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Vbalthilscantinard
Peon syl vauia Legislature.
,- • .
if"MUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
_ N .' EVENING SESSION, •
, 1 0 . e House re-assembled at 7 o'clock, p.'m.
• STATE OF TILE UNION.
!.., ,
• eeally to order,
' . t e
House resemed the consideration of the
i
~,,•t,,. resolutions submitted by Mr. ARM
,', INC}.
'... . ARMSTRONG moved that the further
lideration of the resolutions be postponed
OA , after the joint resolutions of the Senate
141
. , *lye to the appointment of Commissioners
:' onvention of States is disposed of.
-.... emotion was agreed :to.
' -
. • MA'S PROPOSITION FOU A CONVENTION OF
STATES
The House then resumed the consideration of
IteMoint resolutions of the Senate, entitled
Johatitesolutions to appoint Commissioners to a
Conrntion of States.
resolution was read, as follows :
By the Senate and house of Representa
7ommmwealth of Pennsylvania, in Gen
'y met, That the invitation of the
of Virginia to her sister States for
:merit o Commissioners to meet in
Vashington on the 4th of February
the same is hereby accepted, and
- error be and he is hereby author-
Ant seven Commissioners for the
msylvania, whose duty it shall be
the city of Washington on the day
:o meet such Commissioners asinay
by any other States which have
Jed or sanctioned the seizure of the
ials or other property of the United
ionsider, and if possible to agree
)lc measures for the prompt and fl
int of the difficulties which now
ided, that the said Commissioners
ject, in all their proceedings, to the
of this Legislature.
ction was agreed to.
id resolution was read, as follows :
`hat in the opinion of this Legisla
)ple of Pennsylvania do not desire
m, or amendment to; the Constitu-
United States, and any recommend,
this body to that effect, wJile it
le within its appropriate and legi
's,would not meet with their appro-
Pennsylvania will unite with the
A' the Union in the adoption of any
Aitutional measures adequate to
Lnd secure a more strict and faithful
of the second section of the fourth
ie Constitution of the United States,
les among other things that"the cid
. State shall be entitled to all ivi
dzens of the several States," and
...... uo person held to labor in one State, es
ping into another, shall in consequence of
law or regulation therein, be discharged
such service or labor, but shall be de
'ed up on the claim of the party' to whom'
service or labor shall be due.
J,. e preamble was read, as follows :
Akrnrar., , ,s, The Legislature of the State of
Intginia has invited a meeting of commission
as-, rom the several States of this Union to be
in the city of Washington on the 4th day
ebruary next, to consider, and if practicable
-n. some suitable adjustment of the en
ferences which now disturb the bust
,e country and threaten the dissolution
~ ion :
,ereas, in the opinion of this Legisla
asonable cause exists for the extraor
xitement which now pervades some
~tes in relationito their domestic insti-
Ind while Pennsylvania still adheres
Annot surrender the principles which
.Iways entertained on the subject of
his Legislature is willing to accept
tion of Virginia, and to unite with
earnest effort to restore the peace of
ry, by such means as may be consist
the principles upon which the consti-.
founded.
amble was agreed to.
e' was read, as follows, and agreed
itions to appoint Commissioners to a
)11 of States. '
les were dispensed with, and the re
were read a third time by their ti-
:LUAUS. I have waited in vain,
with the expectation that some of the
:n of this House, who think these reso
roper and necessary in the present exi
gencies of the country, would state at large the
reasons which they had to offer in favor of their
-. I have already signified to the House
,ught there were very formidable oli
o their adoption ; and that I should
)fesent some of those objections It
e a foregone conclusion, so fax as I
that these resolutions shall pass,
or without reason. I hive no de
nuse, to throw myself in the way of
al sentiment of this body. As a good
in, I always feel bound to defer to that
t, unless there be something involved
wasion which I regard as at war with
inion. It seems to me that there are
-lions in this case ; and I feel that it
y to state them as they have occurred
to I shall therefore take the liberty of
' - inr• in a very few words the reasons
lic ch I think ought to induce this Legislature
*an
teh,refuse to accept the invitation which has
tendered to it, and to decline to send Com
, 'oilers, as requested, to meet those of the
" er States.
4. look at the terms of the invitation. I
da
EyA. it suggested there, that difficulties of a
serious nature exist amongst the several
tes of this Union. I do not know whether
tam prepared to affirm that proposition. I
have already said in this House, and I reiterate
now, that I know no States as distinguished
m this Union. This is not a federation ; it
not a mere league ; it is a nation.
Now, what are we asked to do? The State of
ginia tells us that the interest which she
resents—not the interest of liberty, but the
rest of slavery—requires additional guarart
. She desires something that is not in our
titution now. She desires a new Constitu
. She names a day for the assembling of a
ention. That day is the 4th of February
Rnday next. We are expected to act upon
invitation, as my friend from Jefferson (Mr.
