the Tribune.] FBEE-SOIL. SONG. BT L. HMU CHILD. Tin F«opfo «W mured I They', to ilombucd to? ' We, ‘ , ' n . - ’ WWW Freaddm grew wektqKid Tyranny itrony. Bat now Ibojr kre eototojftotn hill and glan, They noma toths rtacoc |h« FaxxJiSon. men I The toot of tbeFilfTimstTß boldand strong, When once they ore roused to » sense of wrong. They’re coming 1 they're coming! Boot hill end They cone to the rescue the fuAut men I Their Voices from Maine airborne on the breete, Like mighty winds stirring among the trees; They're coming! they’re coming! Bom wood and glen, They come to the rescue—the Fuk-Soil men t Heir Hampshire has Sent ns a bloody cone, In that servile tqol, their Franklip Pierce. They will right the wrong they furthered then ; They come to the regcoe—the FacaSoii. men! And the Empire State has a soul too brave To be'bought and said like a Southern slave. Hark." hark.’ for tire shout of Freedom again! They coihe to the rescue—the Fbxkßoii. men 1 The Quakers arc stirred to their inmost souls; Broad-brims and straight-coats flock to the polls. Slow htesyings be on joe green woods of Penn, They come to the rescue—the FnaaSou. men I Across the wid B rivers there comes a shoot. Odrsons/io the West are valiant and stoat; By thousands they come tram prairie and gfen ; They eoneto the rescue—the Fare-Sou. rqen! In Free States of Kansas banners shall wave ' O’er teres enenrsed by sweat of a slave; The compaolia sworn in prarie and glen; They come to the rescue—the Fau-SoiL men! A yoke for our necks, a drag aud a chain, If despots can lull us to dumber again. Sound trumpets aloud from mountain to glen, And gather the forces of Ftzc-Sau. men 1 For honor, for troth, for Freedom they stand, They’re rousing in strength all over the land. Their signal speeds last from mountain to glen; Clear tracks for the trains of the Fsxc-Sojl men! THE QUESTION OF TEE DAT. LETTER FROM THE MON. 8. D. INGHAM. • Tbknton, Oct. 4,1856. The Hon. John Laportb — My dear Sir: \ou may have noticed that I am again to come extern in public view. After so long a retirement from political affairs, it may seem proper tor me to make explanation of this to my personal friends. la determining to abstain from mingling in political life, it was ■ol intended to avoid a public declaration of opinion in any, aad especially in extreme ex. igeoetes of public affairs; and an occasion has now arisen, which, in my judgment, em menlly calls [or me exertion of the feeblest as well as the ablest efforts. I have always been decidedly opposed to the aggression of the ultra Abolitionists on the South, and fond, ly hoped that the measures of 1850 were a boat settlement of the Slavery qucsiion.— But me scene is now changed. In evil hour we had placed an incompetent and ir resolute man at (he head of the Government, who readily yielded his power into the hands one (Secretary of War) who was known to oe a secessionist, unless the Slave States could have absolute dominion ; nnd we have been forced to decide whether the whole pub lic domain ought to be kept open for settle - meat by freemen who live by their own hon est labor, or shall be devoted to the exclusive possession of those who live mainly by rais ing and selling slaves. The principles involved appeared to me sufficient to determine my judgment, aside from the immense National interests at stake. To illustrate these, led. us suppose Kansas to contain 50 millions of acres under cultiva tion (its contents exceed 70 millions of acres) ; this would give 500,000 farms of 100 acres each. These owned and cultivated by a fam ily of six persons, would support a population of three millions employed in agriculture alone, exclusive of these engaged in mechan ical and other employments—supplied as free men would be with churches, schools, and all the other institutions necessary to the devel opment of human intellect and the advance ment of human happiness. Contrast this with (he condition of Virginia where Slavery has run u* course—and take Gov, Wiae’a description of Virginia, vie; “ Veuhtvcrelied stone on the tingle power ofsgri culture—and ruck a griculiurt Your sedge-pitch c* oaUbine the tun. Your insltenlion to your only Moarcc of wealth bat neared the bosom of mother esrth. Instead of having to feed cattle on a thousand hills, ym have had it ehate the tlu mp tailed leer through ike ledge-ptehei to procure a tingle beef tleai. The present condition of things has existed too long in Virginia. The landlord has skinned the tenant, and the tenant hat skinned the land, aolil alt have grown poor together. 