THE STAR OF THE NORTH.
B" W. Weaver, Proprietor.]
VOLUME 8.
THE STAR OF THE NORTH
IS PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY MORNING BY
K. W. WEAVER,
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ORIGINAL "POETRY.
J or the "Star of the North."
NELLY.
Oh I thou art now at rest, Nelly,
Tby body 'neath the sod;
And thy freed spirit wafted home
Unto its maker— GOD.
. But one short year ago, Nelly,
Thou wert happy, blithe and gay; i
And now tby body lies beneath
The cold unfeeling clay.
Thou'rt free from earthly pain, Nelly,
Thy sufferings here are o'er;
And we hope thou'rt in that "Happy Land,"
"Where mortals weep no more."
We mourn thee "loved and Jost," Nelly,
We miss thee from our band;
But trust thou'rt singing praises now
With the saints at "God's right hsnd."
The friends whom thon hast left, Nelly,
As the tear drops dim the eye;
Will grieve that one they loved so well,
So soon should droop and die.
Bat we'll bid thee now farewell, Nelly,
And dry our streaming eyes;
And strive to live that we at last,
May join the in the skies.
Hemlock Col. Co., Pa. LILLIAN.
SPEECH OF HON. S. A. DOUGLAS.
DELIVERED AT THE PHILADELPHIA MISS MEET
ING OF 20,000 PEOPLE IN INDEPENDENCE
SQUARE.
FELLOW DEMOCRATS:—I have before me a
sure guarantee of that triumph which certain
ly awaits us at the polls in this election.—
When, on any former occasion, was there
ever such a dense mars of Democratic vo
ters assembled to ratify the nominations for
the Presidency and Vice Presidency? This
vast assemblage, which may be measured by
the acre, rather than counted by thousands!
It shows the deep and heartfelt interest which
the people of this country feel in the mo
mentous cohtest in which we have justemei*
ged.
Never aince that memorable-contest of
1800, which resulted in the election of the
immortal Jefferson, has there been a lime
when issues, so pregnant with good or evil to
our institutions, have been presented, as in
the one which is now before us. Great ques
tions of foreign policy, great questions of do
mestic policy ; questions ftaught with the
most intense import, are now before us.
In our foreign policy there is a question
which involves in its settlement the peace,
the perpetuity of this glorious Republic. It
is simply a question whether the principle of
self-government upon which all our institu
tions rest, shall be maintained in the Stales
and Territories of this Union, subject only to
the limitations of the Constitution of the Uni
ted States. [Cheers and long applause—
Hnrrahs for Squatter Sovereignty.]
The Cincinnati Convention has performed
its duty honorably, wisely, and patriotically,
upon all points presented to ttiem. It has
presented to the country a platform which
commands the hearty approbation of every
sonnd national man in the country; and it
hat presented candidates for the Presidency
and Vice Presidency, worthy of the platform
on which they stand. Those nominations
have been made, and that platlorm has been
adopted by a unanimous vote—receiving the
vote of every delegate from every State of
thia great and glorioua Republic.
Shall it hereafter be said that the Demo
cratic parly is not a National party ? W hat
other party ever existed in this country which
could proclaim its creed by an unanimous
vole. A creed to be construed alike in Penn
sylvania and Virginia, in New York and
Georgia, in Illinois and Louisiana, in the
North and the South, iu the East and the
West. Whatever the. Constitution reigns,
there the Democratic creed ia one and the
ame. It is a creed that can commaud the
faith and support of every Democrat—aye,
and of every old line Whig who is true to the
principles of Clay and Webster.
It is to be remarked, and never to be for
gotten, that in 1850 the leaders—the cham
pions of the "true grit" political patty—your
Clays and your Webstera, your Cusses and
your other patriots of the Democratic party—
united and agreeing upon a common creed
in respect to this vexed question of slavery,
which should be common alike to Whigs and
to Democrats.
We agreed then, that we might quarrel and
differ as much as we pleased in respeol to
banks and tariffs, and public Itnds, and other
question* of expediency ; but upon that great
vital question, upon those fundamental prin-
ciples which involve the integrity or the Con
•titution, the stability oi the Union, all patri
ots of all parties and shades of opinion would
agree that the great principle of State equali
ty and self-government, under the Constitu
tion, were paramount to all parly conflicts
and party differences. Hence, in 1852, when
the Whig parly assembled in their national
convention, to present candidates to the coun
try for their suffrages, they resolved that the
principles of the compromise of 1850 should
be firmly, steadily and honestly carried out;
wh.r. the Democracy assembled at Baltimore
and presented our ticket for the seme offices,
BLODMSBURG; COLUMBIA COUNTY; PA., WEDNESDAY, tfUNE 25, 1856.
we passed resolutions to the same' effect. —
Whigs And Democrats agreed on the great
platform involving the Slavery issue, the
question of §tate rights—the question of the
right of self-government in the territoties.
After the great triumph of 1852, it became
my duty as the organ of the Senate upon that
question to report the Kansas Nebraska Bill.
[Great cheering.] The Cincinnati Conven
tion has said, by a unanimous vote, that the
great principles of State rights and popular
sovereignty, embraced in the compromise of
1850, endorsed by the Whigs in National
Convention of 1852, affirmed by the Democ
racy in the election of Ger.. Pierce of 1852,
were rightly applied in the organization of
Kansas and Nebraska in 1854.
I ask, then, what Democrat can depart from
the fai'h of the party, as proclaimed at Cin
cinnati] without repudiating the long oher
ished principles which he, as a member of
the parly, has advocated from the time that
he came on the stage ? And I ask further,
with emphasis, what Whig, what disciple of
the immortal Clay or the godlike Webster,
can depart from the principles embraced in
the compromise measure of 1850, and re-as
serted in the Nebraska bill, without repudia
ting the principles to which Whig stood
pledged in the election of 1852?
If a man was an honest Whig then, in or
der to be consistent, he must vote for James
Buchanan now; if a Whig believed that the
great compromise measures of 1850 were
right then, he must carry out the platform of
the Cincinnati Convention now, in order to
be true to the memory of the great Clay and
the great Webster, whose last great act waß
to adopt those measures. [Great cheering.]
Yet you will find men who have proven
false to the Whig parly, with which they
once acted, and have gone into the secret
Lodges of Ktiow-Nolhingism, taunting Whigs
for not following them into those dark places.
I ask you, can a Whig join the Know-Noth
ing Order or connect himself with the Black
Republican parly, without repudiating all the
principles which the Whig party has advo
cated for yqars? Hence the Cincinnati Con
vention acted wisely and properly when they
asked all men to co-operate with them in
their principles, and to units -in the election
of their nominees now, without reference to
past political differences.
We are told by the allied enemies, compo
sed of Black Republicans, Know Nothings,
and the other affiliated evils, that the Demo
cratic parly are to be condemned because of
our policy in regard to Kansas territory. I
ask you to observe for one moment what has
happened in Kansas and Nebraska. Those
two territories were organized by the same
law. In Nebraska, where there has been no
foreign interference, where Abolitionism has
not conducted its operations, to which the
Emigrant Aid Society did not extend its ef
forts, there is nothing but peace and quiet.—
On the other hand in Kansas, where Aboli
tionism has appeared, where the Emigrant
Aid Society attempted to control the people,
you find violence and discord, and rebellion
against the laws of the land. Do not these
two facts show that the principle of the Ne
braska bill was right ? The only difficulties
that have occurred, have diisen from the fact
that the opponents of the measure were de
termined not to give the bill a fair chance.
If you will examine into these facts, you
will find that the allegations have not one
particle of ground on which to stand. Our
principles are the principles of the Constitu
tion ; they are the principles of law and or
der, ol peace and quiet. Our remedy for ex
isting evils in Kansas is that the Constitution
and lawß shall prevail. We are the advo
cates of the supremacy of the laws ; our op
ponents are the advocates of lawless violence
and of rebellion against the constituted au
thorities of the country. One of the great
questions to be now decided is whether the
law shall prevail, or whether violence shall
triumph; and the decision of that question
is involved in the election which is now to
lake place.
In regard to this present election our ene
mies are in the habit of asking 'he question:
How can James Buchanan stand upon the
platform which has been made for us at Cin
cinnati ? I ask, and do it with emphasis—
how can James Buchanan, with his antece
dents, stand on any other platform than the
one made at Cincinnati? Our opponents
have been in the habit of saying that they
have made a Douglas platform, and then pot
Buchanan on it. I ask you to examine this
matter for a moment and you will find that
James Buchanan and myself occupy iden
tically the same position, and have done so
for years, on this slavery question, in all its
phases.
In 1846, when Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylva
nia, proposed the Wilmot proviso, I, then in
the House of Representatives, proposed as a
substitute, to extend the Missouri Line to the
Pacific ocetn. You all remember,that in Oc
tober, 1847, James Buchanan wrote his cel
ebrated "Harvest Home letter," of Berks
county, and in that, proposed to extend that
line to the Pacific ocean, as tbe dividing line
between slavery and freedom. He did not
maintain then that the Missouri Compromise
was founded on sound or wise principles, but j
finding it on the statute book, rather than
hazard the peace and harmony of the coun
try, he was willing to close the controversy
forever by extending it to the Pacific, rather
than to raise sectional strife even to carry out
a sound priooiple. Acting on that same the
ory, in August, 1848, 1 proposed, in the Sen
ate of the United States, a law to extend the
Missouri line to the Pacifio ocean, in the
same sense and with the same understand
ing, with which it was originally adopted.—
That proposition passed the Senate and was
voted down in the House of Representatives,
by Northern men with Free Soil and Aboli
tion proclivities. Had the policy of Buchan
an, as proposed in his "Harvest Home let
ter," then prevailed—the same policy which
I advocated in the law of 1848—there would
have been an end to this sectional controver
sy forever. Who is responsible for the de
feat of the proposition to extend that line to
the Pacific? Certainly not James Buchanan
—certainly not myself—certainly not the
Democratic party. The men who were re
sponsible for that were the Abolitionists, the
Free Soilers, the present Anti-Nebraska men
of the country.
They then told us that the Missouri law
was an infamous measure; said that if sla
very was right on the south side of the line,
it was right on the north side. Th..y said if
it was right to leave the people do. as ibny
pleased on the south side of 36 36, it was
right to grant them the same privilege north
of 36.30. They said they would agree to any
measure but that infamous measure, the Mis
souri Compromise. By the defeat of the ex
pression of the Missouri Compromise line in
1848, as proposed by Mr. Buchanan in his
Harvest Home letter, as proposed by myself
in the Senate of the United States, the coun
try was plunged into a whirlpool of dangers
of sectional agitation and sectional controver
sy which was the result of the defeat of the
proposition to extend the Missouri Compro
mise line as proposed by Mr. Buchanan, and
inrroduced by myself.
In 1850 the controversy had raged to such
an extent that the best men in the land trem
bled on the fate of the Republic. Even the
immortal Clay, who, after a long life of pa
triotic public services, he had retired to the
shades of Ashland, to prepare himself for
another and a happier existence. There in
his retirement he heard the mutterings of the
approaching storm—heard the angry voices
of discord breathing sectional hatred and sec
tional strife, until he felt bound to come out
from his retirement into the Senate of the
United States, the scene of bis greatest tri
umphs, and proudest services, to see, if he,
by his age, his experience, his counsel, could
not do something to calm the troubled wa
ters, and restore peace and quiet to adistract
ed country.
From the moment when Clay appeared in
the Senate, all party strife was bushed, pa
triotic feelings subdued factious resistance;
Clay became the leader of all the Union
men of the country. He had the great, the
immortal Case, whom you have heard to
night, for his right hand man, and the god
like Webster for the left, and there ranged
ground hint] all Ibo patriotic llpitm man
Whigs and Democrats united by a common
object, animated by a common spirit, and
and that was to restore peace to the country,
to quell the sectional strife that abolitionism
and free-snilism had produced, in conse
quence of defeating the proposition of Mr.
Buchanan to extend the Missouri line to the
Pacific ocean. For five long months we as
sembled in the Council room each morning
to plan the operations for that day— to head
off faction—to suppress combination against
the institutions of the country ; and there we
arranged step by step the propositions until
they resulted in the adoption of the measures
known as the Compromise Measures of
1850.
You all remember with what shouts and
rejoicing the passage of those measares was
recei' ed throughout the country. You all
recollect the great meeting you then held
here in Philadelphia, composed of Whigs
and Democrats—Union men of all parties—
who approved of the settlement which was
made by those measures of that vexed ques
tion: anil now let me remind you my friends,
that among the proudest productions of that
meeting here—in fact the chief ornament of
that meeting—is the letter ol James Buchan
an to the meeting congratulating the country
upon the restoration of peace by the estab
lishment of the great principles of the Com
promise measures of 1850.