N) has suggested, "in a hurry." Nothing
.
in a hurry, let me say,was ever done right.
t we are to act under this pressure. Why?
use upon the 4th of March next the will
the people of the free States—and of the:
on, 1 may say—as declared by - a - very large
ority of their votes, is to be carried into ef
by the inauguration of the President of their
choice. Now, in plain English, thepropo
n from the South is this : "You t baye sub
2.00
12.00
15.00
VOL. , XIV.
mitted to our rule and to our policy ; we are
unwilling to,submit to yours, except on certain
conditions—that you shall afford new guaran
ties—that you shall adopt a new Constitution."
Therefore it is that the fourth day of February
is indicated as the period for the assemblage of
this extraordinary convention.
;I call it an extraordinary Convention. It is
a Congress of Ambassadors from hostile
,States
which we are expected to recognize, and to
which we are expected to send representatives.
It is, Mr. Speaker, a tribtmal unknown to our Con
stitution and our Laws. I have suggested that this
is not a federation, a league between States, but
a nation. The idea involved in the preposition
is an old and favorite one.amongst the Southern
States—that we are not a nation but a league of
sovereign States, equal in all respects, without
regard to our.population or our resources, or
our respective strength. That is the idea. I
thought it had been exploded in this region
many years ago: But it is now revived, and
we are expected to recognize it. The:right of a
State to separate fromthis nation when she feels
herself aggrieved, without recourse to its tribu
nals or to the authorities constituted under it
to settle all differences amongst us, is asserted
here.
The invitation of the State of Virginia implies
that we are in a state of revolution—that our
relations as members of the Federal Govern
ment have ceased—that we stand upon our origi
nal character of independent sovereignties--that
a new Constitution is to be formed under these
peculiar circumstances—and this is the price of
the privilege of inaugurating a President elected
by the choice of the people under the forms of
the Constitution.
This is what we are asked to do. Are gentle
men here prepared to recognize that all this is
right—to admit that we are not a nation—to
ignore the government which we have erected
for our common protection—to say that we are
but an ill-compacted and ill-assorted league of
States, in a condition to separate from each
other at our own pleasure, whenever we may
think proper to feel and declare ourselves ag
grieved ?
I beg gentlemen to look at the considerations
which I have suggested. What have we to say.
to Virginia ? I know no State, as I have al
ready said, as contradistinguished from this
Union. We are not in a condition to treat
with States that approach us in such a charac
ter. Ido not care what the question may be,
their rights, if any, and their remedies, if
any, for grievances, 'which they may have
sustained, are in the Union ; and we have so
declared by the resolutions adopted a few
days ago in this House. I beg gentlemen to
refer to those resolutions ; and it seems to me
that their memories are short when they pro
pose to pass the resolutions now before us ; ehat
they are entirely oblivious of what has already
occurred. I beg them to refer to the fact that
we have made a solemn declaration upon our
record by a joint resolution of the two Houses
of the Legislature of Pennsylirania, that for all
grievances of which any State may think her
self entitled to complain, the remedy is in the
.71:inion - ' and - Vie means redress are adequate:
under the provisions of the Constitution of the
United States. But now gentlemen seem di
s-:
to ignore this proposition which they
have thus solemnly endorsed. It is said that
that there are grievances. Ido not undertake
to say what they are ; the slave power wants
additional guarantees ; it alleges that lt , has
suffered wrong at our hands. Under the reso
lutions to which I haVe referred, its remedy is
in the Union. But we are asked to go outside
the Union to treat upon the questionof redress ;
and we seen willing, without debate, without'
consultation—l was about to say, and I may
say—without consideration—to do it. Shall
we do it?
This Convention, sir, as I have already re
marked, is an extraordinary assemblage. It is
new in our history. • I do not recollect any pre
cedent or example - of' the kind. Is it not in
conflict with the terms of the Constitution ? Is
it in correspondence with its spirit ? It violates
the latter. It is not merely the law that all
grievances which maybe fairly complained of on
the part of any State may be redressed within the
government, but we have in the Constitution of
the United States the declaration that treaties,
compacts and agreements. between States shall
not be tolerated amongst us. Have gentlemen
forgotten the terms of the Constitution? I beg
leave to refresh their memories upon this
point.
I quote the terms of the Constitution upon
this question. Section tenth of the first article
of the Constitution provides :
"No State shall enter into any treaty, alli
ance or confederation."
Again : "No State shall, without the consent
of Congress, lay any imports or duties, on im
ports or exports,. except what may be absolutely
necessary for executing its inspection laws."
"No States, without the consent of Congress,
shall lay any duty on tonnage ; keep troops or
ships of war in time of peace ; enter into any agree
ment or compact with another State, or with a
foreign power,.,or engage in war, unless actually
invaded, or - in such .contingent danger as will
not admit of delay."
"No State shall, without the consent of Con
,gressr, enter into any agreement or compact
with another State."
This is precisely what it is expected that we
shall do now.
I do not think it necessary for me to affirm
here that the convention or convocation of a
Congress of ambassadon3 of this kind'is in con
flict with the letter of the Constitution of the
United States, as just quoted by me; but I do
say, and I think I may challenge an answer,
that it is at war with the spirit of that -instru
ment. The Constitntion intended to tie the
hands of these supposed sovereignties—to make
them subject to the Federal Government, and to
deny tothemthe powerofmeeting togethereither
for purposes hostile
.or, as I take it, friendly, in
their results to the Government of the United
States. The Constitution recognizes no States
as independent sovereignties for purposes like
those involved in the motion here _contem
plated. It was the people and not the States by
whom this Constitution was enacted ; and we
now propose to ignore the • Union itself, the
Government of "the United 'States, and recog
nize the ftuaciful and groundless notion of State
sovereignty which has prevailed' amongst our
Southern btethren:
What are the circumstances finder which we
are asked to do, this thing f And what is to be
the moral effect, if it be done ? It will do no
harm, it is said. The gentleman from Jefferson
Goan* suggests that if it do no good, it
can do no harm. Action of this sort, in mat
ters of State, cannot be indifferent in its results.
Nothing is indifferent which it becomes the Le
gislature' of a great State :to pas upon. If
these resolutions be intended as a mere juggle,
then I think that such a proceeding is unworthy
of ns. If they be designed as a cheat, I think
that the understandings of men on whom they
are expected to operate, are griatlynnderrated.
The thing might be harmless in itself, but
what, I`ask -again, it to be' the moral effect?
"INDEPENDENT IN ALL THLNGS--NEITTRAL IN NONE."
i •
HARRISBURG, PA., FRIDAY AFTERNOON, FEBRUARY 1, 1861
If we take this action now, it is , . done . under
menace. It is not to be denied that it is be
cause these States have threatened to go out_ of
the s ynion, as others profess to have done
already, that we are now called upon to send
ambassadors to treat with them, upon terms on
which they shall be retained. It is because
they threaten that we yield.. Is this wissiorn ?
I" am not, however, tenacious of my
opinionis: *.I do not"say what I utter now
from mere pride of opinion. -I would make as
large sacrifices as mry. man to secure the
peace of the nation. But; I say to the gentle
man riow, as'l said before, there is no peace in
that direction. , Concessions have never brought
it,..andnever will. In affairs of State, when we
undertake to deal with the interests of a great
nation like this, there is no policy which "can
be called the policy of wisdom, but fimmets,
decision, determination, and that , expressed in.
I such - a manner as shall be intelligible and un
mistakable. Shall we purchase .p4ce ?
What do gentlemen propose? What 'is `the
meaning, I ask again, of this intended mis
sion this appointment of;'Ambassadors ?
Can any man deny that it is to purchase
the privilege of inaugurating the, President
who is the undoubted choice of this nation ?
Will it do it? What declaration have we
from the Southern : States- of the Union upon
this question? What is it that they ask
of us ? Nothing, except 'that We. shall" Meet
them in Convention to reorganize our goy
, ernxnent—to reconstnict it—and - that .as
condition precedent to their submission to
the Lim. Instead Of compellirig.that submis
sion, we are to purch - ase ithy - sending ambaa=
them _
sadors to treat with the regard to its ternui.
They- are not to submit inuler.the Constitution,
but we are to buy, from them the privilege of
doing what the Constitution itself has author
ized.' Now, sir, is this wisdom? Is itihe true
policy of a nation? Is it .the means by which'
cation . are sustained and preserved on occa
sions of a great crisis like the present? I think
it is a veryshort-sighted policy.
Mr. Speaker, I set out with - the remark that,
it was not for me; supposing -this. to be a fore
gone conclusion, to set myself against, the judg
ment-of the House. I do: not hope to change
the opinions of gentlemen. here, or the majelity
of them, by anything that ham - say; • I danot
know the considerations that have operated'
upon their minds. I have reason to' believe
that this question has been prejudged. I-think
I have seen the evidences of such prejudgment.
But I felt it my duty to state the reasons why
I thought this action should not be taken-- , -
why T. thought such action unwise. If it is the
will of the party with which I act, to do this
thing, perhaps no great hann may result:
Gentlemen who_ insist upon doing-this Wet,
admit that no great good will follow. If,.
therefore, it be indilferent,we clearly ought not
to do it. That it my judgMent and I shall
vote accordingly. If it shall be the Pasture
of the House, however; to send ambasktdors to
the,se States, to treat with theta upon the gene
ml reconstruction of the government, as - the
condition upon which the laws. shill be eice
eirtitY; tho - segehtiordeii - tv th - ffliffat larclarnra
ment will take- the' responsibility:' - nbt
feel authorized to assume it.: lam persuaded
thatno good will come of such .a step. - •
' Itiu - st, however, that if :the House Shall do
this thing, they will do it in such a way as will
enable them to represent in that-Congress the
prevailing sentiment of Pennsylvania. If .tx
compromise, or anything of the.sort, is expect
ed, that sentiment must be 'represented. If. it
is not, no report which may reach us from that
body will have any effect in the State - Of Tenn:.
Sylvania. : .I think that, the.tv.fo. - 11ouses:of the
Legislature ought to control this question ;
think it belonged to them. 1 trait, at all
events, if they insist on passing these resolu4
tions,that they will see that the sentiment which
rolled up the majority in. this 'State, -which car
ried all the free States at the recent elections,
shill be fully represented - in ecaiVeritiori.
If it be-not, the work' of that body must go
without results—as it. will, I think, at any, rate.
' Mr. Speaker, I should not have said anything
this evening (looking to 'whit I supposed to. be
the disposition. of the 'House on this question,
with which I. hay& no-fault-to, find,) if I had
not indicated this morning that I thought there
were.good and sufficient reasons that ought to
prevail. here in inducing thit - House to abstain
from doing an' act 'of 'this Bert: We are not:
sovereigns. If we do it; we recognize the idea
to.Which,l have already referred,. and :which iis
so yrevalent the, Southern States of • this
Unnon.; . that we are independent of the - General
Government. We admit that this government
is in a state of revolution and .that this Union
is dissolved. In. the Union, we -have no exist
ence for purposes of, this kind. If we assert
such.a thing, we ignore the , Union ; we . confets
that the state of things exists which the ex
treme Southern States themselves declare to be
•
existing.
I have asked the question, what good is to
come of this. step ? Why is it, to be:taken ?
Can. you appease . in - any border
States ? What is the .language:of - their own
public men ? How many days-is it since!), man
of great, notoriety an&distinotion ainong-the'm
declare& upon the floor of Congress that the
time, for concession had passed away?.ls
there any concession . ..that .will satisfy them?
Have they indicated what they desire? Will
you now, under the present circumstances,bar
gain with them for the privilege of inaugurat
ing your own man in the oflice of President of
these United States.? Was the battle in which
we conquered merely for the spoils ? Was it the
instiopt tor plunder that governed and directed
us throughout that contest ? Are we ready now to
sacrifice all that we have achieved upon a mere
menace on the part of these States? Ido not
distinguish between them and their Southern
allies, who are generally denominated as the
cotton States. They tell us that while they
deprecate the departure of those. States as an
act of revolution, still they will not allow us to
exercise the ordinary measures of " compelling
obedience to the- laws, on their part. • When
they hold this language,:it is not merely the
language of menace ; it is the language of trea
son. If it is not treason,
it is at least what
lawyers call misprision of treason. It is an of
fence, I believe, in which all are principals.
If the border States stand over the seceding
States and threaten use declaring their determi
nation to interfere foirthe pitrpose of preventing
the enforcement of the laws, they are equally
guilty with those in open rebellion. We are
not in a condition to treat with those who en- -
courage the rebels that have seized our for
tresses, and now stand with arms in their
hands . to resist the laws of this nation.
What is to be the result of the action on our
part which is now proposed ? What will be its
moral effect? Will it win us friend.a Are
gentlemen sure that this is what is wanted by
the border States? Who has said sons it the len
guage of such men as .Etheridge and Clemens ?
I think not ; I may be mistaken, but I have no
recollection that they have indulged in any ex
pression or sentiment of that sort. It is my
solemn judgmentfortifled f loo, by the.. 401-
.
, mbnY of distinguished citizens of those-States—
that the aid they want js the eXpression of a de:
teimination on the part :of the free SMtes, and
of:the General Government,lo enforce the laWs
ofithis Union. When we adopt tliat_policy the
crest of rebellion will, go down, and not till then.
'Have we not had . experiments enough upon
the subject of concertsion ? How many' 'cones=
shins have we made? Our whole Legislative
history has bedinotliMg but a series of -conces
sions, to, the slave power ; and at every succes
sive concession. of this sort that power has, in
creased in arrogance and risen in its demands.
The South now-think that we, are peltroons ;
:they believe that we fear them. Let us teach
them that We do not, and they will respect
mi. Show that it is your determination to
lend your aid in supporting the Federal
GoVernment, so far as our means and re
-sources will go, and (my life on it) in that
why, - and in that way only, you secure,
the peace of this nation. You will never, do it
by convocations of: this' description not with
in:the spirit of the Constitution, but in di
rebt - violation and infraction of that instrument.
You wfil do it by teaching them (and it is the
only position which you. as men and statesmen can
new safely occupy) that' you will insist upon
the Conktitution as it is, and that, if there are
ariy 'bargains `to be made,. they are to be made
after they shall haVe laid down their arms and
returned to their duty. That is my jndgment.
If there are legitimate subjects of complaint;
let therri be submitted to those tribunals which
the' Constitution has provided for redress ; and,
So far as it is in our power, this remedy shall be
administered. Until they have returned to
their duty, I think it would - be unwise. I feel
that it would be ramie 'and impolitic to yield
to their demands,
Mr: HILT,. The gentleman who has just
Spoken, has delivered the sentiments which he
expressed in:this House on a previous occasion,
that the. differences now existing in the coun
try should be settled in no other manner than
by the sword. The disposition which. this
HeuSe has manifested to settle the existing dif
ficulties by conciliation; meets my hearty appro
fval. I approve of the resolutions which we have
now before us, and. I propose to vote for.them
on their final passage. But it strikes me that
Ithere are some amendments' by the adoption of
- which the resolutions may be approved and
Made more - effective. I now propose the same
amendment which I offered this morning and
'subsequently withdrew. .
Mr: PIERCE. would ask whether the gen
llemari.can offer an amendment at this time,
without the unanimous consent of the House.
true SPEAKER. No, sir. The amendment
Connotbe offered without unanimous consent.
Tho gentleman can mote to_ go into Committee
of t the - Whole for the purpoSe - of "general or spe
c i
al amendment. -
mpve, then, that :the House resolve itself
fide, Committee of the Whole for general amend-
merit } . • '
The iriotibit . was not agreed to
Mr. TRACY. I have•no hope, Mr. Speaker,
fhat anythin Which . ' mak eaTi - ta - corild say, will
as igh with the majoritrorthik
When I asked to-day the poor boon. of.
luivirtg these resolutions : laid over until to
mbrrowi so that they might be printed, my re
citieSt: was promptly refused: Therefore I have
no expectation - but that this proposition will be
at Once pushed through, without - the slightest
mbdification or amendment. Yet, lam -con
strained to say that in the main I agree with
my friend from Allegheny, (Mr: AVitsxmis,) that
thiS proposition is a strange and improper one,-
and fraught, as rthak with pemidiouS results.
It involves a, proceedinumknown in the legis
lative history, of our country, and one which, in
my judgment; is of very doubtful Constitution
ality. " -I.f it is supposed that these Commission-
era," or ambassadors, or, whatever you • please to
call them, are to have any powers, and can take
any effectual action, then, sir, the proceeding is
clearly in direct contravention of the Constitu
tion of the United Stites: On the other hand,
if this is a•mere idle mission—such a mission
as was sent from this capital somewhere
down South the other day—an embassy with
out any powers-Lthen, although it may not
be unconstitutional, it . -is a proceeding in
which I - think the dignity of this House should
not allow it to engage. Is it becoming us in
this solemn manner to send out an embassy
destitute of all power to "act—a mere informal
body of citizen's? Such a proceeding is certain
ly' altogether new and, as I think; extremely
But it is fully understood that this proposi
tion, in its present shape, is to be forced through
this body, and forced to-night. Mr. Speaker, it
is a grave proposition. It opens an untried
path. In my . opinion, — these resolutions hi
volve a dangerous proceedure, and I shall be
constrained, - whatever other gentlemen may do,
to oppose any such experiment: I believe that
we have a Constitution, which, with the laws
enacted - under it, furnishes a safe and sufficient
form of government- I consider it 'a dangerous
concession to the rebellion of the South to say
that we will thus treat—that we will thus dis
regard what I conceive to be the plain Imo
visiong of the Constitution`of the United States
—that we will now admit that we are •a mere
Confederacy of States, held together by the in
dividual volition of each member; that we have
no government able to sustain itself. I be
lieve, sir, that we have a government • compe
tent to maintain itself.' I believe that by all
concessions of this kind we will get farther
and farther into trouble.'
. . -
But, as I said to-day, I feel entirely Impre
pared to meet this question. As one of a com
mittee On 'an important election case, I have
been engaged this afternoon: in listening to the
arguments of counsel, who have come from
Philadelphia, and whose arguments could not
be postponed: In consequence of this engage
ment on the part of the Committee, I implored
the small boon of a postponement until - to-Dior
row. - But my friend from Jefferson (Mr. Goa-
Doti) says that our action cannot be postponeil
until to-morrow ; it must be done" to-day it
must be donehastily and speedily:" --Why? , He
says if we do not take this action, those States
down there will, go out. Let me ask the gen
tlenum, does he think they - Will remain in if we
take the action proposed?
My friend from 'Montgomery (Mr. Hum) has
referred to the-remarks of the gentleman from
Allegheny (Mr. Wrarems) with whom I haVe
saki I largely sympathize ; and he has quoted
my friend from" Allegheny as taking a position
opposed to all compromise, and in favor of a re
sort to the sword.. Mr. Speaker, I have not
so walerstood the gentleman. I have under,
stood hina.distinctly .all along as, taking a posi
tier). in favor of maintaining the Constitution
and , tlte laws._ Have I not apprehended his po
sition-•correctly ? have', understood the gen
tlenum from Montgomery (Mr- . s4r.) to :be in
favor of yielding, in favor of reversing the de
cision of thiti country which has lately been so
emphatically .etpressed•at'the Let
me say to that gentlemani.with all_ due respect
and consideration far him, that-I am not,in fa,
vor fa any midi prtiptitio4. .
What is written in our Constitution and what
is enacted in our laws is, so far as I am con
derned, to be obeyed. It is not for me, even if
we are threatened :with :rebellion,. even. if our
forts are taken possession of by a hostile force,.
it is not for me to say, in this storm of rebellion
and insurrection, that I will forego the Consti
tution, that I will invalidate all the laws of the
country, and initiate a , proceeding such as is
prOposeby these resolutions, a proceeding which
has no parallel in the Legislative hisitory of our
country. • '
But; sir, I shall have to ask to be excused
from meeting this question now, because L have
never read the resolutions ;lily only knowledge
of them is derived from the reading at the
clerk's desk. It is not propOsed - to allow gen
tlemen to- investigate the question ; we are
called upon to act speedily—to go it now and
to I go it blind. Mr. Speaker,l am sorry now,,
it
has come to this. '
gentlemen say that if we'do not act at once,
our action will mot be in time, that-those peo
ple clown South will rebel and will be out of
the Union. Do gentlemen suppose that any
mere paPer resolutions Which we may pass here
will have any influence with those men who
have rebellion in their. hearts and arms in their
hands? No, sir, our action can have .no such
tendency.
But this question is brought Upon us precipi
tately. We cannot get a single day allowed for
discussion ; we cannot get any courtesy e#end
ed to us. If, gentlemen think it proper to press
these resolutions through in this way, they
will do so; but for one; shall go with my .
friend from. Allegheny (Mr. vor
JT.T.TA WO not be
cause he is for the sword, but because he is for
the ConstitUtion and the laws. •
Mr. ARMSTRONG. Mr. Speaker, I had hop
ed'that these resolutions would pass the House
without the necessity of any- discussion what
ever. Bnt I feel, sir, that after two so very
able arguments, from that side of the House
which chooses to differ from the majority here,
it is proper that some one should express in a
measure the views we entertain in voting for
these resolutions.
And here let me utterly disclaim any
intention to be wanting in courtesy to the
gentleman from Bradford (Mr. Them) or
any other member upon this floor. The.
resolutions before US provide for. the ap
pointment of Commissioners, who are to meet
next Monday in Washington. It is a specific'
propositiOn, and. if there were any delay, it
would defeat the very purpose of the whole pro
ceeeding. Even now it is doubtful whether the
Gdvernor has a whit more than barely time to
make his appointment of the Commissioners
and notify them of their appointment, so as to
enable them, to meet the other members of the
convention Pin Washington next Monday.
There is no discourtesy in pressing this matter
to a conclusion at this time.
But, sir, it : is suggested that this is an uncon
stitutional mode of proceeding—that there is no
authority of law for any such assemblage as this
resolution contemplates.. 1 open the Constitu
tion arAi fuld.that one:of its articles provides:
‘‘Congressehali=aker no 'Azov, uorntgmg - tut
right of the people peacefully to assemble and
petition the `government for 'redress of grie
vances." _ - -
How N this to be done? Can the people as
en inane and preaukt a statement of their
grievances.? In what form shall they assemble
in oilier that a petition forredressbf grievanbes
may be presented r Simply by appointing
these conventions,-which shall take into comdd
eration the subject matters of grievance,., and .
present them in such a form to the constituted
authorities that they can be - acted upon judi
ciously and wisely. .
Gentlemen say that by this proceeding we
admit that this Union is only a confederation
of States—that we have no government. Has
it come to this, that because the peoplepropose
to exercise the right guarimteed by the. Colipsti
tution, of assembling and petitioning for re
.dreat of grievances—grievances extending over
this whole Union—beeause it is proposed that
the representatives of the people shall assemble
in convention, at'. the National Capital,
to express what those grievances are—
shall we be told that we are a confederacy
only; and not a National Government ? Sir, I
utterly and totally disavow any such doctrine.
We are -,a government, and a strong govern
ment, based purely and entirely upon the na
tionality of - the people ; are . a nation in
oneness and entirety except within those spe
cific limits in which the States retain &sover
eignty. Do these resolutions propose to in
terfere in the smalleSt degree with the sover
eignty of the Government? We cannot deny
that the States are sovereign, within certain
limits. We claim for Pennsybrania a limited
sovereignty. Whilst we grant to , the General
Government et-universal sovereignty, we claim
a limited sovereignty for ourselves. These resolu
tions propose that the people of the 'United
States, from all sections of the country, shall
assemble, by their representatives, in Washing
ton—for what purpose ? Does anyone suppose
for a moment that it is proposed by this Legis
lature that that assemblage 'is to make altera
tions to our Constitution, that it is to do any
more than simply - to consider grievances from
which this' -country is suffering, and to present
them in proper formfor consideration to that -tri
bunal which' can properlyitake measuresfor re
dress? This isall that is proposed. What degree:la
tionis there inthis ? What is there humiliating
in 'this proposition, that a man of the nicest
honor might not, with the utmost propriety
and cordiality, adopt it ? Nothing ! Nothing !
We choose to send delegates to Washington,
to Confer with delegates from other States upon
National. grievances. Can any person upon
this floor presume -to say that there are no
grievances? A part of the nation is.already in
open rebellion, and rebellion is threatened in
other parts. Is it not because - there are - griev
ances to be met and to be answered? Sir, we
should profit by the experience of history. Had
Charles the First consented to hear and redress
the grievances of the British people there
would have been no Regicides in England.
Hid Louis XVI consented to hear and nedriss
tbe grievances of France, there would have been
no French Revolution, and no - 'Napoleon-to
rescue that revolution from the • hands of a
mob. Sir, let us , profit- by the 'experience .of
history, and let us not now thrust this county
into the very jaws of civil was. When we have
these grievances- before us-when we propose
to :meet them and redress them -by constitu
tional means,.within the strict limits of the
Constitution—is every proposition, looking to
that .end, to be east aside ? Gentlemen stand
here professing an earnest desire - to - settle this
question. -When we ask them how we shill
settle it, they answer, "enforce the laws." But
hpivi • I answer, by- the sword, if it be necssa
; but before' that dreadful alternative is
forced upon'the country, let us , endeavor, by
every, faithful effort, -to avert so dire a calami•
,ty ; so that if it shall ever come, we may stand
befere tlie'countrf with clean, heads- and with
Consciences that shall acquit us of any failure
in laboring by all poitoeftil means to arrest the
ktsam Stinting mart.
Having procured Steam Power Presets, we are
prepared to execute JOB and BOOK PRINTING of every
description, cheaper that It can be done at any other eg
tablishmentin the country.
RATES ON ADVERTISING.
Mier Pour lines or less constitute one-half square. Nig h
lines or mere than four constitute a sqUarO.
Half Square, one day.... SO3 a
one week.. .... ... ... 0(1
one month."...
45 three months
six months
one year ... ..
or, `guars one day
ono week........ 2 00
one month__ . 3 00
" three months__ . 5 00
a Mx months.. ............ 800
,
one Year .. 10 00
sir Bushiess notices Inserted in use Local co/umn, or
before Marriages and Death% Frill CEN^PB PER
for each Insertion.
NO. 25.
Marriages and Deaths to be charged as regular
advertisements.
Sir, to avert this calamity is not now beyond
our reach.. We have now the power ; the ex
igency is not beyond our control. If Virginia
and these other States are met with the proper
spirit of conciliation, this Union may be saved.
For, with Virginia, and Maryland, and Ken
tucky, standing with the conservative States of
the North, this rebellion, as I had occasion
to say recently, becomes inconsiderable in its
magnitude, in its consequences, and in its mor
al effect.
But, sir, we marmot ignore these grievances ;
we must meet them. They will be redressed—
if not peaceably within the Constitution, they
will be redressed by that right of revolution
which rises above all. Constitutions, and which
no power of civil government can ever control.
The right of revolution is a sacred right which
no Constitution presumes to control. Yet, sir,
let it not be . said -that I am justifying-revolu
tion..' Unsuccessful revolution is rebellion; and
the present attitude of some of the States of the
South is rebellion, for it 'cannot succeed, nor is
it justified by any existing grievances or any
circumstances• of the present time, nor unlit be
justified by the result. But let us be careful,
while we stand here to legislate upon these
great national questions, that we do not pre
cipitate a war, and in the attempt to arrest one
evil, plunge ourselves into others which are in
finitely greater.
Sir, I have the utmost regard for the people
of the South, who arenow attempting to stem
the 'tide of revolution which is flooding the
land. These men claim from us sympathy ;
they are entitled to it; and for one I stand here
ready to give it to any extent that will not sac
rifice my principles nor yield up those liberties
which are dearer than life. • .
Mr. Speaker, I will not trespass longer upon
the attention of the Rouse ; but I felt it due to
that part of the Republican party with whom
lam acting upon this floor, to express these
views in order that it may not be' said either
that we have tided- with discortrtesy, or that
we , are attempting to establish pnnciples which
are as abhorrent to us as they can be to any
others.
Mr. WILLIAMS. The argument of my friend
from Lycoming (Mr. Aumsruoso) rests upon
the hypothesis of the existence of grievances,
which are to be redressed by the means now
proposed. I. desire to inquire of that gentle
men what are the grievances under the General
Government of which any States of this Union
are now complaining, and which it is` proposed
that we shall redress.
Mr. ARMSTRONG. I had occasion some"-
tiine ago to remark to the gentleman from Al
legheny that he seems greatly inclined, when
I rise to make remarks upon questions before
us, to put me upon the stand,-aa if I were say:-
ing my catechism. However, I have no objed.
tion to answering the question which the gen
tleman has propounded. -
I have thought, and still think, that neither
the South, nor any part of the South, has any
grievances against the_ General Government. at
this time of which they ought - justly to com
•hdEL7 '•- -- 'lrnaULl this is ray position, I must, at
.the same.tline, say that it is idle for the gentle
man, or any one else, to-pretend that there is
not a . general wide-spread uneasiness in the
whole country, -predicated upon -the idea that
there are grievanee.s of which the people may
justly complain. This proposjtion is only that
they, by their representatives, shall meet in
friendly council, for the purpose of understand
ing whether those grievances are well or badly
founded, and, if necessary, what remedy may
be applied to. them.
Mr. WILLIAMS. The argument of the
learned gentleman; if - I understood -him, was
that this propcsed Convention did 'not involve
any violation of the spirit of the Constitution
of the. United States, because its object is to pe.
tition for redress of grievances, in conformity
with the pro Vision of that instrument to which
he referred. I have asked him, therefore, (and
the question was perfectly legitimate, and, as I
think, very kindly and very properly put,) what
are the grievances inflicted, or . Supposed to be
inflicted, by - the General Government which
this proposition had in view. He has failed to
show that there is any such grievance. He
suggests that there is wide-spread disturbance
and disaffection. I have not understood that
this arises out of any action on the part of the
General Government. ThatGovemraent, in all
its departments, has been throughout, and is
at-this day, in possession of the slave power.
There is nothing, therefore, to authorize com
plaint ; and nothing is now seized upon and em
ployed'as its, pretext and its covering, except
supposed or imaginary aggressions on the part
of the States. Hdw then does his argument ap
ply- to the case?
Mr. DUFFTRLD. I move that the House re
solve itself into Committee ef the Whole for
the purpose of special amendment. The amend
ment which I shall propose is to strike out, in
the second resolution,. the following words :
"That in the opinion of this legislature, the
people of Pennsylvania do not desire any altera
tion, or amendment to, the Constitution of the
United States, and any recommendation from
this body to that effect, while it does not come
within 'its appropriate and legitimate duties,
would not meet with their approbation."
Also, to strike out in the preamble the words:
"In the opinion of this Legislature, no rea
sonable cause exists for the extraordinary ex
citement which now pervades some of the States
in relation to their domestic institutions ; and
while Pennsyltania still adheres to and oannot
surrender the principles which she has always
entertained on the subject of slavery."
The SPEA.RER. The question is upon the
proposed amendment. -
Mr. COLLINS. Is not the question upon go
ing into Coinmittee of the Whole
The SPEAXER. The - question is upon going
into Committee of the Whole for the purpoee
of special amendment, and if the motion be
agreed to, the amendment wilt be adopted.-
Consequently the question is upon the amend
ment.
• Mr.- ABBOTT. This amendment proposes to
strike out certain words in the preamble= and
alsO certain words in the second resolution:
would ailr. Whether the question is .divisible.
Thei
SPEAKER. The question s upon going
into Committee of the Whole for the - purpose of
specialamendmeut which has been indicated:
The question is not divisible. .
Mr: ABBOTT. Then preeiume that, in vot
ing upon this question, there is no opportunity
for discriminating betweentheie two proposed
amendments. When the resolutions were be
fore us this morning I proposed. to .strike out
the words of the • second rekdutiOn. which
are 'now proposed.to be stricken out l'ay the
amendment of the :gentleman :from..Philadel
phia (Mr. Du in.) - -I. still .adhere , to, my
opinion infavor of :striking out those, words,
although I shalt - be - compelled to vote ad
versely to goingKb:to Conamittee- of - the
Whole- it such: action is. to mosummitte both
amendments which have, been indicated—that
is,' to`Strike out WOtikin:thfi preamble, - will& i
ani aedto retain, as - Welles that - to strike out
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