1 ' But (he vehement charge is that we would exclude Virginians and others of the South from Kansas. Nothing can be more untrue. Have not Virginians and North Carolinians, dec., aettled in great numbers in Ohio, and become thrifty farmers? So it would be in Kansas ; it would become a place of happy refuge for the moat suffering class of the white laborers of the South, who, if settled there, would be as much interested in the exclusion of Slavery as other emigrants can be. The thundering clamor now making about the rights of the South to lake their slave proper ly into the Territories, is got up by those who want a market for their slaves—not by those who want to cultivate the land. It would re quire some strong logic to prove that such op. orators have a constitutional or conventional right to the exclusive possession of the whole public domain. 1 say exclusive, because the Free laborer can never prosper where Slave ry exists. Such are my views, and they are confirmed by the Democratic principles I have always cherished, lam too old to follow a tyrant’s banner because it has the word Democracy painted on it. But I have given you a long letter, when 1 had intended a short one. I shall be( pleased to find that you agree with me ; but whether or not, it will mane no difference in the sin cerity of the respect and esteem of Your un cbangblo fnepd, g. q. Ingham. P. S.—l have just passed my 77th year— am confined entirely to my own room, and can only write on a slate, having an aman uensis to copy, so that my correspondence mustbe very limited. a. n. i. One of the workmen upon Greene's rifles at the Massachusetts \rm? Company's works so uqCortijDqtß, q flay or two since, at to Iht the thumb of his right bqntj upon a citcu- V »w. Concluding, upon inspection, that i Ww WM used up, he cooly went back bolding the damaged thumb tip his led hand, made a clean amputation oi ti, aqd then proceedei} to have jt dressed by a sprgeon, /: ipi ' ' 1 9ei COBB, STURROCK & CO., YOL. 3. from The N. Y. Tribune* The Position of the ZVon-Slaroholdora In BoiylaxuL Sib : I havethb pleasure of reporting the fact of a PrOmonLElectoral Ticket iri, Mary land, headed Wiih the name of Francis' P. Blair—a mangjvhose strung common sense, earnest love of Freedom, and indomitable courage, were ; M,strikingly exhibited in his “ teller to his tteighbots,” and whose Uue Democracy was attested t>y hla selection by Andrew Jackson as his editorial organ, du ring his memorable Administration. Here are the names Of (he lickel: /In* the State at Large: Francis ?. Blair* » WOUM* PIKMRT SWIKQ. Fbrlht ZhjtrWi—Jama* Brjßn, John Lincoln, George W. MarUort, WJDI&m S. Cotle, Itarid Gamble, Joabua Swltctr. The foregoing are not “ bogus" names, but those of roatfsubstantial and well-known citi zens- of the different section of Maryland— ibe colleague of Mr. Blair, as will'be seen, bearing one of. the State’s greatest names, William Pinknpy. There are now in the field Fremont Elec toral tickets in, at leastfour Slave States, viz; Delaware, Maryland, Virginia and Kentucky. North Carolina mayetaasonably be expected to be added to the list, “ Are these all the Slave Slates that will have tickets?’’ it will be asked. I answer by putting this question : “Is it not remarkable that any one can be (bund willing to serve as an elector for Fremont and Dayton in a sing le Slave State, in the face of the fiendish per secution awaiting him ?’’ If four Slave States have tickets under present circumstances, what may we not expect when protection to Freedom ofSpeech and the Elective Franchise shall hove been inaugurated in the Slave States, as an inevitable result of our triumph at the present crisis? The answer is in the minds of the slaveocrats of the South, and hence their desperate efforts to prevent the wedge from entering at all—for, to change the figure, they are wise enough to foresee that all that the non-slaveholding masses of their re gion require is a standing place for their feet, and a fulcrum for their lever. This right once secured, the internal weakness of the South will be revealed. The end of the pres ent Reign of Terror would be the end of the Slave Power’s National Domination, and this the blusterers well know. It \a not the eman cipation of the black man of the South that they fear, as the result of Fremont’s election, but the Emancipation of the White Mew. The one, they know well enough, is not con templated by the Republican movement, how ever they may pretend to tbo contrary, while the other would be an inevitable result of the guarantee of the freedom of political action tjTOry-rhorr,, V.ok Fremont’s election Would give. Am I asked for my reasons for writing so confidently on (his subject? I will answer that these are among my reasons : First, my knowledge of the condition, feelings, wishes, purposes and plans of the non-slaveholders, gathered during a life-long residence in the South; second, ihe number and urgency of the private letters which come from slave holding Siates, with appeals lo Republicans in Free Slates to “ stand firm,” for their sakes —hailing ihem as their deliverers; in the third place, I infer what this class of men would do in (he South'were (his terrorism re moved by what they proclaim (heir purpose to do wherever I meet them as the untram eled residents of Free Stales. And here 1 wish lo draw attention to a significant fact: My presence, as sn humble advocate of the claims of the Republican standard bearers, wherever I have spoken, has not unnaturally attincied former residenls of the South lothe meetings ; and these, trith scarcely an ex ception, have proclaimed their inflexible purpose to vote for Fremont —adding that their recollections of the influences of Slave ry on the laboring classes, even under the old programme of “ Slavery for black men,” would be enough to determine ihem lo vole for Ihe only reliable non-extension candidate, John C. Fhemost—a man who has also learned his lesson in (he South, and from (he same book of observation with themselves. John C. Underwood, Cassius M. Clay, and the few other Southerners who are on Ihe slump in Free Slates, endeavoring to counter act the raw head and bloody bones “ disun ion” arguments of a score of sloveliolding speakers, will confirm Ihe statement of the significant fact which I here give. Toora, for Vkxvoxt and Fbbcdou. * 3. T-. SSODOIUSS. The account of President Pierce’s recep. lion at Concord N. H., mentioned the singu lar fact that just as he reached the triumphal arch, a monster U. S. flag above his head was rent by the wind from top to bottom, and the names of Buchanan and Breckenridge were torn off. The evil omen was repeated ; a new flag to which the President contributed 8200, larger and more beautiful than the other, was hoisted os he came from the de pot, on his return from Andover, Monday morning, but when it was about half up an indignant northern breeze seized it and dash ed it against an iron awning, tearing it into several strips and completely removing the candidates’ names as from the other. In both cases the words “The Constitution and tho Union” on the lop of the flag were left floating unhaimed. • Mope Paooe.—The proof of Fkemont being a Catholic is increasing I!! A gen tleman who visited him a (few days ago says that everything that looks suspicious is con cealed and be would have gone away with out discovering anything had he not met the cook at the door. He scrutinized her care fblly, and, although she endeavored to con ceal the fact, he discovered that'she was Cross-Eyed !! ! Fillmore Buchanan papers please Qopy, rjin ssn,ft i v : It u m mitnmn of tHe atm of m&owaa& W Sgtt&ft oc l^efoirm WEUSBOBOUGH, TIOGA COUNTY. PA., THUESMY MORNING. OCTOBER 30. 1856. Sib: (nthiaday’s Tribuhh correspon dence from Kansas I read tfae following: “I sawn man to-day whom I had known in New England. He said to roe: ‘1 carte to Kansas with 81,600 in money; t'have served through the whole war'; <f have® wife and nine children; they have lived forafon night on green corn and squash; there is in my house neither meat, nor potatoes, nor meal; nor flour, nor money; nor do I know where to Jook for any. Hut I shall live and die in, Kansas," . The writer further says: “If money is to be or can be raised in behalf of suffering Free Kansas, let it rather be employed in sustaining the suffering and impoverished here, than in sending other emigrants.” Kansas needs more men, let me add, but such only should go os can support them selves. Three man well fed and clothed are better than ten famishing ones. JFriends of Freedom I awake, I beseech you, to action. Friends of-Humanity I lost momenta are gol den sands of life vanished forever I This is the 10th of October, Beyond the limits of civilization, four hundred weary miles of prairie intervene between us and the perishing I This is the 10th of October I and soon (hose broad wastes will lie buried beneath acres of snow I * When that lime shall have come, our brave but suffering people will be cut off, as by a wall, from the entire North, and unless pre viously provided for, will be left a prey to all villainies and devilish atrocities of the mon sters who have thus far scourged them.