortification of tho broth er can hardly be imagined. A Word fitly Spoken to a Young Minister. Many a preacher, on whose lips admiring crowds have hung, has had to look back with grateful recollection on some kind word fitly spoken to him at the commencement of his course, as having had not a little to do with the splendor of its subsequent stages. One such piece ol counsel Mr. VVardlaw reoeived Irom his uncle Mr. Ewing Maclae, which proved to him a cherished lesson for life. "Ralph," said his uncle after hearing him preach his first sermor. in public, "did you notice that poor woman in the duffle cloak that sal under the pulpit when you were preaching to-day?" * "Yes, sir." "Well, my msn, remember that the people like her have souls as well as their betters, and that a ministers business is 100 feed the poor and illiterate as well as the rich and ed ucated. Your sermon to-duy was a very in genious and well composed discourse, and in that respect you did great credit ; but there was not a word in it for the old woman in lhe]duffle cloak." The young preacher, from his literary and scientific studies, and with the learned professors and profound divines before hie mind as 'he model of excellence, had fallen naturally into the error of auppo sing that sort of thing which would have commanded plaudits in the class room, wa9 equally suited to meet the demands of the pulpit. It was kind to undeceive him on this point; his uncle's strictures did so ; and from that point forward he erred in (his way no more.— Life of Dr. Wardlaw. CAPITAL HITS. A good story is told of Marcy and Doug las. At a dinner given by tbe former to Mr. Buchanan, during bis recent visit to Wash ington City, and when the conversation turn ed somewhat on the Presidency, the old Premier, turning to the "Little Giant" said: "Douglas, you put me in mind of a story I once read." "What is that?" said he.— "Why," said Marcy, "a man was driving along the road at a furious rate, when he sud denly stopped and inquired of a countryman how far it was to a certain village to which he was going. The latter replied that it was about twelve miles; but (and Marcy fixed a quizzical look upon Douglas, as he uitered the concluding part of the sentence with em phasis,) you will get there sooner if you do not drive quite so Jastl". All present (inclu ding the "Little Giant," who relishes a good joke, even if it should be cracked at bis own expense,) joined in a hearty laugh—and for oaoe in his life Douglas had to knock un der. An excellent alory is also told of Dong las and Buchanan- Douglas was sitting in a private parlor at Guy's National Hotel tbe other nigbt talking with a dozen of Buchan an's friends, when the latter having been sent for, came in and joined tbe party. "My young friend," said Buchanan, soon after wards, turning patronizingly to Douglas, Wet me give you a little advice." "Thank you!" instantly retorted Douglas,seizing him by the hand, "I expect to choose my Conslilnlional advisers soon, and am most happy thus to re ceive your acceptanco in advanoe." " Old Buck" was so coofused by this turn in the conversation that he forgot the proffered ad vice altogether.— Lancaster Intelligencer. QT "Any game hereabouts !" said a new ly arrived to a Texan. "Guess so," said the Lone Star, "and plenty of 'em—we have bluff, poke, euchre, all fours and moote, and just as many others as you'll like to play." "I'm a stranger in a strange place," aaid a clergymen on entering a printing office; 'and you will tie a stranger to a better place;' replied the typo, "if you do not practice closer what you preaob." [Two Dollars Dor Aaaaw. NUMBER 23. | Enormous Fraud—sloo,ooo Involved. The parliculiws of a fraud involving prop erly 10 the amount of <IOO,OOO, perpetrated upon an aged gentleman named James Gar vie, residing at Glenn Cove, L. 1., have re cently been brought to light. The alleged perpetrator is Wm. S. Henna, a carpenter, living m the Ihiid atorv of No. 103 Lewis Street, and an old acquaintance of Mr. Gar vie. It ie elated that Hanna, about four weeks ago, induced Mr. G. to visit htm and remain at his house while in this city; and after getting him in the house he plied him with drugged liquor day after day for lour weeks, thus keeping his mind in an oblivi ous state; that during this time he persuaded the old man to sign a power of attorney giv ing him authority to act for him; that by vir tue of this instrument Hanna colleoled mon ey from John Lafarge on a claim of <I6OO. He also.obtained from