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Single Subscribers per year S - I , . _ . ;itr-T- 14 11E70_ . _ --,-- rz_s_.:-,-- , -: -..-, _. . _ Seven Trn =I t subscrfuers order the ettscontintifutce of their news papers, the publisher may' continue to send them until altarrearagro are paid. subscril ers neglect or refuse to take their newspa :Ars from th , , ofTle to which they are directed, they are titinvmstble until they bar - tctt.te•i ti,e hills and ordered Vbalthilscantinard Peon syl vauia Legislature. ,- • . if"MUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. _ N .' EVENING SESSION, • , 1 0 . e House re-assembled at 7 o'clock, p.'m. • STATE OF TILE UNION. !.., , • eeally to order, ' . t e House resemed the consideration of the i ~,,•t,,. resolutions submitted by Mr. ARM ,', INC}. '... . ARMSTRONG moved that the further lideration of the resolutions be postponed OA , after the joint resolutions of the Senate 141 . , *lye to the appointment of Commissioners :' onvention of States is disposed of. -.... emotion was agreed :to. ' - . • MA'S PROPOSITION FOU A CONVENTION OF STATES The House then resumed the consideration of IteMoint resolutions of the Senate, entitled Johatitesolutions to appoint Commissioners to a Conrntion of States. resolution was read, as follows : By the Senate and house of Representa 7ommmwealth of Pennsylvania, in Gen 'y met, That the invitation of the of Virginia to her sister States for :merit o Commissioners to meet in Vashington on the 4th of February the same is hereby accepted, and - error be and he is hereby author- Ant seven Commissioners for the msylvania, whose duty it shall be the city of Washington on the day :o meet such Commissioners asinay by any other States which have Jed or sanctioned the seizure of the ials or other property of the United ionsider, and if possible to agree )lc measures for the prompt and fl int of the difficulties which now ided, that the said Commissioners ject, in all their proceedings, to the of this Legislature. ction was agreed to. id resolution was read, as follows : `hat in the opinion of this Legisla )ple of Pennsylvania do not desire m, or amendment to; the Constitu- United States, and any recommend, this body to that effect, wJile it le within its appropriate and legi 's,would not meet with their appro- Pennsylvania will unite with the A' the Union in the adoption of any Aitutional measures adequate to Lnd secure a more strict and faithful of the second section of the fourth ie Constitution of the United States, les among other things that"the cid . State shall be entitled to all ivi dzens of the several States," and ...... uo person held to labor in one State, es ping into another, shall in consequence of law or regulation therein, be discharged such service or labor, but shall be de 'ed up on the claim of the party' to whom' service or labor shall be due. J,. e preamble was read, as follows : Akrnrar., , ,s, The Legislature of the State of Intginia has invited a meeting of commission as-, rom the several States of this Union to be in the city of Washington on the 4th day ebruary next, to consider, and if practicable -n. some suitable adjustment of the en ferences which now disturb the bust ,e country and threaten the dissolution ~ ion : ,ereas, in the opinion of this Legisla asonable cause exists for the extraor xitement which now pervades some ~tes in relationito their domestic insti- Ind while Pennsylvania still adheres Annot surrender the principles which .Iways entertained on the subject of his Legislature is willing to accept tion of Virginia, and to unite with earnest effort to restore the peace of ry, by such means as may be consist the principles upon which the consti-. founded. amble was agreed to. e' was read, as follows, and agreed itions to appoint Commissioners to a )11 of States. ' les were dispensed with, and the re were read a third time by their ti- :LUAUS. I have waited in vain, with the expectation that some of the :n of this House, who think these reso roper and necessary in the present exi gencies of the country, would state at large the reasons which they had to offer in favor of their -. I have already signified to the House ,ught there were very formidable oli o their adoption ; and that I should )fesent some of those objections It e a foregone conclusion, so fax as I that these resolutions shall pass, or without reason. I hive no de nuse, to throw myself in the way of al sentiment of this body. As a good in, I always feel bound to defer to that t, unless there be something involved wasion which I regard as at war with inion. It seems to me that there are -lions in this case ; and I feel that it y to state them as they have occurred to I shall therefore take the liberty of ' - inr• in a very few words the reasons lic ch I think ought to induce this Legislature *an teh,refuse to accept the invitation which has tendered to it, and to decline to send Com , 'oilers, as requested, to meet those of the " er States. 4. look at the terms of the invitation. I da EyA. it suggested there, that difficulties of a serious nature exist amongst the several tes of this Union. I do not know whether tam prepared to affirm that proposition. I have already said in this House, and I reiterate now, that I know no States as distinguished m this Union. This is not a federation ; it not a mere league ; it is a nation. Now, what are we asked to do? The State of ginia tells us that the interest which she resents—not the interest of liberty, but the rest of slavery—requires additional guarart . She desires something that is not in our titution now. She desires a new Constitu . She names a day for the assembling of a ention. That day is the 4th of February Rnday next. We are expected to act upon invitation, as my friend from Jefferson (Mr. N) has suggested, "in a hurry." Nothing . in a hurry, let me say,was ever done right. t we are to act under this pressure. Why? use upon the 4th of March next the will the people of the free States—and of the: on, 1 may say—as declared by - a - very large ority of their votes, is to be carried into ef by the inauguration of the President of their choice. Now, in plain English, thepropo n from the South is this : "You t baye sub 2.00 12.00 15.00 VOL. , XIV. mitted to our rule and to our policy ; we are unwilling to,submit to yours, except on certain conditions—that you shall afford new guaran ties—that you shall adopt a new Constitution." Therefore it is that the fourth day of February is indicated as the period for the assemblage of this extraordinary convention. ;I call it an extraordinary Convention. It is a Congress of Ambassadors from hostile ,States which we are expected to recognize, and to which we are expected to send representatives. It is, Mr. Speaker, a tribtmal unknown to our Con stitution and our Laws. I have suggested that this is not a federation, a league between States, but a nation. The idea involved in the preposition is an old and favorite one.amongst the Southern States—that we are not a nation but a league of sovereign States, equal in all respects, without regard to our.population or our resources, or our respective strength. That is the idea. I thought it had been exploded in this region many years ago: But it is now revived, and we are expected to recognize it. The:right of a State to separate fromthis nation when she feels herself aggrieved, without recourse to its tribu nals or to the authorities constituted under it to settle all differences amongst us, is asserted here. The invitation of the State of Virginia implies that we are in a state of revolution—that our relations as members of the Federal Govern ment have ceased—that we stand upon our origi nal character of independent sovereignties--that a new Constitution is to be formed under these peculiar circumstances—and this is the price of the privilege of inaugurating a President elected by the choice of the people under the forms of the Constitution. This is what we are asked to do. Are gentle men here prepared to recognize that all this is right—to admit that we are not a nation—to ignore the government which we have erected for our common protection—to say that we are but an ill-compacted and ill-assorted league of States, in a condition to separate from each other at our own pleasure, whenever we may think proper to feel and declare ourselves ag grieved ? I beg gentlemen to look at the considerations which I have suggested. What have we to say. to Virginia ? I know no State, as I have al ready said, as contradistinguished from this Union. We are not in a condition to treat with States that approach us in such a charac ter. Ido not care what the question may be, their rights, if any, and their remedies, if any, for grievances, 'which they may have sustained, are in the Union ; and we have so declared by the resolutions adopted a few days ago in this House. I beg gentlemen to refer to those resolutions ; and it seems to me that their memories are short when they pro pose to pass the resolutions now before us ; ehat they are entirely oblivious of what has already occurred. I beg them to refer to the fact that we have made a solemn declaration upon our record by a joint resolution of the two Houses of the Legislature of Pennsylirania, that for all grievances of which any State may think her self entitled to complain, the remedy is in the .71:inion - ' and - Vie means redress are adequate: under the provisions of the Constitution of the United States. But now gentlemen seem di s-: to ignore this proposition which they have thus solemnly endorsed. It is said that that there are grievances. Ido not undertake to say what they are ; the slave power wants additional guarantees ; it alleges that lt , has suffered wrong at our hands. Under the reso lutions to which I haVe referred, its remedy is in the Union. But we are asked to go outside the Union to treat upon the questionof redress ; and we seen willing, without debate, without' consultation—l was about to say, and I may say—without consideration—to do it. Shall we do it? This Convention, sir, as I have already re marked, is an extraordinary assemblage. It is new in our history. • I do not recollect any pre cedent or example - of' the kind. Is it not in conflict with the terms of the Constitution ? Is it in correspondence with its spirit ? It violates the latter. It is not merely the law that all grievances which maybe fairly complained of on the part of any State may be redressed within the government, but we have in the Constitution of the United States the declaration that treaties, compacts and agreements. between States shall not be tolerated amongst us. Have gentlemen forgotten the terms of the Constitution? I beg leave to refresh their memories upon this point. I quote the terms of the Constitution upon this question. Section tenth of the first article of the Constitution provides : "No State shall enter into any treaty, alli ance or confederation." Again : "No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any imports or duties, on im ports or exports,. except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws." "No States, without the consent of Congress, shall lay any duty on tonnage ; keep troops or ships of war in time of peace ; enter into any agree ment or compact with another State, or with a foreign power,.,or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or - in such .contingent danger as will not admit of delay." "No State shall, without the consent of Con ,gressr, enter into any agreement or compact with another State." This is precisely what it is expected that we shall do now. I do not think it necessary for me to affirm here that the convention or convocation of a Congress of ambassadon3 of this kind'is in con flict with the letter of the Constitution of the United States, as just quoted by me; but I do say, and I think I may challenge an answer, that it is at war with the spirit of that -instru ment. The Constitntion intended to tie the hands of these supposed sovereignties—to make them subject to the Federal Government, and to deny tothemthe powerofmeeting togethereither for purposes hostile .or, as I take it, friendly, in their results to the Government of the United States. The Constitution recognizes no States as independent sovereignties for purposes like those involved in the motion here _contem plated. It was the people and not the States by whom this Constitution was enacted ; and we now propose to ignore the • Union itself, the Government of "the United 'States, and recog nize the ftuaciful and groundless notion of State sovereignty which has prevailed' amongst our Southern btethren: What are the circumstances finder which we are asked to do, this thing f And what is to be the moral effect, if it be done ? It will do no harm, it is said. The gentleman from Jefferson Goan* suggests that if it do no good, it can do no harm. Action of this sort, in mat ters of State, cannot be indifferent in its results. Nothing is indifferent which it becomes the Le gislature' of a great State :to pas upon. If these resolutions be intended as a mere juggle, then I think that such a proceeding is unworthy of ns. If they be designed as a cheat, I think that the understandings of men on whom they are expected to operate, are griatlynnderrated. The thing might be harmless in itself, but what, I`ask -again, it to be' the moral effect? "INDEPENDENT IN ALL THLNGS--NEITTRAL IN NONE." i • HARRISBURG, PA., FRIDAY AFTERNOON, FEBRUARY 1, 1861 If we take this action now, it is , . done . under menace. It is not to be denied that it is be cause these States have threatened to go out_ of the s ynion, as others profess to have done already, that we are now called upon to send ambassadors to treat with them, upon terms on which they shall be retained. It is because they threaten that we yield.. Is this wissiorn ? I" am not, however, tenacious of my opinionis: *.I do not"say what I utter now from mere pride of opinion. -I would make as large sacrifices as mry. man to secure the peace of the nation. But; I say to the gentle man riow, as'l said before, there is no peace in that direction. , Concessions have never brought it,..andnever will. In affairs of State, when we undertake to deal with the interests of a great nation like this, there is no policy which "can be called the policy of wisdom, but fimmets, decision, determination, and that , expressed in. I such - a manner as shall be intelligible and un mistakable. Shall we purchase .p4ce ? What do gentlemen propose? What 'is `the meaning, I ask again, of this intended mis sion this appointment of;'Ambassadors ? Can any man deny that it is to purchase the privilege of inaugurating the, President who is the undoubted choice of this nation ? Will it do it? What declaration have we from the Southern : States- of the Union upon this question? What is it that they ask of us ? Nothing, except 'that We. shall" Meet them in Convention to reorganize our goy , ernxnent—to reconstnict it—and - that .as condition precedent to their submission to the Lim. Instead Of compellirig.that submis sion, we are to purch - ase ithy - sending ambaa= them _ sadors to treat with the regard to its ternui. They- are not to submit inuler.the Constitution, but we are to buy, from them the privilege of doing what the Constitution itself has author ized.' Now, sir, is this wisdom? Is itihe true policy of a nation? Is it .the means by which' cation . are sustained and preserved on occa sions of a great crisis like the present? I think it is a veryshort-sighted policy. Mr. Speaker, I set out with - the remark that, it was not for me; supposing -this. to be a fore gone conclusion, to set myself against, the judg ment-of the House. I do: not hope to change the opinions of gentlemen. here, or the majelity of them, by anything that ham - say; • I danot know the considerations that have operated' upon their minds. I have reason to' believe that this question has been prejudged. I-think I have seen the evidences of such prejudgment. But I felt it my duty to state the reasons why I thought this action should not be taken-- , - why T. thought such action unwise. If it is the will of the party with which I act, to do this thing, perhaps no great hann may result: Gentlemen who_ insist upon doing-this Wet, admit that no great good will follow. If,. therefore, it be indilferent,we clearly ought not to do it. That it my judgMent and I shall vote accordingly. If it shall be the Pasture of the House, however; to send ambasktdors to the,se States, to treat with theta upon the gene ml reconstruction of the government, as - the condition upon which the laws. shill be eice eirtitY; tho - segehtiordeii - tv th - ffliffat larclarnra ment will take- the' responsibility:' - nbt feel authorized to assume it.: lam persuaded thatno good will come of such .a step. - • ' Itiu - st, however, that if :the House Shall do this thing, they will do it in such a way as will enable them to represent in that-Congress the prevailing sentiment of Pennsylvania. If .tx compromise, or anything of the.sort, is expect ed, that sentiment must be 'represented. If. it is not, no report which may reach us from that body will have any effect in the State - Of Tenn:. Sylvania. : .I think that, the.tv.fo. - 11ouses:of the Legislature ought to control this question ; think it belonged to them. 1 trait, at all events, if they insist on passing these resolu4 tions,that they will see that the sentiment which rolled up the majority in. this 'State, -which car ried all the free States at the recent elections, shill be fully represented - in ecaiVeritiori. If it be-not, the work' of that body must go without results—as it. will, I think, at any, rate. ' Mr. Speaker, I should not have said anything this evening (looking to 'whit I supposed to. be the disposition. of the 'House on this question, with which I. hay& no-fault-to, find,) if I had not indicated this morning that I thought there were.good and sufficient reasons that ought to prevail. here in inducing thit - House to abstain from doing an' act 'of 'this Bert: We are not: sovereigns. If we do it; we recognize the idea to.Which,l have already referred,. and :which iis so yrevalent the, Southern States of • this Unnon.; . that we are independent of the - General Government. We admit that this government is in a state of revolution and .that this Union is dissolved. In. the Union, we -have no exist ence for purposes of, this kind. If we assert such.a thing, we ignore the , Union ; we . confets that the state of things exists which the ex treme Southern States themselves declare to be • existing. I have asked the question, what good is to come of this. step ? Why is it, to be:taken ? Can. you appease . in - any border States ? What is the .language:of - their own public men ? How many days-is it since!), man of great, notoriety an&distinotion ainong-the'm declare& upon the floor of Congress that the time, for concession had passed away?.ls there any concession . ..that .will satisfy them? Have they indicated what they desire? Will you now, under the present circumstances,bar gain with them for the privilege of inaugurat ing your own man in the oflice of President of these United States.? Was the battle in which we conquered merely for the spoils ? Was it the instiopt tor plunder that governed and directed us throughout that contest ? Are we ready now to sacrifice all that we have achieved upon a mere menace on the part of these States? Ido not distinguish between them and their Southern allies, who are generally denominated as the cotton States. They tell us that while they deprecate the departure of those. States as an act of revolution, still they will not allow us to exercise the ordinary measures of " compelling obedience to the- laws, on their part. • When they hold this language,:it is not merely the language of menace ; it is the language of trea son. If it is not treason, it is at least what lawyers call misprision of treason. It is an of fence, I believe, in which all are principals. If the border States stand over the seceding States and threaten use declaring their determi nation to interfere foirthe pitrpose of preventing the enforcement of the laws, they are equally guilty with those in open rebellion. We are not in a condition to treat with those who en- - courage the rebels that have seized our for tresses, and now stand with arms in their hands . to resist the laws of this nation. What is to be the result of the action on our part which is now proposed ? What will be its moral effect? Will it win us friend.a Are gentlemen sure that this is what is wanted by the border States? Who has said sons it the len guage of such men as .Etheridge and Clemens ? I think not ; I may be mistaken, but I have no recollection that they have indulged in any ex pression or sentiment of that sort. It is my solemn judgmentfortifled f loo, by the.. 401- . , mbnY of distinguished citizens of those-States— that the aid they want js the eXpression of a de: teimination on the part :of the free SMtes, and of:the General Government,lo enforce the laWs ofithis Union. When we adopt tliat_policy the crest of rebellion will, go down, and not till then. 'Have we not had . experiments enough upon the subject of concertsion ? How many' 'cones= shins have we made? Our whole Legislative history has bedinotliMg but a series of -conces sions, to, the slave power ; and at every succes sive concession. of this sort that power has, in creased in arrogance and risen in its demands. The South now-think that we, are peltroons ; :they believe that we fear them. Let us teach them that We do not, and they will respect mi. Show that it is your determination to lend your aid in supporting the Federal GoVernment, so far as our means and re -sources will go, and (my life on it) in that why, - and in that way only, you secure, the peace of this nation. You will never, do it by convocations of: this' description not with in:the spirit of the Constitution, but in di rebt - violation and infraction of that instrument. You wfil do it by teaching them (and it is the only position which you. as men and statesmen can new safely occupy) that' you will insist upon the Conktitution as it is, and that, if there are ariy 'bargains `to be made,. they are to be made after they shall haVe laid down their arms and returned to their duty. That is my jndgment. If there are legitimate subjects of complaint; let therri be submitted to those tribunals which the' Constitution has provided for redress ; and, So far as it is in our power, this remedy shall be administered. Until they have returned to their duty, I think it would - be unwise. I feel that it would be ramie 'and impolitic to yield to their demands, Mr: HILT,. The gentleman who has just Spoken, has delivered the sentiments which he expressed in:this House on a previous occasion, that the. differences now existing in the coun try should be settled in no other manner than by the sword. The disposition which. this HeuSe has manifested to settle the existing dif ficulties by conciliation; meets my hearty appro fval. I approve of the resolutions which we have now before us, and. I propose to vote for.them on their final passage. But it strikes me that Ithere are some amendments' by the adoption of - which the resolutions may be approved and Made more - effective. I now propose the same amendment which I offered this morning and 'subsequently withdrew. . Mr: PIERCE. would ask whether the gen llemari.can offer an amendment at this time, without the unanimous consent of the House. true SPEAKER. No, sir. The amendment Connotbe offered without unanimous consent. Tho gentleman can mote to_ go into Committee of t the - Whole for the purpoSe - of "general or spe c i al amendment. - mpve, then, that :the House resolve itself fide, Committee of the Whole for general amend- merit } . • ' The iriotibit . was not agreed to Mr. TRACY. I have•no hope, Mr. Speaker, fhat anythin Which . ' mak eaTi - ta - corild say, will as igh with the majoritrorthik When I asked to-day the poor boon. of. luivirtg these resolutions : laid over until to mbrrowi so that they might be printed, my re citieSt: was promptly refused: Therefore I have no expectation - but that this proposition will be at Once pushed through, without - the slightest mbdification or amendment. Yet, lam -con strained to say that in the main I agree with my friend from Allegheny, (Mr: AVitsxmis,) that thiS proposition is a strange and improper one,- and fraught, as rthak with pemidiouS results. It involves a, proceedinumknown in the legis lative history, of our country, and one which, in my judgment; is of very doubtful Constitution ality. " -I.f it is supposed that these Commission- era," or ambassadors, or, whatever you • please to call them, are to have any powers, and can take any effectual action, then, sir, the proceeding is clearly in direct contravention of the Constitu tion of the United Stites: On the other hand, if this is a•mere idle mission—such a mission as was sent from this capital somewhere down South the other day—an embassy with out any powers-Lthen, although it may not be unconstitutional, it . -is a proceeding in which I - think the dignity of this House should not allow it to engage. Is it becoming us in this solemn manner to send out an embassy destitute of all power to "act—a mere informal body of citizen's? Such a proceeding is certain ly' altogether new and, as I think; extremely But it is fully understood that this proposi tion, in its present shape, is to be forced through this body, and forced to-night. Mr. Speaker, it is a grave proposition. It opens an untried path. In my . opinion, — these resolutions hi volve a dangerous proceedure, and I shall be constrained, - whatever other gentlemen may do, to oppose any such experiment: I believe that we have a Constitution, which, with the laws enacted - under it, furnishes a safe and sufficient form of government- I consider it 'a dangerous concession to the rebellion of the South to say that we will thus treat—that we will thus dis regard what I conceive to be the plain Imo visiong of the Constitution`of the United States —that we will now admit that we are •a mere Confederacy of States, held together by the in dividual volition of each member; that we have no government able to sustain itself. I be lieve, sir, that we have a government • compe tent to maintain itself.' I believe that by all concessions of this kind we will get farther and farther into trouble.' . . - But, as I said to-day, I feel entirely Impre pared to meet this question. As one of a com mittee On 'an important election case, I have been engaged this afternoon: in listening to the arguments of counsel, who have come from Philadelphia, and whose arguments could not be postponed: In consequence of this engage ment on the part of the Committee, I implored the small boon of a postponement until - to-Dior row. - But my friend from Jefferson (Mr. Goa- Doti) says that our action cannot be postponeil until to-morrow ; it must be done" to-day it must be donehastily and speedily:" --Why? , He says if we do not take this action, those States down there will, go out. Let me ask the gen tlenum, does he think they - Will remain in if we take the action proposed? My friend from 'Montgomery (Mr. Hum) has referred to the-remarks of the gentleman from Allegheny (Mr. Wrarems) with whom I haVe saki I largely sympathize ; and he has quoted my friend from" Allegheny as taking a position opposed to all compromise, and in favor of a re sort to the sword.. Mr. Speaker, I have not so walerstood the gentleman. I have under, stood hina.distinctly .all along as, taking a posi tier). in favor of maintaining the Constitution and , tlte laws._ Have I not apprehended his po sition-•correctly ? have', understood the gen tlenum from Montgomery (Mr- . s4r.) to :be in favor of yielding, in favor of reversing the de cision of thiti country which has lately been so emphatically .etpressed•at'the Let me say to that gentlemani.with all_ due respect and consideration far him, that-I am not,in fa, vor fa any midi prtiptitio4. . What is written in our Constitution and what is enacted in our laws is, so far as I am con derned, to be obeyed. It is not for me, even if we are threatened :with :rebellion,. even. if our forts are taken possession of by a hostile force,. it is not for me to say, in this storm of rebellion and insurrection, that I will forego the Consti tution, that I will invalidate all the laws of the country, and initiate a , proceeding such as is prOposeby these resolutions, a proceeding which has no parallel in the Legislative hisitory of our country. • ' But; sir, I shall have to ask to be excused from meeting this question now, because L have never read the resolutions ;lily only knowledge of them is derived from the reading at the clerk's desk. It is not propOsed - to allow gen tlemen to- investigate the question ; we are called upon to act speedily—to go it now and to I go it blind. Mr. Speaker,l am sorry now,, it has come to this. ' gentlemen say that if we'do not act at once, our action will mot be in time, that-those peo ple clown South will rebel and will be out of the Union. Do gentlemen suppose that any mere paPer resolutions Which we may pass here will have any influence with those men who have rebellion in their. hearts and arms in their hands? No, sir, our action can have .no such tendency. But this question is brought Upon us precipi tately. We cannot get a single day allowed for discussion ; we cannot get any courtesy e#end ed to us. If, gentlemen think it proper to press these resolutions through in this way, they will do so; but for one; shall go with my . friend from. Allegheny (Mr. vor JT.T.TA WO not be cause he is for the sword, but because he is for the ConstitUtion and the laws. • Mr. ARMSTRONG. Mr. Speaker, I had hop ed'that these resolutions would pass the House without the necessity of any- discussion what ever. Bnt I feel, sir, that after two so very able arguments, from that side of the House which chooses to differ from the majority here, it is proper that some one should express in a measure the views we entertain in voting for these resolutions. And here let me utterly disclaim any intention to be wanting in courtesy to the gentleman from Bradford (Mr. Them) or any other member upon this floor. The. resolutions before US provide for. the ap pointment of Commissioners, who are to meet next Monday in Washington. It is a specific' propositiOn, and. if there were any delay, it would defeat the very purpose of the whole pro ceeeding. Even now it is doubtful whether the Gdvernor has a whit more than barely time to make his appointment of the Commissioners and notify them of their appointment, so as to enable them, to meet the other members of the convention Pin Washington next Monday. There is no discourtesy in pressing this matter to a conclusion at this time. But, sir, it : is suggested that this is an uncon stitutional mode of proceeding—that there is no authority of law for any such assemblage as this resolution contemplates.. 1 open the Constitu tion arAi fuld.that one:of its articles provides: ‘‘Congressehali=aker no 'Azov, uorntgmg - tut right of the people peacefully to assemble and petition the `government for 'redress of grie vances." _ - - How N this to be done? Can the people as en inane and preaukt a statement of their grievances.? In what form shall they assemble in oilier that a petition forredressbf grievanbes may be presented r Simply by appointing these conventions,-which shall take into comdd eration the subject matters of grievance,., and . present them in such a form to the constituted authorities that they can be - acted upon judi ciously and wisely. . Gentlemen say that by this proceeding we admit that this Union is only a confederation of States—that we have no government. Has it come to this, that because the peoplepropose to exercise the right guarimteed by the. Colipsti tution, of assembling and petitioning for re .dreat of grievances—grievances extending over this whole Union—beeause it is proposed that the representatives of the people shall assemble in convention, at'. the National Capital, to express what those grievances are— shall we be told that we are a confederacy only; and not a National Government ? Sir, I utterly and totally disavow any such doctrine. We are -,a government, and a strong govern ment, based purely and entirely upon the na tionality of - the people ; are . a nation in oneness and entirety except within those spe cific limits in which the States retain &sover eignty. Do these resolutions propose to in terfere in the smalleSt degree with the sover eignty of the Government? We cannot deny that the States are sovereign, within certain limits. We claim for Pennsybrania a limited sovereignty. Whilst we grant to , the General Government et-universal sovereignty, we claim a limited sovereignty for ourselves. These resolu tions propose that the people of the 'United States, from all sections of the country, shall assemble, by their representatives, in Washing ton—for what purpose ? Does anyone suppose for a moment that it is proposed by this Legis lature that that assemblage 'is to make altera tions to our Constitution, that it is to do any more than simply - to consider grievances from which this' -country is suffering, and to present them in proper formfor consideration to that -tri bunal which' can properlyitake measuresfor re dress? This isall that is proposed. What degree:la tionis there inthis ? What is there humiliating in 'this proposition, that a man of the nicest honor might not, with the utmost propriety and cordiality, adopt it ? Nothing ! Nothing ! We choose to send delegates to Washington, to Confer with delegates from other States upon National. grievances. Can any person upon this floor presume -to say that there are no grievances? A part of the nation is.already in open rebellion, and rebellion is threatened in other parts. Is it not because - there are - griev ances to be met and to be answered? Sir, we should profit by the experience of history. Had Charles the First consented to hear and redress the grievances of the British people there would have been no Regicides in England. Hid Louis XVI consented to hear and nedriss tbe grievances of France, there would have been no French Revolution, and no - 'Napoleon-to rescue that revolution from the • hands of a mob. Sir, let us , profit- by the 'experience .of history, and let us not now thrust this county into the very jaws of civil was. When we have these grievances- before us-when we propose to :meet them and redress them -by constitu tional means,.within the strict limits of the Constitution—is every proposition, looking to that .end, to be east aside ? Gentlemen stand here professing an earnest desire - to - settle this question. -When we ask them how we shill settle it, they answer, "enforce the laws." But hpivi • I answer, by- the sword, if it be necssa ; but before' that dreadful alternative is forced upon'the country, let us , endeavor, by every, faithful effort, -to avert so dire a calami• ,ty ; so that if it shall ever come, we may stand befere tlie'countrf with clean, heads- and with Consciences that shall acquit us of any failure in laboring by all poitoeftil means to arrest the ktsam Stinting mart. Having procured Steam Power Presets, we are prepared to execute JOB and BOOK PRINTING of every description, cheaper that It can be done at any other eg tablishmentin the country. RATES ON ADVERTISING. Mier Pour lines or less constitute one-half square. Nig h lines or mere than four constitute a sqUarO. Half Square, one day.... SO3 a one week.. .... ... ... 0(1 one month."... 45 three months six months one year ... .. or, `guars one day ono week........ 2 00 one month__ . 3 00 " three months__ . 5 00 a Mx months.. ............ 800 , one Year .. 10 00 sir Bushiess notices Inserted in use Local co/umn, or before Marriages and Death% Frill CEN^PB PER for each Insertion. NO. 25. Marriages and Deaths to be charged as regular advertisements. Sir, to avert this calamity is not now beyond our reach.. We have now the power ; the ex igency is not beyond our control. If Virginia and these other States are met with the proper spirit of conciliation, this Union may be saved. For, with Virginia, and Maryland, and Ken tucky, standing with the conservative States of the North, this rebellion, as I had occasion to say recently, becomes inconsiderable in its magnitude, in its consequences, and in its mor al effect. But, sir, we marmot ignore these grievances ; we must meet them. They will be redressed— if not peaceably within the Constitution, they will be redressed by that right of revolution which rises above all. Constitutions, and which no power of civil government can ever control. The right of revolution is a sacred right which no Constitution presumes to control. Yet, sir, let it not be . said -that I am justifying-revolu tion..' Unsuccessful revolution is rebellion; and the present attitude of some of the States of the South is rebellion, for it 'cannot succeed, nor is it justified by any existing grievances or any circumstances• of the present time, nor unlit be justified by the result. But let us be careful, while we stand here to legislate upon these great national questions, that we do not pre cipitate a war, and in the attempt to arrest one evil, plunge ourselves into others which are in finitely greater. Sir, I have the utmost regard for the people of the South, who arenow attempting to stem the 'tide of revolution which is flooding the land. These men claim from us sympathy ; they are entitled to it; and for one I stand here ready to give it to any extent that will not sac rifice my principles nor yield up those liberties which are dearer than life. • . Mr. Speaker, I will not trespass longer upon the attention of the Rouse ; but I felt it due to that part of the Republican party with whom lam acting upon this floor, to express these views in order that it may not be' said either that we have tided- with discortrtesy, or that we , are attempting to establish pnnciples which are as abhorrent to us as they can be to any others. Mr. WILLIAMS. The argument of my friend from Lycoming (Mr. Aumsruoso) rests upon the hypothesis of the existence of grievances, which are to be redressed by the means now proposed. I. desire to inquire of that gentle men what are the grievances under the General Government of which any States of this Union are now complaining, and which it is` proposed that we shall redress. Mr. ARMSTRONG. I had occasion some"- tiine ago to remark to the gentleman from Al legheny that he seems greatly inclined, when I rise to make remarks upon questions before us, to put me upon the stand,-aa if I were say:- ing my catechism. However, I have no objed. tion to answering the question which the gen tleman has propounded. - I have thought, and still think, that neither the South, nor any part of the South, has any grievances against the_ General Government. at this time of which they ought - justly to com •hdEL7 '•- -- 'lrnaULl this is ray position, I must, at .the same.tline, say that it is idle for the gentle man, or any one else, to-pretend that there is not a . general wide-spread uneasiness in the whole country, -predicated upon -the idea that there are grievanee.s of which the people may justly complain. This proposjtion is only that they, by their representatives, shall meet in friendly council, for the purpose of understand ing whether those grievances are well or badly founded, and, if necessary, what remedy may be applied to. them. Mr. WILLIAMS. The argument of the learned gentleman; if - I understood -him, was that this propcsed Convention did 'not involve any violation of the spirit of the Constitution of the. United States, because its object is to pe. tition for redress of grievances, in conformity with the pro Vision of that instrument to which he referred. I have asked him, therefore, (and the question was perfectly legitimate, and, as I think, very kindly and very properly put,) what are the grievances inflicted, or . Supposed to be inflicted, by - the General Government which this proposition had in view. He has failed to show that there is any such grievance. He suggests that there is wide-spread disturbance and disaffection. I have not understood that this arises out of any action on the part of the General Government. ThatGovemraent, in all its departments, has been throughout, and is at-this day, in possession of the slave power. There is nothing, therefore, to authorize com plaint ; and nothing is now seized upon and em ployed'as its, pretext and its covering, except supposed or imaginary aggressions on the part of the States. Hdw then does his argument ap ply- to the case? Mr. DUFFTRLD. I move that the House re solve itself into Committee ef the Whole for the purpose of special amendment. The amend ment which I shall propose is to strike out, in the second resolution,. the following words : "That in the opinion of this legislature, the people of Pennsylvania do not desire any altera tion, or amendment to, the Constitution of the United States, and any recommendation from this body to that effect, while it does not come within 'its appropriate and legitimate duties, would not meet with their approbation." Also, to strike out in the preamble the words: "In the opinion of this Legislature, no rea sonable cause exists for the extraordinary ex citement which now pervades some of the States in relation to their domestic institutions ; and while Pennsyltania still adheres to and oannot surrender the principles which she has always entertained on the subject of slavery." The SPEA.RER. The question is upon the proposed amendment. - Mr. COLLINS. Is not the question upon go ing into Coinmittee of the Whole The SPEAXER. The - question is upon going into Committee of the Whole for the purpoee of special amendment, and if the motion be agreed to, the amendment wilt be adopted.- Consequently the question is upon the amend ment. • Mr.- ABBOTT. This amendment proposes to strike out certain words in the preamble= and alsO certain words in the second resolution: would ailr. Whether the question is .divisible. Thei SPEAKER. The question s upon going into Committee of the Whole for the - purpose of specialamendmeut which has been indicated: The question is not divisible. . Mr: ABBOTT. Then preeiume that, in vot ing upon this question, there is no opportunity for discriminating betweentheie two proposed amendments. When the resolutions were be fore us this morning I proposed. to .strike out the words of the • second rekdutiOn. which are 'now proposed.to be stricken out l'ay the amendment of the :gentleman :from..Philadel phia (Mr. Du in.) - -I. still .adhere , to, my opinion infavor of :striking out those, words, although I shalt - be - compelled to vote ad versely to goingKb:to Conamittee- of - the Whole- it such: action is. to mosummitte both amendments which have, been indicated—that is,' to`Strike out WOtikin:thfi preamble, - will& i ani aedto retain, as - Welles that - to strike out [h initai'ort linarth Page-] • • 4 0 t oo
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