Thus we find thai Mr. Buchanan was a
mong the Brat to approve of those measures.
He had been for the Missouri line—so had
I. We tried to carry it out and were voted
down. Failing in that we took the next best
measure and succeeded in that, and, fortun
ately for the country, that measure was a re
turn to the true principles of the Constitution
of the United Stales, as the great Washing
ton, Madison, Hamilton and Franklin and
other sages formed it in the Hail. From 1850,
having returned to the Constitution, having
abandoned all of these patch-work compro
mises, which were outside of the Constitu
tion, James Buchanan has stood firm and
immovable by those principles.
In 1854, it became my duty to report bills
to organize Kansas and Nebiaska, or. the
principles laid down in 1850, endorsed by
the Whigs; endorsed by the Democracy;
sanctioned by Mr. Buchanan's letter to the
Philadelphia Ratification meeting; and I
brought in the Nebraska bill in the form
that it now stands, from the Statute book.—
(Cheers.) That bill passed the Senate by a
majority of the Whig party then in the body,
also by a majority of the Democratic Sena
tors receiving the votes of a majority of the
Southern Senators, and also of a majority of
all the Northern Senators; and yet we are
told that the country was betrayed in the
passage of that bill, (a voice—"no suob
thing,") betrayed by whom I Betrayed by
a majority of the North? Betrayed by the
whole South? Betrayed by a majority of
the Democrats? Betrayed by a majority of
the Whigs—and that, too, in carrying out a
prinoiple to whioh every Whig and every
Democrat two years previously had pledged
his honor to carry out in good faith.
The fact is, that these Old Line Democrats
who stood immovable by the principles of
Truth and Bight d ufMur Country.
that bill, wete true to their pledges, true to
their instincts, (rue to those immortal Demo-
I crstio principles which we alt love and cber
| ish; and (host Whigs too, then and now,
stand firmly spd proudly by those same prin
ciples embraced in the Nebraska bill, stand
where Clay stiod, where Webster stood; by
the principles that were consecrated by the |
death of Clay, tnd in the grave ol Webster.
Old Line Whigi are now asked to abandon
the faith of their parly; they are asked to
repudiate the principles of Clay when yet
(he grass is haally grown over bis grave;
they are asked tt repudiate the great Consti
tutional principles ol Webster, while yet his
family are wearing the weeds of mourning,
and ihey are asked to do thi* in order to join
with those who not' only despise the Whig
leaders, but denounce a Jeffer
son, and a Madison, anient thermal patri
ots, in consequence of their having lived in
the Southern instead of the Northern section
of :he conntty.
It is simply a proposition to be decided
whether we shall be governed by sectional
lines or Constitutional principles. The pol
icy of the Abolitionists is to array the North
against the South—section against section—
Slats against State—until civil war and dis
union shall be the consequence. I ask, are
you prepared to engsge in such a controver
sy ? Are yon prepared to imbrue your hinds
in a brother's blood? [Voices —"never, nev
er."] Did oar Fathers of the Revolution
make any distinction between a Northern
and a Southern army? ("No, no,") When
they made the Constitution, was (here any
line drawn between a Northern and a South
ern statesman—between a Northern and a
Southern Patriot; and are we now,.when the
Constitution is assailed,. whether
it has been assailed on its Southern or its
Northern border? What matters it to me if
that great instrument is assailed, whether it
he upon a point that' effects the rights of the
South or the rights of the North? It is enough
lor me to know that that great palladium of
American Liberty has been rudely touched
by a sacrilegious hand. I ask, if a foreign
enemy should land en army here to invade
our country, would you stop to enquire
whether the invasion was made upon the
line of the Northern Lakes, or upon the
Gulf of Mexico, or upon the Pacific coast?
Would it change your patriotism whether it
was a Northern or Southern invasion? (No,
no.) Then, why will you hesitate, when
the Constitution is infringed, to enquire
whether the infringement ia upon the South
ern man's rights, or the Northern man's
rights? Onr mollp is; as
it is; the-Union as it was made, as it now is,
and as it shall be in the future," —and these
are the principles endorsed on the platform
of the Cincinnati Convention.
All men who believe in tbe integrity of
the Constitution, and the perpetuity of tbe
Union, ate asked to rally under these princi
ples, which are essential to tbe preservation
of either. Can any sectional party, animat
ed with sectional prejudices, safely be en
trusted with the preservation of this Union!
[Cries of "No, no."]
Has any other party sloughed off all its
isms, and received the reformed, regenera
ted, purified principles wbioh insures the
preservation of the Union, like the Demo
cratic patty ? Has any other parly suoh
claims to nationality.
What other parly has assurance enough
to cross either the Potomac or the Ohio, and
carry their principles forenqpsf on their ban
ners? And yet you are asked So trust a par
ly whose sole aim ia dissention instead of
combination, hostility instead of fraternity,
disunion instead of union.
Now, my friends, these principles, these
issues, are all involved in the present elec
tion. Never had an American so much to
animate his soul, and inspire his patriotism,
as in this contest. With a platform that is
our own, expressing our principles, cherish
ing and sustaining alt our feelings and de
sires; principles which insure peace and do
mestic tranquility at home, and whose poli
cy, if carried out, will command respect and
honor abroad. With a compact so formed,
can even calumny itself, with its thousand
heads, dare to stain the private character of
either?
With Buchanan as our leader, and gallant
young Breckinridge second in command, we
hare a representation which commands the
entire respect of the whole-country. Let
me say to you, believe not that in supineness,
we can achieve an easy victory. Do not be
lulled into indifference and lethargy; but re
member that our enemy is an arch fiend,
who has sworn hatred, discord, heresy and
schißms among men. Breihern, without the
name, and dressed in different guises in each
separate locality—in one place a Native
American—tuling America by Americans—
in another, • Black Republican—in anothdr,
an Abolitionist—in another, a Free Soiler,
and in. another, an anti-Nebraska man—
changing his name and his colors wherever
he goes—but he is the same insidious enemy
of Democracy wherever he may be found,
and whatever his name. [Applause].
I have of'en said, and now repeat, that all
of these different factions and tnese faction-1
isls, are akin to each other. They will fuse
and act together when the time of election
comes. [Thai's so.] Hence we have to
fight them as an allied army, and when we
get the Democracy in a line, with suoh an
army to back us as we have to-night, with
the Xnow-Nolhings and Abolitionists, and
all the other schisms in front of us, 1 tell
you rake them down. I care not whioh of
them you bit. (Applause.) Our object is
not only to elect our men but to bury Abo
litionism, with all its conoomitant evils, so
deep in the grave that there will be no resur
rection for them. We ask you for a major
ity that will be recorded upon the eternal
pages of history. We wish the Keystone
State to pile up such a majority on the top
of the key of the aroh, as will keep it forev
er firm and immovable in ill place. (Con
tinued Applause)
A LAY OF REAL LIFE.
BY TOM HOOD.
"Some are born with a wooden spoon in
their months, and some with a wooden la
dle."—Goldsmith.
"Some are born with a tftt ring in their no
ses, and some with silver ones."— Silversmith.
Who ruined me ere I was born,
Sold every acre, grass, or corn,
And left the next heir all forlorn ?
My Grandfather.
Who said my mother was no nnrae,
And physicked me and made me worse,
Till infancy became a curse?
My Grandmother.
Who left me in my seventh year,
A comfort to my mother dear,
And Mr. Pope, the overseer ?
My Father.
Who let me starve to buy her gin,
Till all my bones came through my skin,
Then called me "ugly little sin?" (
My Mother.
Who said my mother was a Turk,
And took me home—and made me work.
But managed half my meals to shirk?
My Aunt.
Who "of all earthly things," would boast,
4*He hated others' brats the most,"
And therefore made me feel my post ?
My Uncle.
Who got in scrapes, an endless score,
And always laid them at my door,
Till many a bitter pang I bore?
My Cousin.
Who took me home when mother diod,
Again with father to reside,
Black shoes, clean knives, run far and wide?
My Stepmother.
Who married my stealthy urohin joys.
And when I played cried "what a noise!"
Girls always hector over boys—
My Sister.
Who used to share in what was mine,
Or lake it all did he incline,
'Cause I was eight and he was nine?
My Btother.
Who stroked my head and said "good lad,"
And gave sixpence, "all he had;"
But at the stall the coin was bad ?
My Godfather.
Who, gratis, shared my social glass,
Hut when misfortune came to pass,
eferred me to the pump? Alas!
My Friend.
Through all this weary world, in brief,
Who ever sympathised with griel,
Or shared my joy—my sole relief?
Myself.
THE UNION IS SAFE!—A Western poet says
the Knickerbocker, composed the following
ia jost an hour--by a Connecticut clock.—
There can be no danger while there ia so
much 'Speril' iu the country:
What! bust this glorious Union up,
An' go to drawin' triggers,
Just for a thundsrin' parcel of
Emancipated niggers?
The eagle of Ameriky,
Though flu across the seas,
An' threwed the bluddy British lion
Ker slump upon his knees;
Say, shall we rend him lim' from lim'
Wun wing wun way, an' won lather,
An' every sepperit pin feather
A flyin' at the other ?
It can't be did!
"THAT LETTER'S FOR ME."—A rather a
musir.g scene was witnessed at the Colum
bus, Ohio, post office, the other morning. A
rough, uncouth looking customer inquired
for a letter at the general delivery. He re
oeived one, and not being sure that it was
for him, he asked the clerk to read a few
[ lines to him. The postmaster, with his usual
urbanity and natural desire to accommodate,
resd as follows ;
"Dear S——. This letter comes a hop
pin'. I take my pen in Hand to inform you
that we are awl well, and hope you are en
joyin' the same blessin'. lam sorry to hear
that yon have been on another drunken spree
"
"Stop!" shouted the attentive listener,
"stop, 1 say, that 'ere letter's lor me; here's
your live cents, and fork that 'ere document
over I" And amid a general laugh of the by
standers, he vanished.
A CHILD'S ANSWER.—A father once said
playlully to his little daughter, a child abont
five years old: "Mary you are not good for
any thing."
'Yes, f am, dear father,' replied she, look
ing thoughtfully and tenderly into his face.
"Why, what are you good for—pray tell
me, my dear?"
"lam good to love you, father," replied she
at the same time throwing her tiny arms
around bis neck, and giviug him a kiss of
unutterable affection.
Blessed child ! may your life ever be an
expression ol that early felt instinct of love.
The highest good you or any other mortal
can possibly confer is, to live in the full ex
ercise of affection.
WHAT IT COSTS —The people of the United
States, in gratuities to ocean mail st tamers,
pay about twioe as muoh as England pays
fur the same mail service. There are paid
to two of the oompanies, viz., the New York
and California and the Collins, upwards of
sixteen hundred thousand dollars a year,while
the receipts of postage from both are only
about one-tbird of the money paid to them.
DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE SINGULAR AND
PLURAL. —When William, Prince of Orange,
landed in England, be said to the people
whom he first met: "I come for your good,
for all your goods."
E7* Universally Admitted—that unless a
union is effected between the Black Republi
cans, Americans, et id omne genus, "Buck"
and "Breck" will walk into tbe White House
without opposition.
ANECDOTE.
Old Parson 8., who presided over a little
flock in one of the back towns of the Stale of
eccentric divine we ever knew. Hit eccen
trlcities|were carried as far in the pulpit as out
of it. An instance we will relate.
Among his church members was one who
invariably made a practice of leaving ohurob
ere the parson was two-thirds through his
sermon. This was practised so long, that af
ter while it became a matter of course, and
no one, save the divine, seemed to lake no
tioe of it. And he at length notified brother
P. that such a thing must, he felt assured, be
needless, but P. said at that hour his family
needed bis services at home, and he must do
it, nevertheless, on leaving church he always
took a roundabout course, which by some
mysterious means always brought him in
close proximity with the village tavern, which
he would enter, "and thereby hanga a tale."
Parson B. acsrtained from some source that
P.'e object in leaving the church was to ob
tain a 'dram,' and be determined to stop his
leaving and disturbing the congregation in
future, if such a thing was possible.
The next Sabbath, brother P. left his seat
at the usual time, and started for the door,
when Parson B. exclaimed :
"Brother P.!'
P., on being thus addressed, stopped short,
and gazed toward the pulpit.
"Brother P.," continued the parson, "there
is no need of your leaving church at this lime
aa I passed the tavern this morning, I made
arrangements with the landlord to keep your
toddy hot till church was out."
The surprise and mortification of tho broth
er can hardly be imagined.
A Word fitly Spoken to a Young Minister.
Many a preacher, on whose lips admiring
crowds have hung, has had to look back with
grateful recollection on some kind word fitly
spoken to him at the commencement of his
course, as having had not a little to do with
the splendor of its subsequent stages. One
such piece ol counsel Mr. VVardlaw reoeived
Irom his uncle Mr. Ewing Maclae, which
proved to him a cherished lesson for life.
"Ralph," said his uncle after hearing him
preach his first sermor. in public, "did you
notice that poor woman in the duffle cloak
that sal under the pulpit when you were
preaching to-day?"
* "Yes, sir."
"Well, my msn, remember that the people
like her have souls as well as their betters,
and that a ministers business is 100 feed the
poor and illiterate as well as the rich and ed
ucated. Your sermon to-duy was a very in
genious and well composed discourse, and in
that respect you did great credit ; but there
was not a word in it for the old woman in
lhe]duffle cloak." The young preacher, from
his literary and scientific studies, and with
the learned professors and profound divines
before hie mind as 'he model of excellence,
had fallen naturally into the error of auppo
sing that sort of thing which would have
commanded plaudits in the class room, wa9
equally suited to meet the demands of the
pulpit. It was kind to undeceive him on
this point; his uncle's strictures did so ; and
from that point forward he erred in (his way
no more.— Life of Dr. Wardlaw.
CAPITAL HITS.
A good story is told of Marcy and Doug
las. At a dinner given by tbe former to Mr.
Buchanan, during bis recent visit to Wash
ington City, and when the conversation turn
ed somewhat on the Presidency, the old
Premier, turning to the "Little Giant" said:
"Douglas, you put me in mind of a story I
once read." "What is that?" said he.—
"Why," said Marcy, "a man was driving
along the road at a furious rate, when he sud
denly stopped and inquired of a countryman
how far it was to a certain village to which
he was going. The latter replied that it was
about twelve miles; but (and Marcy fixed a
quizzical look upon Douglas, as he uitered
the concluding part of the sentence with em
phasis,) you will get there sooner if you do
not drive quite so Jastl". All present (inclu
ding the "Little Giant," who relishes a good
joke, even if it should be cracked at bis own
expense,) joined in a hearty laugh—and
for oaoe in his life Douglas had to knock un
der.
An excellent alory is also told of Dong
las and Buchanan- Douglas was sitting in a
private parlor at Guy's National Hotel tbe
other nigbt talking with a dozen of Buchan
an's friends, when the latter having been sent
for, came in and joined tbe party. "My
young friend," said Buchanan, soon after
wards, turning patronizingly to Douglas, Wet
me give you a little advice." "Thank you!"
instantly retorted Douglas,seizing him by the
hand, "I expect to choose my Conslilnlional
advisers soon, and am most happy thus to re
ceive your acceptanco in advanoe." " Old
Buck" was so coofused by this turn in the
conversation that he forgot the proffered ad
vice altogether.— Lancaster Intelligencer.
QT "Any game hereabouts !" said a new
ly arrived to a Texan. "Guess so," said the
Lone Star, "and plenty of 'em—we have
bluff, poke, euchre, all fours and moote, and
just as many others as you'll like to play."
"I'm a stranger in a strange place," aaid
a clergymen on entering a printing office;
'and you will tie a stranger to a better place;'
replied the typo, "if you do not practice
closer what you preaob."
[Two Dollars Dor Aaaaw.
NUMBER 23.
| Enormous Fraud—sloo,ooo Involved.
The parliculiws of a fraud involving prop
erly 10 the amount of <IOO,OOO, perpetrated
upon an aged gentleman named James Gar
vie, residing at Glenn Cove, L. 1., have re
cently been brought to light. The alleged
perpetrator is Wm. S. Henna, a carpenter,
living m the Ihiid atorv of No. 103 Lewis
Street, and an old acquaintance of Mr. Gar
vie. It ie elated that Hanna, about four
weeks ago, induced Mr. G. to visit htm and
remain at his house while in this city; and
after getting him in the house he plied him
with drugged liquor day after day for lour
weeks, thus keeping his mind in an oblivi
ous state; that during this time he persuaded
the old man to sign a power of attorney giv
ing him authority to act for him; that by vir
tue of this instrument Hanna colleoled mon
ey from John Lafarge on a claim of <I6OO.
He also.obtained from Justice Anderson,
Garvie's counsel, a deed lor two houses and
lots in One hundred and twenty-seventh
street, near sixth avenue; also a note for
82900 from Judge Henderson. Besides this
power of attorney, Garvie, while under the
influence of the drugged liquor, gave Hanna
a bill of sale for the sloop Freedom, worth
81250. Also a bill of sale for an interest in
the bark J. Wall, now at sea. Also a lease
of 135 acres of land at Glen Cove, L. 1., to
gether with the stock, tools, &0., on the
place, valued at 810,000, and to orown all,
he got the old man to make a will in favor
of his (Hanna's) daughter, and appointing
him executor. All this being accomplished,
and property to the value of about 8100,000
having been transferred to Hanna, he extort
ed from Mr. Garvie a promise that be would
go to sea. Thus far things worked well, and
Hanna and others who acted in concert with
him, in ordet to have the business fully con
summated, advertised the whole of the prop
erty for sale on the sth inst. at the Merchant's
Exchange. Before the sale, however, the
unfortunate victim was allowed by some
mistake to get sober, and then by the advice
ol friends he was induced to go before Jus
tice Wood and make a complaint against
Hanna. A warrant fo: the arrest of the lat
ter Was issued, and on Sunday he was cap
lured by the Eleveuth Ward Police and lock
ed up in default of 85,000 bail. The prop
erly was not sold as advertised, on the 6th
inst., as Judge Anderson and A. Cordoza,
counsel for Mr. Garvie, having seen the ad
vertisement, procured an injunction from the
Supreme Court. The matter will be investi
gated before Justice Wood, and parties not
named will probably be Implicated.—New
York Tribune, June 9th.
Interesting (torn Russia.
The Emperor of Russia has given the whole
of his fleet a new arrangement, which had
become necessary in consequence of the
events of the late war. The Russian papers
in speaking of the new arrangements, say
that the saving that will now be effected by
the suppression of the expensive Black Sea
fleet, in conformity with the terms of the
treaiy of peace, which amounts to 15,000,-
000 or 20,000,000, will, in all probability, be
applied to the development and strengthen
ing of the naval force in the Baltic, White
Sea, and Pacific Ocean.
Numerous projeoted railways are spoken
ol in St. Petersburg correspondence. One
especially is put froward for ooniinuing the
Riga-Dunaborg Lino up to Kursk, by which
the fruitful centre of Russia will be put intb
rapid cocnection with the Western provinoee
and seaports, and will secure the inhabitants
of those districts from the return of dearth
from which they frequently suffer. Two
other lines are proposed—one from Odessa
to Krementschug, and the-other from Theo
dosia, in the Crimea, to Moscow.
According to the latest advioes from St.
Petersburg, the coronation is now fixed foi
August 24tb, (Sept. Mb.)
The flatness of tiado still continues in St.
Petersburg, the demand for Russian goods
for export is small; that for imported goods
still smaller. The holders of tallow are un
willing to sell at the present prloes, and the
same appears to be the case with hemp and
flax.
The cholera appears to be showing itself
again in St. Petersburg. The daily mortali
ty bas risen of late from two or three to as
many as twenty-one. The numbor of deaths
that have already taken place in the present
outbreak is 304.
NEBRASKA TERRITORY.— The last number
received of the Nebraskian, published at
Omaha city, says—
"Our hoteU are crowded to overflowing,
and still the number of new-comers arriving
daily is oonetantly increasing. The steam
ers, which reach our landing almost every
day, HII bring with them emigrants by the
river for this place, and the 'heavy-wheeled
wagons' which cross at our ferry tell of the
travel hither by the overland route.
"The fertile and attractive country by whieh
we are surrounded ia fast being settled end
transformed into cultivated farms, so that ws
are sure of the substantial wealth, the 'bona
and sinew' to sustain our city in its rapid
growth."
I7A STAGE coaob recently arrived in Sac
ramento, California, with a load of Califor*
niaoa, which may be taken as a sample of
the traveling population. In it were two
conviots on thoir way to the State Prison, ■
counterfeiter, a horse thief, a deputy Sheriff,
a slippery, crafty and prominent politician,
two county officers, an expressman, a collec
tor of foreign miner's lax, two negroes and
four Chinamen.