— Who, then, shall succor the widow in her desolation ? What hand shall feed her inno cents, perishing by cold and hunger f (n (hat sad hour where shall the brave defenders of. Freedom look for relief? Upon the exertions of to-day depend the issues of ages! The time may seem short to us, oh, friends'! between now and November; the lime may seem short to us between this and the Crown ing of March ! We are all looking, and I trust all working, for the election of out be loved Fremont, the hope and morning star of crushed and suffering Kansas. But consider, oh, ye well led ones ! consider, oh, ye-com fortably clad ones I consider, oh, ye welt shel tered ones ! that time wastes slowly for those who are wailing their hour of deliverance. To the perishing, hours are like 'days, and days like weary years! This is the 10th of October. Despotism ,~>J- 8 -wJ a .V a iy fo Freedom only (he desert for a highway. There is no Missouri for us I The rivers of America are no longer open to freemen. By and by they will be opened. By and by when our noble “Pathfinder” shall be our brave Path-opener ! then shall freemen once more smile. Then shall Kansas be saved! ;; r r / r v T 1 5 t • •J'J.IJ “THfe AGITATION OF THOUGHT 18 THE BE9INNINO or WISDOM.” An Appeal for Kansas, WITH PRACTICAL SOOOUTIOIM FOE ITS RELIEF. To'ttw Wit*’ afTtoAgt'u&lr;' ‘ But, while watching and waiting and pray ing and working for this great consummation, let us likewise seize the passing moments to fortify and sustain Liberty’s brave defenders on Kagsas soil. Friend, my heart is full, and I could say much, but wilt say no more. You will heed this appeal, ft must be so. You ask now for information. Listen: On the 4>h of last July the citizens of Kansas appointed a “ Central Kansas Committee" within iheTerritory, thirteen in number, cho sen one from each district of the twelve into which Kansas is divided, and a thirteenth man from Lawrence. On the 9th of July, at Buffalo, the friends of Kansas in Convention chose a National Kansas Committee without the Territory, sixteen in number, one from each of the Free Stales, with supplementary working members from Illinois and Kansas. The headquarters of this organization is at Chicago. W. F. M. Amy, at that point, is our indefatigable and faithful transportation agent. The National Committee act in concert with the Central Committee. The first relief train has just entered Kansas. The National Committee now possess facilities for forward ing supplies. Let no lime be lost in sending them in. Where it can be done, It is best to mark and and send direct lo W. F. M. Amy, Chicago, paying freight for the same where you can afford it. In such cases, mark your consignments “ paid,” and by letter apprise Mr. Arny of this fact. As the expense of transportation is great, send new rather than half-worn clothing. Clothing packed in bar rels lined with “ lar-paper,’’ will go without risk of injury from dampness. The intersti ces around and among the goods may be filled with rice, beans, and such like food as will not be injured by impregnation ffom the garments of tar-paper. Blanket-shawls and blankets%ill be very acceptable to the shiv ering settlers this Winter. Pins, needles, thread buttons and such small things should not bo overlooked. Where you can, send gray or green flannel, rather than red or while. The reasons for this are important. Any further information may be obtained by writing lo W. F. M. Arny, Chicago; or to TRADDBOS HYATT, President of the Nations! Kansas Committee, New York. JVew York, Oct. 10, 1860. One of ihe prcllieit items of the recent Fremont procession at Sandusky, Ohio, was over 100 girts in an immense carriage drawn by 40 horses. The girls were all in while dresses, with blue