Justice Anderson, Garvie's counsel, a deed lor two houses and lots in One hundred and twenty-seventh street, near sixth avenue; also a note for 82900 from Judge Henderson. Besides this power of attorney, Garvie, while under the influence of the drugged liquor, gave Hanna a bill of sale for the sloop Freedom, worth 81250. Also a bill of sale for an interest in the bark J. Wall, now at sea. Also a lease of 135 acres of land at Glen Cove, L. 1., to gether with the stock, tools, &0., on the place, valued at 810,000, and to orown all, he got the old man to make a will in favor of his (Hanna's) daughter, and appointing him executor. All this being accomplished, and property to the value of about 8100,000 having been transferred to Hanna, he extort ed from Mr. Garvie a promise that be would go to sea. Thus far things worked well, and Hanna and others who acted in concert with him, in ordet to have the business fully con summated, advertised the whole of the prop erty for sale on the sth inst. at the Merchant's Exchange. Before the sale, however, the unfortunate victim was allowed by some mistake to get sober, and then by the advice ol friends he was induced to go before Jus tice Wood and make a complaint against Hanna. A warrant fo: the arrest of the lat ter Was issued, and on Sunday he was cap lured by the Eleveuth Ward Police and lock ed up in default of 85,000 bail. The prop erly was not sold as advertised, on the 6th inst., as Judge Anderson and A. Cordoza, counsel for Mr. Garvie, having seen the ad vertisement, procured an injunction from the Supreme Court. The matter will be investi gated before Justice Wood, and parties not named will probably be Implicated.—New York Tribune, June 9th. Interesting (torn Russia. The Emperor of Russia has given the whole of his fleet a new arrangement, which had become necessary in consequence of the events of the late war. The Russian papers in speaking of the new arrangements, say that the saving that will now be effected by the suppression of the expensive Black Sea fleet, in conformity with the terms of the treaiy of peace, which amounts to 15,000,- 000 or 20,000,000, will, in all probability, be applied to the development and strengthen ing of the naval force in the Baltic, White Sea, and Pacific Ocean. Numerous projeoted railways are spoken ol in St. Petersburg correspondence. One especially is put froward for ooniinuing the Riga-Dunaborg Lino up to Kursk, by which the fruitful centre of Russia will be put intb rapid cocnection with the Western provinoee and seaports, and will secure the inhabitants of those districts from the return of dearth from which they frequently suffer. Two other lines are proposed—one from Odessa to Krementschug, and the-other from Theo dosia, in the Crimea, to Moscow. According to the latest advioes from St. Petersburg, the coronation is now fixed foi August 24tb, (Sept. Mb.) The flatness of tiado still continues in St. Petersburg, the demand for Russian goods for export is small; that for imported goods still smaller. The holders of tallow are un willing to sell at the present prloes, and the same appears to be the case with hemp and flax. The cholera appears to be showing itself again in St. Petersburg. The daily mortali ty bas risen of late from two or three to as many as twenty-one. The numbor of deaths that have already taken place in the present outbreak is 304. NEBRASKA TERRITORY.— The last number received of the Nebraskian, published at Omaha city, says— "Our hoteU are crowded to overflowing, and still the number of new-comers arriving daily is oonetantly increasing. The steam ers, which reach our landing almost every day, HII bring with them emigrants by the river for this place, and the 'heavy-wheeled wagons' which cross at our ferry tell of the travel hither by the overland route. "The fertile and attractive country by whieh we are surrounded ia fast being settled end transformed into cultivated farms, so that ws are sure of the substantial wealth, the 'bona and sinew' to sustain our city in its rapid growth." I7A STAGE coaob recently arrived in Sac ramento, California, with a load of Califor* niaoa, which may be taken as a sample of the traveling population. In it were two conviots on thoir way to the State Prison, ■ counterfeiter, a horse thief, a deputy Sheriff, a slippery, crafty and prominent politician, two county officers, an expressman, a collec tor of foreign miner's lax, two negroes and four Chinamen.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers