the Tribune.]
FBEE-SOIL. SONG.
BT L. HMU CHILD.
Tin F«opfo «W mured I They', to ilombucd to?
' We, ‘ , ' n . - ’
WWW Freaddm grew wektqKid Tyranny itrony.
Bat now Ibojr kre eototojftotn hill and glan,
They noma toths rtacoc |h« FaxxJiSon. men I
The toot of tbeFilfTimstTß boldand strong,
When once they ore roused to » sense of wrong.
They’re coming 1 they're coming! Boot hill end
They cone to the rescue the fuAut men I
Their Voices from Maine airborne on the breete,
Like mighty winds stirring among the trees;
They're coming! they’re coming! Bom wood and
glen,
They come to the rescue—the Fuk-Soil men t
Heir Hampshire has Sent ns a bloody cone,
In that servile tqol, their Franklip Pierce.
They will right the wrong they furthered then ;
They come to the regcoe—the FacaSoii. men!
And the Empire State has a soul too brave
To be'bought and said like a Southern slave.
Hark." hark.’ for tire shout of Freedom again!
They coihe to the rescue—the Fbxkßoii. men 1
The Quakers arc stirred to their inmost souls;
Broad-brims and straight-coats flock to the polls.
Slow htesyings be on joe green woods of Penn,
They come to the rescue—the FnaaSou. men I
Across the wid B rivers there comes a shoot.
Odrsons/io the West are valiant and stoat;
By thousands they come tram prairie and gfen ;
They eoneto the rescue—the Fare-Sou. rqen!
In Free States of Kansas banners shall wave '
O’er teres enenrsed by sweat of a slave;
The compaolia sworn in prarie and glen;
They come to the rescue—the Fau-SoiL men!
A yoke for our necks, a drag aud a chain,
If despots can lull us to dumber again.
Sound trumpets aloud from mountain to glen,
And gather the forces of Ftzc-Sau. men 1
For honor, for troth, for Freedom they stand,
They’re rousing in strength all over the land.
Their signal speeds last from mountain to glen;
Clear tracks for the trains of the Fsxc-Sojl men!
THE QUESTION OF TEE DAT.
LETTER FROM THE MON. 8. D. INGHAM.
• Tbknton, Oct. 4,1856.
The Hon. John Laportb — My dear Sir:
\ou may have noticed that I am again to
come extern in public view. After so long a
retirement from political affairs, it may seem
proper tor me to make explanation of this
to my personal friends. la determining to
abstain from mingling in political life, it was
■ol intended to avoid a public declaration of
opinion in any, aad especially in extreme ex.
igeoetes of public affairs; and an occasion
has now arisen, which, in my judgment, em
menlly calls [or me exertion of the feeblest
as well as the ablest efforts. I have always
been decidedly opposed to the aggression of
the ultra Abolitionists on the South, and fond,
ly hoped that the measures of 1850 were a
boat settlement of the Slavery qucsiion.—
But me scene is now changed. In evil
hour we had placed an incompetent and ir
resolute man at (he head of the Government,
who readily yielded his power into the hands
one (Secretary of War) who was known to
oe a secessionist, unless the Slave States
could have absolute dominion ; nnd we have
been forced to decide whether the whole pub
lic domain ought to be kept open for settle -
meat by freemen who live by their own hon
est labor, or shall be devoted to the exclusive
possession of those who live mainly by rais
ing and selling slaves.
The principles involved appeared to me
sufficient to determine my judgment, aside
from the immense National interests at stake.
To illustrate these, led. us suppose Kansas to
contain 50 millions of acres under cultiva
tion (its contents exceed 70 millions of acres) ;
this would give 500,000 farms of 100 acres
each. These owned and cultivated by a fam
ily of six persons, would support a population
of three millions employed in agriculture
alone, exclusive of these engaged in mechan
ical and other employments—supplied as free
men would be with churches, schools, and all
the other institutions necessary to the devel
opment of human intellect and the advance
ment of human happiness. Contrast this
with (he condition of Virginia where Slavery
has run u* course—and take Gov, Wiae’a
description of Virginia, vie;
“ Veuhtvcrelied stone on the tingle power ofsgri
culture—and ruck a griculiurt Your sedge-pitch c*
oaUbine the tun. Your insltenlion to your only
Moarcc of wealth bat neared the bosom of mother
esrth. Instead of having to feed cattle on a thousand
hills, ym have had it ehate the tlu mp tailed leer
through ike ledge-ptehei to procure a tingle beef
tleai. The present condition of things has existed
too long in Virginia. The landlord has skinned the
tenant, and the tenant hat skinned the land, aolil alt
have grown poor together. 1 '
But (he vehement charge is that we would
exclude Virginians and others of the South
from Kansas. Nothing can be more untrue.
Have not Virginians and North Carolinians,
dec., aettled in great numbers in Ohio, and
become thrifty farmers? So it would be in
Kansas ; it would become a place of happy
refuge for the moat suffering class of the white
laborers of the South, who, if settled there,
would be as much interested in the exclusion
of Slavery as other emigrants can be. The
thundering clamor now making about the
rights of the South to lake their slave proper
ly into the Territories, is got up by those who
want a market for their slaves—not by those
who want to cultivate the land. It would re
quire some strong logic to prove that such op.
orators have a constitutional or conventional
right to the exclusive possession of the whole
public domain. 1 say exclusive, because the
Free laborer can never prosper where Slave
ry exists.
Such are my views, and they are confirmed
by the Democratic principles I have always
cherished, lam too old to follow a tyrant’s
banner because it has the word Democracy
painted on it.
But I have given you a long letter, when 1
had intended a short one. I shall be( pleased
to find that you agree with me ; but whether
or not, it will mane no difference in the sin
cerity of the respect and esteem of Your un
cbangblo fnepd, g. q. Ingham.
P. S.—l have just passed my 77th year—
am confined entirely to my own room, and
can only write on a slate, having an aman
uensis to copy, so that my correspondence
mustbe very limited. a. n. i.
One of the workmen upon Greene's rifles
at the Massachusetts \rm? Company's works
so uqCortijDqtß, q flay or two since, at to
Iht the thumb of his right bqntj upon a citcu-
V »w. Concluding, upon inspection, that
i Ww WM used up, he cooly went back
bolding the damaged thumb
tip his led hand, made a clean amputation
oi ti, aqd then proceedei} to have jt dressed
by a sprgeon,
/: ipi
' ' 1
9ei
COBB, STURROCK & CO.,
YOL. 3.
from The N. Y. Tribune*
The Position of the ZVon-Slaroholdora
In BoiylaxuL
Sib : I havethb pleasure of reporting the
fact of a PrOmonLElectoral Ticket iri, Mary
land, headed Wiih the name of Francis' P.
Blair—a mangjvhose strung common sense,
earnest love of Freedom, and indomitable
courage, were ; M,strikingly exhibited in his
“ teller to his tteighbots,” and whose Uue
Democracy was attested t>y hla selection by
Andrew Jackson as his editorial organ, du
ring his memorable Administration. Here
are the names Of (he lickel:
/In* the State at Large:
Francis ?. Blair* »
WOUM* PIKMRT SWIKQ.
Fbrlht ZhjtrWi—Jama* Brjßn, John Lincoln, George W.
MarUort, WJDI&m S. Cotle, Itarid Gamble, Joabua Swltctr.
The foregoing are not “ bogus" names, but
those of roatfsubstantial and well-known citi
zens- of the different section of Maryland—
ibe colleague of Mr. Blair, as will'be seen,
bearing one of. the State’s greatest names,
William Pinknpy.
There are now in the field Fremont Elec
toral tickets in, at leastfour Slave States, viz;
Delaware, Maryland, Virginia and Kentucky.
North Carolina mayetaasonably be expected
to be added to the list,
“ Are these all the Slave Slates that will
have tickets?’’ it will be asked. I answer by
putting this question : “Is it not remarkable
that any one can be (bund willing to serve as
an elector for Fremont and Dayton in a sing
le Slave State, in the face of the fiendish per
secution awaiting him ?’’ If four Slave States
have tickets under present circumstances,
what may we not expect when protection to
Freedom ofSpeech and the Elective Franchise
shall hove been inaugurated in the Slave
States, as an inevitable result of our triumph
at the present crisis? The answer is in the
minds of the slaveocrats of the South, and
hence their desperate efforts to prevent the
wedge from entering at all—for, to change the
figure, they are wise enough to foresee that all
that the non-slaveholding masses of their re
gion require is a standing place for their feet,
and a fulcrum for their lever. This right
once secured, the internal weakness of the
South will be revealed. The end of the pres
ent Reign of Terror would be the end of the
Slave Power’s National Domination, and this
the blusterers well know. It \a not the eman
cipation of the black man of the South that
they fear, as the result of Fremont’s election,
but the Emancipation of the White Mew.
The one, they know well enough, is not con
templated by the Republican movement, how
ever they may pretend to tbo contrary, while
the other would be an inevitable result of the
guarantee of the freedom of political action
tjTOry-rhorr,, V.ok Fremont’s election Would
give.
Am I asked for my reasons for writing so
confidently on (his subject? I will answer
that these are among my reasons : First, my
knowledge of the condition, feelings, wishes,
purposes and plans of the non-slaveholders,
gathered during a life-long residence in the
South; second, ihe number and urgency of
the private letters which come from slave
holding Siates, with appeals lo Republicans in
Free Slates to “ stand firm,” for their sakes
—hailing ihem as their deliverers; in the
third place, I infer what this class of men
would do in (he South'were (his terrorism re
moved by what they proclaim (heir purpose
to do wherever I meet them as the untram
eled residents of Free Stales. And here 1
wish lo draw attention to a significant fact:
My presence, as sn humble advocate of the
claims of the Republican standard bearers,
wherever I have spoken, has not unnaturally
attincied former residenls of the South lothe
meetings ; and these, trith scarcely an ex
ception, have proclaimed their inflexible
purpose to vote for Fremont —adding that
their recollections of the influences of Slave
ry on the laboring classes, even under the
old programme of “ Slavery for black men,”
would be enough to determine ihem lo vole
for Ihe only reliable non-extension candidate,
John C. Fhemost—a man who has also
learned his lesson in (he South, and from (he
same book of observation with themselves.
John C. Underwood, Cassius M. Clay, and
the few other Southerners who are on Ihe
slump in Free Slates, endeavoring to counter
act the raw head and bloody bones “ disun
ion” arguments of a score of sloveliolding
speakers, will confirm Ihe statement of the
significant fact which I here give.
Toora, for Vkxvoxt and Fbbcdou. *
3. T-. SSODOIUSS.
The account of President Pierce’s recep.
lion at Concord N. H., mentioned the singu
lar fact that just as he reached the triumphal
arch, a monster U. S. flag above his head
was rent by the wind from top to bottom, and
the names of Buchanan and Breckenridge
were torn off. The evil omen was repeated ;
a new flag to which the President contributed
8200, larger and more beautiful than the
other, was hoisted os he came from the de
pot, on his return from Andover, Monday
morning, but when it was about half up an
indignant northern breeze seized it and dash
ed it against an iron awning, tearing it into
several strips and completely removing the
candidates’ names as from the other. In
both cases the words “The Constitution and
tho Union” on the lop of the flag were left
floating unhaimed. •
Mope Paooe.—The proof of Fkemont
being a Catholic is increasing I!! A gen
tleman who visited him a (few days ago says
that everything that looks suspicious is con
cealed and be would have gone away with
out discovering anything had he not met the
cook at the door. He scrutinized her care
fblly, and, although she endeavored to con
ceal the fact, he discovered that'she was
Cross-Eyed !! !
Fillmore Buchanan papers please Qopy,
rjin
ssn,ft
i v :
It u m mitnmn of tHe atm of m&owaa& W Sgtt&ft oc l^efoirm
WEUSBOBOUGH, TIOGA COUNTY. PA., THUESMY MORNING. OCTOBER 30. 1856.
Sib: (nthiaday’s Tribuhh correspon
dence from Kansas I read tfae following:
“I sawn man to-day whom I had known
in New England. He said to roe: ‘1 carte
to Kansas with 81,600 in money; t'have
served through the whole war'; <f have® wife
and nine children; they have lived forafon
night on green corn and squash; there is in
my house neither meat, nor potatoes, nor
meal; nor flour, nor money; nor do I know
where to Jook for any. Hut I shall live and
die in, Kansas,"
. The writer further says:
“If money is to be or can be raised in
behalf of suffering Free Kansas, let it rather
be employed in sustaining the suffering and
impoverished here, than in sending other
emigrants.”
Kansas needs more men, let me add, but
such only should go os can support them
selves. Three man well fed and clothed are
better than ten famishing ones. JFriends of
Freedom I awake, I beseech you, to action.
Friends of-Humanity I lost momenta are gol
den sands of life vanished forever I
This is the 10th of October, Beyond the
limits of civilization, four hundred weary
miles of prairie intervene between us and the
perishing I
This is the 10th of October I and soon (hose
broad wastes will lie buried beneath acres of
snow I *
When that lime shall have come, our brave
but suffering people will be cut off, as by a
wall, from the entire North, and unless pre
viously provided for, will be left a prey to all
villainies and devilish atrocities of the mon
sters who have thus far scourged them.—
Who, then, shall succor the widow in her
desolation ? What hand shall feed her inno
cents, perishing by cold and hunger f (n (hat
sad hour where shall the brave defenders of.
Freedom look for relief?
Upon the exertions of to-day depend the
issues of ages!
The time may seem short to us, oh, friends'!
between now and November; the lime may
seem short to us between this and the Crown
ing of March ! We are all looking, and I
trust all working, for the election of out be
loved Fremont, the hope and morning star of
crushed and suffering Kansas. But consider,
oh, ye well led ones ! consider, oh, ye-com
fortably clad ones I consider, oh, ye welt shel
tered ones ! that time wastes slowly for those
who are wailing their hour of deliverance.
To the perishing, hours are like 'days, and
days like weary years!
This is the 10th of October. Despotism
,~>J- 8 -wJ a .V a iy fo Freedom only (he desert
for a highway.
There is no Missouri for us I The rivers
of America are no longer open to freemen.
By and by they will be opened. By and by
when our noble “Pathfinder” shall be our
brave Path-opener ! then shall freemen once
more smile. Then shall Kansas be saved!
;; r r / r v T 1 5 t
• •J'J.IJ
“THfe AGITATION OF THOUGHT 18 THE BE9INNINO or WISDOM.”
An Appeal for Kansas,
WITH PRACTICAL SOOOUTIOIM FOE ITS RELIEF.
To'ttw Wit*’ afTtoAgt'u&lr;' ‘
But, while watching and waiting and pray
ing and working for this great consummation,
let us likewise seize the passing moments to
fortify and sustain Liberty’s brave defenders
on Kagsas soil. Friend, my heart is full, and
I could say much, but wilt say no more. You
will heed this appeal, ft must be so.
You ask now for information. Listen:
On the 4>h of last July the citizens of Kansas
appointed a “ Central Kansas Committee"
within iheTerritory, thirteen in number, cho
sen one from each district of the twelve into
which Kansas is divided, and a thirteenth man
from Lawrence.
On the 9th of July, at Buffalo, the friends
of Kansas in Convention chose a National
Kansas Committee without the Territory,
sixteen in number, one from each of the Free
Stales, with supplementary working members
from Illinois and Kansas.
The headquarters of this organization is at
Chicago. W. F. M. Amy, at that point, is
our indefatigable and faithful transportation
agent.
The National Committee act in concert
with the Central Committee. The first relief
train has just entered Kansas. The National
Committee now possess facilities for forward
ing supplies. Let no lime be lost in sending
them in. Where it can be done, It is best to
mark and and send direct lo W. F. M. Amy,
Chicago, paying freight for the same where
you can afford it. In such cases, mark your
consignments “ paid,” and by letter apprise
Mr. Arny of this fact. As the expense of
transportation is great, send new rather than
half-worn clothing. Clothing packed in bar
rels lined with “ lar-paper,’’ will go without
risk of injury from dampness. The intersti
ces around and among the goods may be
filled with rice, beans, and such like food as
will not be injured by impregnation ffom the
garments of tar-paper. Blanket-shawls and
blankets%ill be very acceptable to the shiv
ering settlers this Winter. Pins, needles,
thread buttons and such small things should
not bo overlooked. Where you can, send
gray or green flannel, rather than red or
while. The reasons for this are important.
Any further information may be obtained
by writing lo W. F. M. Arny, Chicago; or
to TRADDBOS HYATT,
President of the Nations! Kansas Committee, New York.
JVew York, Oct. 10, 1860.
One of ihe prcllieit items of the recent
Fremont procession at Sandusky, Ohio, was
over 100 girts in an immense carriage drawn
by 40 horses. The girls were all in while
dresses, with blue sashes, and they carried a
banner with the inscription, Of the Tribe or
Jessie.”
A man who dislikes mop-handles should
be careful how bo spits tobacco-juice on a red
headed woman's carpet.
r : i i */■ f*»
1 ■ r
attir-' 1, -
Hi
1 ! .V! ;„|
Reasdns fbr Acting with the Repuh-
Ucan Party.
Thi following Is an article written by Hen
ry C. C«frey, Esq., giving reasoiis why the
Republican party should be sustained:
Ist. Because it is in'favor of Free Speech,
and opposed to club Idw> on the floor of Con
gr&a, and (b Border-Ruffian law on the soil
of Kinsps; 11 ,
2d. Becausb it' ls In favor of Peek Labor,
and opposed to the policy Which fills our mar
ket, with the product of foreign workshops,
whle our own workmen, their Wives and
children, are unemployed.
Because it la in favor of Free Men,
andiopposed to the system which gives 60,-
000 oligarchs, owners of hosts of slaves, the
sole of the policy of the country.
4th. Because it is in favor of Fbee Soil,
and desires that the vast plains of Kansas
and Nebraska,sufficient to make twelve such,
Slates as Pennsylvania, should be divided
among the free men of the country, their
wives and children.
slb. Because it is in favor of Fbee Gov
ernment, and opposed to the system which
gives to the people of Kansas no choice ex
cept'between martial law and tberobfa law of
the Border Ruffians of Missouri.
6<h, Because it desires to rescue the Lib
ebtiss of the citizens, and is therefore op.
posed to the doctrine of constructive treasons
and contempts, by means of which a corrupt
Government, and corrupt Judges, now seek
their subversion. . |
7th. Because it desires to setttle all ques
tions by means of the Ballot-Box, leaving
to the advocates of Slavery the use of the
revolver.and the bowie-knife. '
B<h. Because it has no affinity with the
patty whose leading organs teach their read
ers that “Slavery,” whether for the black
man or the white, is a “ legitimate , useful
and expedient institution and that there
fore, they should seek “not merely to retain
it where it is, but to extend it to regions where
it is unknown.”
9th. Because, in seeking to protect the na
tional property from the defilement of sla
very, it acts io strict accordance with (he
principles of that Great O/dinance of Seven
teemHundred and Gighty-seven, which with
the shingle exception of one northern member
received the unanimous vote-of Congress,
and has since been confirmed by acts of Con
gress, bearing the signature of every Presi
dent from Washington to Polk.
- 10,- Because it protests against the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise, to which in 18-
49,-Mr. Buchanan clung, with more tenacity
than ever.”
11. Because in advocating the cause of
Free Labob in Kansas it acts in full ac
cordance with that Compact of Peace which
set limits ueyono -.:-u 0., v ghou|d not
be extended, and within which it was no,
be interfered with.
12ih. Because it is purely National and
Anti-Sectional—bolding that the North has
rights as well as the South ; and (hat those
of all should be equally respected.
13th. Because it is emphatically (he Party
of the Union—being the only one that has
never threatened dissolution of the connection
because of success or failure in the approach
ing election.
14th. Because it has incurred (he hatred
of all teclionalitU; as well t(jose living
north of Mason ami Dixon’s lihe as those
living south of it.
ISlh. Because it is the party which follows
in the train of the Patriots of the Revo
lution —all of its doctrines on the subject of
free aod slave labor being derived from
Washington, Jefferson, and other eminent
men of the South.
16th. Because it stands by the Constitu
tion as interpreted by Washington, Adams,
Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, the younger Ad
ams, Jackson, Vanßuren, Harriaph, Tyler,
Polk, Taylor—and by Buchanan himself, un
til the passage of the infamous Kansas Ne
braska act—all of them having held that
Congress had full power for the government
of all the national territory, and might ex
clude slavery at its pleasure.
17lh. Because it is the Peace Party—repu
dialing altogether the highwayman’s plea,
embodied in the Ostend circular.
18th. Because it is the Sound Currency
Party—advocating the adoption of measures
that will cause to be retained at home the gold
now sent abroad to be applied to the main
tenance of the currency of other countries.
I9lh. Because it is (he High Wages Par
ty —wholly opposed to the idea that reduc
tion in (he price of human labor, or the re
duction of the free laborer to the condition of
the slave is the measure required to enable
us to compete with the pauper laborer of Eu
rope.
20th. Because it is the party of Freedom
everywhere; anxious to relieve the millions
of poor and down-trodden whiles of the South
from the degrading and debasing tyranny to
which they are now subjected.
21st. Because, holding that Freedom is
National, and Slavery only sectional, it ob
jects to oil measures tending toward enabling
Southern planters to "call the roll of (heir
slaves at Bunker Hill.”
33d. Because it is the parly of Sound
Morals —being opposed to the introduction
of either Slavery or Polygamy into the Ter
ritories of the Union.
23d. Because it has for its chief standard
bearer, John C. Fremont, a man of high in
tellect, spotless integrity, and unshrinking
firmness—one fully worthy to be thq succes
sor of Washington and Adams, Jefferson,
Madison aod Jackson, in the Presidential
chair.
241 h. Because that standard-bearer is an
advocate of "Free Labor," as "the natural
capital which constitutes tbe real wealth of
TOR.
,>:i
• : :» h
i. .
. •
•>». •** l -‘I
*' ' i . n l ;
PUBLISHERS & PROPRIETORS,
thia free country, and creates that intelligent
power in (he masses alone to be relied on as
ton Bulwark or Peek Institutions.”
25th. Because in him we have a Man, tod
not a mere Pro-Slavery Platform,
from tbs IndjanapoNt of tbe 26th.
A Sight for Buohaaanites.
We saw a scene in the Union Depot yes
terday morning, that we think, preached a
more powerful Fremont sermon than all the
eloquence of the stump or the Senate has yet
produced. Seated along the wall, on a bench,
was a family of thirteen, the father, mother
and eleven children, weary, dirtv, destitute
tad wretched, beyond all paralel in this pros
perous city. At one end was a well grown
boy of sixteen, without a shirt, his skio blue
with the cold, exposed, except where scanty
garments of thin and coarse linen covered
it. He had been sick, and was Wrapped in a
coarse coverlet. Near him sal a young wo-
sister, with her husband. She was
bare-headed and hardly covered with rags that
had not touched water apparently, since they
were made. A pale and puny baby lay in
her arms. Three or four little boys sat next,
wan-looking creatures, as white as their little
wool hats, except where the dirt gave an ap.
pearance of health to the flesh.
They were ragged and shivering with cold,
but they didn't speak nor cry ; so utterly un
like the cheerfulness and vivacity of boys
was their silence and quietude, that it made
one's heart ache to see them. One of them
once passed his hand caressingly over the
face of the little baby which lay in its moth
er's lap, but there was no smile nor glimmer
of affection in his pale face. The mother
was bare-beaded, unwashed and pale, as were
all the family. She, like her daughter,
nursed a little, sickly child that lay noiseless,
but staring with its round eyes at the crowd
of pitying spectators. A son, dressed or
rather undressed, like all the rest, sat in the
middle, shivering with a chill. He writhed
from side to side, and groaned sometimes, but
never spoke. The father, a man of appa
rently forty-five years, had wrapped a small
quilt about his shoulders, and either under
the cheering influence ol vso much greater
warmth than the rest enjoyed, or because he
fielt it incumbent on him as the head of the
family, was the only one that spoke while wo
were within hearing. He had been driven
from Kansas, he said, by the Buchanan men,
as so many other poor settlers have been, and
robbed of every dollar he had in the world.
His cattle had been stolen by Buford's thieves,
and he expelled from lha territory because he
would not take arms against the “traitor
Lane,’’ as the I Sentinel ’ calls him. He
moved from near Lexington, Ky., and his
name was Ritchie. They had no properly,
no money, no provisions, no medicines, and
several of them were sick, almost without
So forlorn and wretched a family
we never saw, and tney wcn> maft,, gg |,y
infamous scoundrels whom the Administra
lion hired as “Kansas militia,” to execute the
Kansas laws. They were one of the pro
ductions of Democratic policy.
The spectators contributed liberally to help
them on their road to Lexington. Mr. David
Hays, of the city police, exerted himself most
efficiently on (heir behalf, and raised some
ten or twelve dollars. Nearly every man or
boy who approached, left some contribution
for them. We sow sturdy railroad engineers
and firemen emptying their pocket books,
news boys gathering their coppers into a con
venient heap, kind-hearted citizens unrolling
bills. Every body seemed touched by their
silent, uncomplaining distress. Now and
(hen we could hear men soying; “There is
something for an old liner to look at I” One
little gentleman of the Buchanan stripe para
ded up and down the depot with an indignant
strut, grumbling and cursing bitterly, as he
would bear some sturdy Frcmonter
“Come up here, and see what your party in
Kansas have done.” It was quite a scene
—altogether.
Fraud ! Fraud ! Elector Fraud !
It is believed that eight thousand fraudulent
voters were received in Philadelphia' at the
late election, given by foreigners and non
residents, colonized for that purpose by the
Sbamocrntio cheating Democracy. The same
game was played in this county. Some of
the Foreign adheranls to the Pope who voted
in several districts have been arrested and
bound over for trial. They will only escape
punishment by forfeiting their bail. At the
Sadsbtiry poll a company of Irish Catholics
put in their voles early in the morning and im
mediately look the cars east. One of the parly,
a little more intoxicated than the others, boas
ted at Christiana that they would vote again
in Philadelphia ; and no doubt they did so.—
This scheme of villainy and fraud was carried
on to an unknown and probably unlimited ex
tent all over the Stale—and especially in the
city of Philadelphia, in Berks and the coun
ties bordering upon New Jersey. If honest
and legal votes only had been received, no
one can doubt that the Union Stale Ticket
would have been elected. As it-is, the fraud
schemers have it only by a small majority,—
probably under three thousand, which is less
thnn one per cent, on the vote polled; .
With these facts who can doubt that the
Union Electoral Ticket is sure of obtaining a
majority, if the friends of Fremont and Fill,
more do their duty, unitedly and harmonious
ly. Let every one resolve that the Slate shall
not be lost for the want of his exertions, and
'act accordingly, and victory is certain to
crown the effort.— lndependent Whig,
The South now maintains that Slavery u
right , natural and neccessary, and does not
depend upon difference of complexion. The
laws of the Slave States justify the holding of
white men in bondage,—Richmond Euq.
The Result la PewuyUrepUu
Darmpoodenc* of The y. Y. TrOmafi-
The vote) polled’at the election in ibia cijy
last Spring for Mayor, was The rote
at the election which baa jest taken places
foots up, hy the official return, 68,643—but
as a number of precincts were thrown out by
the judges, (he entire sole wilt fopt, up qqi
less than 13,000—making an increase of a
little less than 13,000 voles in five months I
Now, after making due allowance for every
possible cause which may have contributed In
swell the vote, no man in his senses will be*
lieve that the increase just quoted is fair and
legitimate. On tbo contrary, (be opinion ia
universally expressed here that at least 10.,
000 votes out of tfie above number were apu,
rious—a conclusion which, afier a careful
survey of the facts, it is impossible to escape.
Several individual instances of wholesale
fraud have already come to light, and the
Union candidate for District-Attorney. Wm,
B. Mann, has taken preliminary steps to con,
test the election,;
NO. 11
Up lo a Itt'e hour on r Thursday evening,
however, it was (evident that (he system of
fraud, stupendous as it was, which had been
so successfully tarried out, was yet insuffi,
ciem to overcome the vast majorities which
the friends of freedom bod rolled up io the
western counties, and something more must
be done. Up lo that time no Democrat had
claimed a majority io this city of over 3,000,
and the. most careful estimates, based on the
returnspgiveh by the election officers to the
agents of the press, made it about 2,500.
But when the Democratic Board of Return
Judges meet, we find that we have made a
mistake of a thousand, and that their aver*
age majority is 8,500 —enough lo defeat
Mann, who ran ahead of his ticket; and, by
the help of similar suddenly increased major,
hies in several strong Democratic counties,
insure the success of the Border Ruffians in
the State. It is remarkable, to say the least,
that such a wide discrepancy should exist
between all previous reports, and the returns
of the judges, and more remarkable that the
same phenomenon should oppear simultane,
ously in so mony places. So far as this city
is concerned the facilities for arriving at a
correct result are such as to render impossible
a mistake ia the estimate of six hundred or a
thousand.
The facilities for frauds under our present
election arrangements are smple. The
Ledger to the contrary notwithstanding,—
The ballot-boxes, instead of being locked and
having a small hole in the lid, are made with
sliding covers, which are left partly open to
deposit the ballots, so that if a judge or in
spector desires to stuff" in a handful of vote*
for his favorite candidate, he has only to
watch his opportunity. Take in connection
with this, the fact that in many precincts the
polls were entirely in the hands of Democrats,
and the 14,000 extra assessments made a few
days previous to the election, and you have
data enough to account Tor an increase of
15,000 voles in five months. The vote of
Tuesday was larger than any vote ever before
cast in any city of the Union, New Vork not
excepted, ans if honest, would show our pop.
ulotion to bejnot less than 600,000.
The Declaration of American Indepen
dence Repudiated by the Buchanlers.
Since the Republican platform was laid at
Philadelphia, made up largely, as it is, from
the Declaration of Independence, the Buch
aniers have made a dead set at that instru
ment, determined, apparently, to have it
erased from the hearts, if not from the histo
ry, of ihe American people.
Rufus Choate, in his letter to the Buchan
an allies in Maine the oihqr day, spoke of
the Dcclaraiionlof Independence as a string
of “ glittering generalities.” Old John Pettit,
of Indiana, has said, “the self-evident truths
in the Declaration were nothing but self-evi
dent lies, and now we find John C, Breckin
ridge the candidate of the Buchaniers for
Vice President, expressing himself with equal
or even greater freedom in regard to its dan
gerous heresies. At a speech delivered in
Butler county, Ohio, a week or two since, he
thus repudiated the glorious truths of the
Declaration of Independence, to sustain which
the Republicans of 1775 “ pledged their lives,
their fortunes, and their sacred honor
“We are told that the Declaration of Inde.
pendence is embodied in the Constitution of
the United States I The Declaration is an
abstraction. Put it in the Constitution, and
what would follow ? It would follow, that Ihn
Constitution must protect every man m his
r'ght to • life, liberty, and the pursuit of hop.
piness’ * • • You would find
it interfering with the institutions of the S'ate,
and it would lead our country rapidly to de
struction. But why do I speculate upon what
it would do ? Long before (his, our Union
would be obliterated forever. It would be
come as intolerable and hateful , as it’s past
has benificenl and glorious,”
The less Mr. Breckinridge and his confed
erates think of that instrument, the more iha
people of the North are disposed to prize it
~N. Y. Eve. Post.
" Louder !”—A man lately went to the
Post-Office, and pulling his mouth up to the
delivery-box, cried out, “ Louder!” The
clerk, supposing the man to be deaf, and that
he was making a request of him to speak
louder so that he could hear, asked him in a
very loud tone the name of the person for
whom he wanted the latter.
“ Louder!” cried the man.
“ What name !” yelled (he clerk.
“Louder. 1 ’’ again bawled the man, who
now supposed the clerk to be deaf.
The clerk took a long breath, and with all
his might again bawled out in the man’s face
the same question, “ What name V* This was
done in so lnud a tone that the echo seemed
to return from the far-off bills.
The man started back.in-alarm, shouting
to the very lop of his big lungs : “ Louder,
Sir, Louder I I told you Louder I My name
is nothing else!’’
(1 Oh, ah ! oh, ho!” said the clerk, “your
name is Louder, eh ! Didn’t think of that;
here’s your letter; Mr. Louder, here's your
letter.” — Washington Star.
No man can lay his head in safety upon his
pillow in the midst of slavery .-Thoa. Jefferson.
We should transmit to posterity our abhor
rence ol Slavery.— Patrick Henry.
Pbb.adw*hu, Oct. 18, 1856,
W. H. H.