sashes, and they carried a banner with the inscription, Of the Tribe or Jessie.” A man who dislikes mop-handles should be careful how bo spits tobacco-juice on a red headed woman's carpet. r : i i */■ f*» 1 ■ r attir-' 1, - Hi 1 ! .V! ;„| Reasdns fbr Acting with the Repuh- Ucan Party. Thi following Is an article written by Hen ry C. C«frey, Esq., giving reasoiis why the Republican party should be sustained: Ist. Because it is in'favor of Free Speech, and opposed to club Idw> on the floor of Con gr&a, and (b Border-Ruffian law on the soil of Kinsps; 11 , 2d. Becausb it' ls In favor of Peek Labor, and opposed to the policy Which fills our mar ket, with the product of foreign workshops, whle our own workmen, their Wives and children, are unemployed. Because it la in favor of Free Men, andiopposed to the system which gives 60,- 000 oligarchs, owners of hosts of slaves, the sole of the policy of the country. 4th. Because it is in favor of Fbee Soil, and desires that the vast plains of Kansas and Nebraska,sufficient to make twelve such, Slates as Pennsylvania, should be divided among the free men of the country, their wives and children. slb. Because it is in favor of Fbee Gov ernment, and opposed to the system which gives to the people of Kansas no choice ex cept'between martial law and tberobfa law of the Border Ruffians of Missouri. 6<h, Because it desires to rescue the Lib ebtiss of the citizens, and is therefore op. posed to the doctrine of constructive treasons and contempts, by means of which a corrupt Government, and corrupt Judges, now seek their subversion. . | 7th. Because it desires to setttle all ques tions by means of the Ballot-Box, leaving to the advocates of Slavery the use of the revolver.and the bowie-knife. ' B<h. Because it has no affinity with the patty whose leading organs teach their read ers that “Slavery,” whether for the black man or the white, is a “ legitimate , useful and expedient institution and that there fore, they should seek “not merely to retain it where it is, but to extend it to regions where it is unknown.” 9th. Because, in seeking to protect the na tional property from the defilement of sla very, it acts io strict accordance with (he principles of that Great O/dinance of Seven teemHundred and Gighty-seven, which with the shingle exception of one northern member received the unanimous vote-of Congress, and has since been confirmed by acts of Con gress, bearing the signature of every Presi dent from Washington to Polk. - 10,- Because it protests against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, to which in 18- 49,-Mr. Buchanan clung, with more tenacity than ever.” 11. Because in advocating the cause of Free Labob in Kansas it acts in full ac cordance with that Compact of Peace which set limits ueyono -.:-u 0., v ghou|d not be extended, and within which it was no, be interfered with. 12ih. Because it is purely National and Anti-Sectional—bolding that the North has rights as well as the South ; and (hat those of all should be equally respected. 13th. Because it is emphatically (he Party of the Union—being the only one that has never threatened dissolution of the connection because of success or failure in the approach ing election. 14th. Because it has incurred (he hatred of all teclionalitU; as well t(jose living north of Mason ami Dixon’s lihe as those living south of it. ISlh. Because it is the party which follows in the train of the Patriots of the Revo lution —all of its doctrines on the subject of free aod slave labor being derived from Washington, Jefferson, and other eminent men of the South. 16th. Because it stands by the Constitu tion as interpreted by Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, the younger Ad ams, Jackson, Vanßuren, Harriaph, Tyler, Polk, Taylor—and by Buchanan himself, un til the passage of the infamous Kansas Ne braska act—all of them having held that Congress had full power for the government of all the national territory, and might ex clude slavery at its pleasure. 17lh. Because it is the Peace Party—repu dialing altogether the highwayman’s plea, embodied in the Ostend circular. 18th. Because it is the Sound Currency Party—advocating the adoption of measures that will cause to be retained at home the gold now sent abroad to be applied to the main tenance of the currency of other countries. I9lh. Because it is (he High Wages Par ty —wholly opposed to the idea that reduc tion in (he price of human labor, or the re duction of the free laborer to the condition of the slave is the measure required to enable us to compete with the pauper laborer of Eu rope. 20th. Because it is the party of Freedom everywhere; anxious to relieve the millions of poor and down-trodden whiles of the South from the degrading and debasing tyranny to which they are now subjected. 21st. Because, holding that Freedom is National, and Slavery only sectional, it ob jects to oil measures tending toward enabling Southern planters to "call the roll of (heir slaves at Bunker Hill.” 33d. Because it is the parly of Sound Morals —being opposed to the introduction of either Slavery or Polygamy into the Ter ritories of the Union. 23d. Because it has for its chief standard bearer, John C. Fremont, a man of high in tellect, spotless integrity, and unshrinking firmness—one fully worthy to be thq succes sor of Washington and Adams, Jefferson, Madison aod Jackson, in the Presidential chair. 241 h. Because that standard-bearer is an advocate of "Free Labor," as "the natural capital which constitutes tbe real wealth of TOR. ,>:i • : :» h i. . . • •>». •** l -‘I *' ' i . n l ; PUBLISHERS & PROPRIETORS, thia free country, and creates that intelligent power in (he masses alone to be relied on as ton Bulwark or Peek Institutions.” 25th. Because in him we have a Man, tod not a mere Pro-Slavery Platform, from tbs IndjanapoNt of tbe 26th. A Sight for Buohaaanites. We saw a scene in the Union Depot yes terday morning, that we think, preached a more powerful Fremont sermon than all the eloquence of the stump or the Senate has yet produced. Seated along the wall, on a bench, was a family of thirteen, the father, mother and eleven children, weary, dirtv, destitute tad wretched, beyond all paralel in this pros perous city. At one end was a well grown boy of sixteen, without a shirt, his skio blue with the cold, exposed, except where scanty garments of thin and coarse linen covered it. He had been sick, and was Wrapped in a coarse coverlet. Near him sal a young wo- sister, with her husband. She was bare-headed and hardly covered with rags that had not touched water apparently, since they were made. A pale and puny baby lay in her arms. Three or four little boys sat next, wan-looking creatures, as white as their little wool hats, except where the dirt gave an ap. pearance of health to the flesh. They were ragged and shivering with cold, but they didn't speak nor cry ; so utterly un like the cheerfulness and vivacity of boys was their silence and quietude, that it made one's heart ache to see them. One of them once passed his hand caressingly over the face of the little baby which lay in its moth er's lap, but there was no smile nor glimmer of affection in his pale face. The mother was bare-beaded, unwashed and pale, as were all the family. She, like her daughter, nursed a little, sickly child that lay noiseless, but staring with its round eyes at the crowd of pitying spectators. A son, dressed or rather undressed, like all the rest, sat in the middle, shivering with a chill. He writhed from side to side, and groaned sometimes, but never spoke. The father, a man of appa rently forty-five years, had wrapped a small quilt about his shoulders, and either under the cheering influence ol vso much greater warmth than the rest enjoyed, or because he fielt it incumbent on him as the head of the family, was the only one that spoke while wo were within hearing. He had been driven from Kansas, he said, by the Buchanan men, as so many other poor settlers have been, and robbed of every dollar he had in the world. His cattle had been stolen by Buford's thieves, and he expelled from lha territory because he would not take arms against the “traitor Lane,’’ as the I Sentinel ’ calls him. He moved from near Lexington, Ky., and his name was Ritchie. They had no properly, no money, no provisions, no medicines, and several of them were sick, almost without So forlorn and wretched a family we never saw, and tney wcn> maft,, gg |,y infamous scoundrels whom the Administra lion hired as “Kansas militia,” to execute the Kansas laws. They were one of the pro ductions of Democratic policy. The spectators contributed liberally to help them on their road to Lexington. Mr. David Hays, of the city police, exerted himself most efficiently on (heir behalf, and raised some ten or twelve dollars. Nearly every man or boy who approached, left some contribution for them. We sow sturdy railroad engineers and firemen emptying their pocket books, news boys gathering their coppers into a con venient heap, kind-hearted citizens unrolling bills. Every body seemed touched by their silent, uncomplaining distress. Now and (hen we could hear men soying; “There is something for an old liner to look at I” One little gentleman of the Buchanan stripe para ded up and down the depot with an indignant strut, grumbling and cursing bitterly, as he would bear some sturdy Frcmonter “Come up here, and see what your party in Kansas have done.” It was quite a scene —altogether. Fraud ! Fraud ! Elector Fraud ! It is believed that eight thousand fraudulent voters were received in Philadelphia' at the late election, given by foreigners and non residents, colonized for that purpose by the Sbamocrntio cheating Democracy. The same game was played in this county. Some of the Foreign adheranls to the Pope who voted in several districts have been arrested and bound over for trial. They will only escape punishment by forfeiting their bail. At the Sadsbtiry poll a company of Irish Catholics put in their voles early in the morning and im mediately look the cars east. One of the parly, a little more intoxicated than the others, boas ted at Christiana that they would vote again in Philadelphia ; and no doubt they did so.— This scheme of villainy and fraud was carried on to an unknown and probably unlimited ex tent all over the Stale—and especially in the city of Philadelphia, in Berks and the coun ties bordering upon New Jersey. If honest and legal votes only had been received, no one can doubt that the Union Stale Ticket would have been elected. As it-is, the fraud schemers have it only by a small majority,— probably under three thousand, which is less thnn one per cent, on the vote polled; . With these facts who can doubt that the Union Electoral Ticket is sure of obtaining a majority, if the friends of Fremont and Fill, more do their duty, unitedly and harmonious ly. Let every one resolve that the Slate shall not be lost for the want of his exertions, and 'act accordingly, and victory is certain to crown the effort.— lndependent Whig, The South now maintains that Slavery u right , natural and neccessary, and does not depend upon difference of complexion. The laws of the Slave States justify the holding of white men in bondage,—Richmond Euq. The Result la PewuyUrepUu Darmpoodenc* of The y. Y. TrOmafi- The vote) polled’at the election in ibia cijy last Spring for Mayor, was The rote at the election which baa jest taken places foots up, hy the official return, 68,643—but as a number of precincts were thrown out by the judges, (he entire sole wilt fopt, up qqi less than 13,000—making an increase of a little less than 13,000 voles in five months I Now, after making due allowance for every possible cause which may have contributed In swell the vote, no man in his senses will be* lieve that the increase just quoted is fair and legitimate. On tbo contrary, (be opinion ia universally expressed here that at least 10., 000 votes out of tfie above number were apu, rious—a conclusion which, afier a careful survey of the facts, it is impossible to escape. Several individual instances of wholesale fraud have already come to light, and the Union candidate for District-Attorney. Wm, B. Mann, has taken preliminary steps to con, test the election,; NO. 11 Up lo a Itt'e hour on r Thursday evening, however, it was (evident that (he system of fraud, stupendous as it was, which had been so successfully tarried out, was yet insuffi, ciem to overcome the vast majorities which the friends of freedom bod rolled up io the western counties, and something more must be done. Up lo that time no Democrat had claimed a majority io this city of over 3,000, and the. most careful estimates, based on the returnspgiveh by the election officers to the agents of the press, made it about 2,500. But when the Democratic Board of Return Judges meet, we find that we have made a mistake of a thousand, and that their aver* age majority is 8,500 —enough lo defeat Mann, who ran ahead of his ticket; and, by the help of similar suddenly increased major, hies in several strong Democratic counties, insure the success of the Border Ruffians in the State. It is remarkable, to say the least, that such a wide discrepancy should exist between all previous reports, and the returns of the judges, and more remarkable that the same phenomenon should oppear simultane, ously in so mony places. So far as this city is concerned the facilities for arriving at a correct result are such as to render impossible a mistake ia the estimate of six hundred or a thousand. The facilities for frauds under our present election arrangements are smple. The Ledger to the contrary notwithstanding,— The ballot-boxes, instead of being locked and having a small hole in the lid, are made with sliding covers, which are left partly open to deposit the ballots, so that if a judge or in spector desires to stuff" in a handful of vote* for his favorite candidate, he has only to watch his opportunity. Take in connection with this, the fact that in many precincts the polls were entirely in the hands of Democrats, and the 14,000 extra assessments made a few days previous to the election, and you have data enough to account Tor an increase of 15,000 voles in five months. The vote of Tuesday was larger than any vote ever before cast in any city of the Union, New Vork not excepted, ans if honest, would show our pop. ulotion to bejnot less than 600,000. The Declaration of American Indepen dence Repudiated by the Buchanlers. Since the Republican platform was laid at Philadelphia, made up largely, as it is, from the Declaration of Independence, the Buch aniers have made a dead set at that instru ment, determined, apparently, to have it erased from the hearts, if not from the histo ry, of ihe American people. Rufus Choate, in his letter to the Buchan an allies in Maine the oihqr day, spoke of the Dcclaraiionlof Independence as a string of “ glittering generalities.” Old John Pettit, of Indiana, has said, “the self-evident truths in the Declaration were nothing but self-evi dent lies, and now we find John C, Breckin ridge the candidate of the Buchaniers for Vice President, expressing himself with equal or even greater freedom in regard to its dan gerous heresies. At a speech delivered in Butler county, Ohio, a week or two since, he thus repudiated the glorious truths of the Declaration of Independence, to sustain which the Republicans of 1775 “ pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor “We are told that the Declaration of Inde. pendence is embodied in the Constitution of the United States I The Declaration is an abstraction. Put it in the Constitution, and what would follow ? It would follow, that Ihn Constitution must protect every man m his r'ght to • life, liberty, and the pursuit of hop. piness’ * • • You would find it interfering with the institutions of the S'ate, and it would lead our country rapidly to de struction. But why do I speculate upon what it would do ? Long before (his, our Union would be obliterated forever. It would be come as intolerable and hateful , as it’s past has benificenl and glorious,” The less Mr. Breckinridge and his confed erates think of that instrument, the more iha people of the North are disposed to prize it ~N. Y. Eve. Post. " Louder !”—A man lately went to the Post-Office, and pulling his mouth up to the delivery-box, cried out, “ Louder!” The clerk, supposing the man to be deaf, and that he was making a request of him to speak louder so that he could hear, asked him in a very loud tone the name of the person for whom he wanted the latter. “ Louder!” cried the man. “ What name !” yelled (he clerk. “Louder. 1 ’’ again bawled the man, who now supposed the clerk to be deaf. The clerk took a long breath, and with all his might again bawled out in the man’s face the same question, “ What name V* This was done in so lnud a tone that the echo seemed to return from the far-off bills. The man started back.in-alarm, shouting to the very lop of his big lungs : “ Louder, Sir, Louder I I told you Louder I My name is nothing else!’’ (1 Oh, ah ! oh, ho!” said the clerk, “your name is Louder, eh ! Didn’t think of that; here’s your letter; Mr. Louder, here's your letter.” — Washington Star. No man can lay his head in safety upon his pillow in the midst of slavery .-Thoa. Jefferson. We should transmit to posterity our abhor rence ol Slavery.— Patrick Henry. Pbb.adw*hu, Oct. 18, 1856, W. H. H.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers