totstur. 31.. W. JONES, JAS. S. JENNINGS, III4 " 1. i. "One Country, One Constitution, One Destiny." 111114%AiNtlitiil WEDNESDAY, OCT. 11, 186 4 . VOR PRESIDES% GEN. GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, oa wsw MUM. @OR VICE PRESIDENT, GEORGE H. PENDLETON, “While the army is lighting, you as cit izens see that the war Ss prosecuted for the preservation of all Vales and the Constitutkai, and of your nationality aid your rights' SO eitlacus.” GEO. B. akCIELLAN. jadr-erhe Constitution and the Union ! f place them together. If they. stand, they must stand together • if they fall, they must fall together."..:Dosisl Webster. PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS. ELECTORS AT LARGE. Robert F. Johnson. of Cambria, Richard Vous, of Philadelphia. DISTRICT ELECTORS. Ist Wm. Loughlin, 13th Paul Leidy, 2d E. R. Heimbold, 14th Rohl Sweinford, 3.i Edward P. Duun, 15th John Ahl, 4th T. APCollough, 16th Henry G. Smith, sth Edward T. Hess, 17th Thaddeus Banks, 6th Phil. S. Gerhard, 18th EL Montgomery, 7th Geo. P. Leiper, 19th Jno. M. Irwin, Bth Michzel.Seltzer, 20th J. M. Thompson, 9th Patrich M'Avoy, 21st Erastus Brown, 10th T. H. Walker, 22d Jas. P. Barr, 11th 0. S. Dimmick,_ 23d Wm. J. Koontz, 12th A. B. Dunning, 24th W. Montgomery. Whom the Rebels want Elected as President. It is k favorite notion among the small fry Abolitionists that the Rebels want Gen. Me- Milan elected. Bat the Rebels know much better their own wants, and what their true interests are, wt.ich is the election of Lincoln. The reason is very obvious : they fear a reaction of public sentiment in the South in favor of the Union, in. case of the election of McClellan. His election they see, would make a restoration of the Union probable, while the election of Lin coln would have the very reverse effect. To restore the Union, a Union sentiment must be fostered and stimulated in the South ; a foundation must be laid, upon which a Union party could stand. With Lincoln's negro notions, they know, the South can never sympathize, and that it would continue united against the Union, • But the best evidence of what we assert is to be found in the Southern newspapers. We published a week or two ago a long article from the Richmond Enquirer, of Sept. sth; the known organ of Jeff. Davis, showing this quite - conclusively. The following ex tracts are made from that article : "Both the Abolitionist and the Democrat is our enemy—the one be cause we have slaves, the other, because we are disanionists." ' "If rewnstruction were possible, it *paid be more 'Ramble under McClel lan, and the Democracy, than under Lincoln atld the Republicans!" "Thus, whether we look at the nomi nation in the light of peace or - war, WE PREFER LINCOLN TO McdLEL LAN." The Richmond Dispatch, of about the some date, said : "We, at least, of the Confederacy, ought to be eatisffed with Lincoln, for he has edusted the ? war exactly as we ought tiihviiiih it to be conducted. He has confirmed the wavering, heated red hot those who were careless, converted cold indifference into furious passion, and calculating neutrality into burning patriotism. He has made the South the most united people that ever went forth to battle with 44 invader ; and for that be deserves the lively gratitude of every Southern man." Another rebel paper in Richmond, the Examiner. said : "Should McClellan lie elected Presi dent., and should he offew an armistice for negotiation—even thAgh it should be a real, genuine cessation of hostili ties by sea and land-4he cause of the Confedorusiy's Independence would then begin to have a new kind of perils to en • counter, sod we would have to meet them by a new effort of aublie virtue, more heroic than military achievement itself." In the face of evidence like this, eau any really loyal Northern man hesitate how to cast his vote? If he votes for Lincoln, he votes as these Southern Rebels wish, and if Le casts his vote for McClellan, he casts it, According to these Rebel views, so as to give "new "(Wile to the "Southern Confedera • Matra yodr phoiaa, yon who wog the Union redtoxed: Vote fur McMillan, and you vote 0); Mica; 9ALe for &luau, and you vote for Disunion I Tar , .Diphoon47§vrillm .4-` ' Union at aM hazlipir TsigaltaglOstomPL4m44.—"Aboli oft atAgnimmds." • Ar.. Treatment of Gen. McClellan by the Administration at Washington I-- A Marked Specimen of the Hy poorisy and Treachery of Seore tary Stanton---General Naglee's Statement. Sen. Naglee, a. West Paint graduate, and a high-toned Pennsylvania officer and gen tleman, who served as a Brigadier General under MK/lean, in the Peninsular campaign, has lately made an expose of some of the ineffably mean things done by the Adminis tration to defeat Gen. McClellan's Peninsular campaign, and destroy his military reputa tion. The oxasion for this damaging expose by Gen. Naglee was a speech delivered by that prince of Demagogues, Judge Kelly, of Philadelphia a short time ago, into which he had introduced the name of Gen. Naglee. We regret our inability, for want of room, to publish the whole ot Gen. Naglee's letter. It can scarcely be abridged, so as to do any kind ot justice to the manly and indignant expose of one of the foulest conspiracies that was ever hatched to blast the reputation of Gen. McClellan, and the able Generals by whom he was sustained, by a majority of two to one, in the preference for his plan for the Peninsular campaign over the famous "my plan" of President Lincoln, which has since cost the country so many valuable lives. The following is a specimen of Stan ton's veracity and treachery : "The Peninsular campaign was not indicated by 'Solidi:ire Latham, of Cali fornia, and Rice, of Minnesota, and a brigadier in the column of Joseph Hooker,' as asserted by you. General NerAee was at Washington with proper leave, and won we nal 1....“, n has„ ....f Gen. Hooker, and was a member of the council of . war by direction of Gen. Mc- Clellan, to represent the division of the army at Budd's ferry, in the absence of Gen. Hooker, who was too far removed from Washington to be present And unfortunately for the veracity of Mr. Stanton, the impertinent remarks which you ascribe to him could not have been made, for there were no officers of the council of war entitled at that time to more than one star. Now, judge, you know, or should know, that the reputation of Mr Stanton for truth and veracity is not above sus picion, and that you may well believe anything that may be said regarding his great incivility and rudeness, for, not excepting yourself, I never seen or heard of an officer or civilian who di i not condemn him for the utter want of all of the requisites of a gentleman.— This is not the first time Mr. Stanton 'has been guilty of the most deliberate, ' malicious misrepresentation ; and for your gratification I will relate an in stance that occurred upon my arrival in Washington, immediately after the con clusion of the -seven days' fight," in the beginning of July of 1862, and whet I was surprised to learn that, during the continuance of that desperate strug gle, and during the time of dreadful sus pense, while nothing could be heard of Gen. McClellan and his gallant army, Mr. Stanton had everywhere denounced Gen. MeClellan as a traitor to his country, and as incapable of command ing a regiment. I learned this from a number of the members of Cmgress, who were astonished and confounded, and who, with pain, eager ly sought from me some explanation of such extraordinary conduct. I could render them no satisfaction, but report ed the circumstances to General Ale- Clellan, upon my arrival at his head quarters on the following day, Bth of July. His surprise, judge was greater than mine; without littering a word, he turned to his portfolio, took from it a letter which he placed before me, and said: "Read that: I have just receiv ed it from Mr Stanton.'' With his con sent, I made a copy of the letter, and, returning to Washington, placed it in the hands of those who had heard the denunciations of Mr. Stanton. and who had advised me of diem. They desir ed to read it to the Senate, and to pub lish the outrage and the vindication, and they telegraphed to General McCle.lan for his permission, which be declined to give them. The following is a copy of the letter ; WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, D. C., July 5, 1862. To Major General McClellan, DEAR GENERAL : I had a talk with General Marcy, and meant to have writ ten you by him, but am called to the country, where Mrs. Stanton is with her children, to see one of them die. I can, therefore, only say, my dear general, in this brief moment, that there is no cause in my heart or conduct for the cloud that wicked men have raised be tween us for their owu base and selfish purposes. No man had ever a truer friend than I have been to you, and shall continue to be. You are seldomi absent from my thoughts, and lam ready to any sacrifice to aid you. Time allows me to say no more than that I pray Almighty God to deliver' you and your army from all peril and lead you on to victory. Yours truly, E. M. STANNON. Now, judge, what think you of this man, who, made Secretary of War by the request and influence of General McClellan, was villifying, and abusing, and uttering falsehoods against him, and who could at the same time sit down and deliberately write such a letter?" What Gen. McClellan expected, sad what he got: The Peninsular campaign was pro posed by General McClellan while com mander in chief of the armies of the United States, and was intended to be made with the forces under his com mand in Eeastern Virginia, estimated at over 200,000 men. It was so ac cepted by the President, and the move ment was commenced upon that basis General McClellan had scarcely left Washington to take the field, when the Secretary of War relieved him of ell the armies not under his, General McClel lan's, immediate command. and mama -1 •ed command of tbea* himself." Bar Gm iffaietina mei trailed Moroi b-Ilvsc other Gesecakvheactodiele si with these of the Add c "With the alloviedishimaattiMPlN* 1 on the 26th dsy of tine, Coma Ka I Clelien fond himself before Richmond with eighty-five thousand men (wind ing McCall's division), end was attacked by the concentrated confederate force of one hundred and seventy-five thous and men at the very moment when Mc- Dowell, under protest, withdrew his assistance from McClellan, by the or ders of the President and Secretary of War—The campaign under General Grant did not commence until the 4th of May, 1864. That of Chancellors vine, in which the casualties of that ar my were estimated at thirty thousand men, and which but for the providenti al killing of "Stonewall" Jackson would have been annihilated, was planned by the President and General Hooker, or to use the President's own words, by "Joe and I," of which the Secretary of War and General Halleck were kept profoundly ignorant, and was not com menced until May 2, 1863, while that of the Peninsula, for the delay of which General McClellan was so much cen sured, was commenced on the 25th of March, 1862, forty days in advance of either of the others." The losses of Grant : "The families and friends of the 130,- 000 men lost south of the Rapidan since the 4th of May last proclaim it every where. Mr. Stanton told the country at that time, be had a hundred thou sand men more than he wanted, and now he tells you he wants a hundred thousand more men. General Grant crossed the Rapi dan with an army variously es timated froth one hundred and eighty thousand to 120,000 He afterwards added Butler's 40,000 He was reinforced 45,000 Making, exclusive of Sigel's, 30,- 000 205,Q00 On the Ist of September our forces were estimated exclu sive of Sheridan's 30,000 at 50,000 General Lee had on the Rapidan, after he had concentrated his army • 35,000 Beauregard joined him at Rich mond with his forces from the South, which, with those near Petersburg, amounted to 30,000 Breckinridge brought 10,000 And Lee was reinforced probably 30,000 Making in all •155,000 On. the Ist of September his forces were estimated, at Rich mond, 45,000 Exclusive of Earlev's command 30,000 Showing the discharges and loss from Grant to be 150,000 And that of Lee to be 85,000 The tone of the army before politics were introduced : "The army of the United States, as you found it at the commencement of this war, compsed of a hign toned, hon orable, gallant set of men fully equal to lie contest before them they had always studiously avoided all political contro veises many of them had been thirty years in the service of their country, and had never voted. 'They held their country arid the honor and integrity of it above every other consideratiou Had a rule been adopted requiring that no political subject should be introduced into the army, but that all political ; rights should be respected, and had ar ' my officers only been held responsible for the conduct of the war, it would nave terminated long ago. Why have McClellan, and Selgewiek, and Mc- Pherson, and Franklin, and Buell, and Meade, and Averill, and Porter, and a score of other general officers, with hundreds, if not thousands, of officers of au inferior grade been offended and held back, and many of them dismissed from the army without a word of expla nation, an arbitrary act unknown in Great Britian, with Pope, and Burn side, and Hooker, and Butler, and Hunter, and Banks,• and Siegle, and Sickles, and hundreds of others, - cer• tainly no better than the former, have been preferred ? Why was General Stone, than whom there is not a more loyal man, and accomplished gentle man, and gallant soldier in Vie coun try, confined in prison for fifteen months ? And when released by an act of Congress, why was It that neith er the President, nor Secretary of War, nor Secretary of State, or other per sons at Washington would assent to any knowledge or any particulars in the arrest ? Such outrages are calcula ted to break down the honor and es prit du corps of any army, and all have looked on with disgust and horror, and pain at the shameful injustice and out rages that have been continually heap ed upon so "rawly of their old friends and comrades in • arms, whom they know. incapable of an ungentlemanly, dishonorable, uusoldierly, or disloyal ant." An offer to bribe Gen. McClellan not to accept the Chicago nomination : '•So Car as the objections to his (Gen. MXlellan's) military qualifications are conmirnesl, we have only to remind you that, within the last sixty days a confi dential friend of the President was sent to offer him one of the most important commands of the army. But this prop-, coition was coupled with the most dis honorable condition that he should de cline to be be a candidate for the Presi dency. Gen McClellan restrained his indignation, and replied to the bear er of the message, 'Oro back to Wash ington, and say to the President for me, that when I receive my official written orders he shall have my answer.'" A Small Manoeuvre. The Pittsburg -Post states that Republi can soldiers have been assessed, and sent into certain strong Democratic counties, as Cambria and Greene, under the pretence of enforcing the dna, but really to be voted there for the Republican candidates, and to be used in the Presidential Election as' evi dence of the falling off of the Democratic vote m those counties! The Greene comity Democrats can't be foaled in that way, Mr. Post. writ,' like are In hare of not stop ping the war Wt aegis ablistty is abol libi4 and were equality established, .11100004 1 1killiblipitjtssalso !RA- Vellandigham and Burnside on *lo- Clenan. We copy the following opinions of Gen. McClellan, by two men lately,occupying much of the public attention—Valtanffiglsarn and Burnside. There is a remarkable con currence in the opinions of these men, wide differing in almost all other respects. Burn side was the instrument of the Administra tion in inflicting the cruel and unconstitu tional punishment upon Vallandigham, but yet they cordially unite in bestowing the highest eulogy upon'our candidate for the Presidency ! This speaks well for General McClellan's virtues and worth. By the way, it bas only been a few weeks since the Abolition telegrams represented Vallandigham as hostile to McClellan, and intending to take the field against him ; this is but another evidence of the utter unreli ability of the Abolition press. (Extract of a speech delivered at Sydney, Ohio, on the 27th of Sept. last, by Mr. Vallandigham.] "I have told you that if this country is to be saved, it is through the party that has made Gen. McClellan its candidate. I have the most abiding and utmost confidence in his patriotism. I believe he loves his coun try in every fibre of his body. I know he has courage and capacity as a military man. I believe that that capacity can be and wi.l be rightly directed in the civil service of his country. I know that he_bas the power of endurance, and the earnestness of purpose, and the fortitude and persistency which go to make up a man for the times. He has borne patiently and uncomplainingly, the persecution and obloquy , of his foes. He 0.1u5...a tbosition at the head of the army of the United States, rather than yield up the convictions of his judgment as to the manner in which this war ought to be con ducted." [Extract from a speech delivered by Gem ( I Burnside, at a meeting in New York, after the battles of the Peninsula ] "I have known Gen. McClellan most inti mately, as students together, as soldiers in the field, and as private citzens. For years we have lived iu tile same family, and I know him as well as I know any human being on the face of the earth, and I know that no more honest, conscientious man exists than Gen. McClellan.' I know that no feeling of ambition, beyond that of the good and the success of our cause, ever enters his breast. All that he does is with a single eye, a sin gle view to the success of the Government, and the breaking down of this rebellion. I know that nothing under the sun will eve r induce that man to swerve from wLat he knows to be his duty. He is an honest, Christian-like and con.cientions man ; and let me add one thing, that he has the sound est head, and the clearest military perception of any man in the United States." For " Little Mac" and the Union. Es-President Fdlinore, who, was elected on the Whig Ticket with Gen. Taylor, in 1848, is an ardent supporter of McClellan and Pendleton, Geo. D. Prentice, for many years the leading opponent of the Democracy hi the State of Kentucky, is out strong for Mc- Clellan. The Louisville Journal, Prentice's Paper, runs up the names of McClellan and Pendleton to its mast-head. Gov. Bramlette, of Kentucky, whose elec tion was claimed by the "Republicang," as a Lincoln victory, supports McClellan and Pendleton. Gen. Leslie Coombs and Hen. M. Under wood, of the same state, are also strong sup porters of Little Mac Geo. S. Hilliard, of Massachusetts, always heretofore opposed to the Democracy, it' out for McClellan and Pendleton. Amos Kendall, Gan. Jackson's Postmas ter General, is one of the most ardent sup porters of Little Mac in the whole Union. The National Intelligencer, the must re liable news journal in the United States, and which never before supported a Democratic candidate for the Presidency, comes out in a long and able leader, endorsing the nomina tion of McClellan and Pendleton and earnest ly recommends their election. The Somerset (M 1.,) Herald, hitherto a strong opposition paper, hoists the names of the Democratic nominees for President and Vice President, Washington Hunt, formerly Whig Gover nor of New York, supports 11.2Clellan and Pendleton. Jas. S. Thayer, the most eloquent orator in the State of New York,iind once the bo som friend and political partizan of Henry Clay, is * an enthusiastic supporter of the Democratic nominees. Hon. Edgar Cowan; 11. S. Senator from this State, and one of the leading men in the Rephblimn party, is opposed to Abra ham Lincoln, and favorable to Geo. B. Mc- Clellan. The St. Louis Anziager, German Repub lican, has abanponed the cause of Lincoln and advooates the election of Gen. McClellan. It says thousands of Republicans will desert the incapable, corrupt and perjured Lincoln Administration, and gather under the ban ner of McClellan to save the Republic. The Oincinnatti Volkafreuad, German Republican, says : "The old, venerable Democratic party, once again united, having nominated the man of her first choice, we enter upon his support with all our energy and conviction. Supported by the whole Democratic party, and'the *tele conservative element of the United States, the hero of Antietam will en:- lei the White House on the 4th of March, 1865, as surely as the usurper will leave it Hurrah for Geo. B. McClellan, the candidate of the regenerated, united Democratic par ty.'' Thus. the ball is rolling. The best men and truest patriots is the opposition ranks support Little Harrah for the hero of Antietam. Hwrahl The Newcastle (logrosoa month Gazette has** taken dean the nonage of Linealn sad Jame* Solo ite eseak , *dead *NS* thearatialik 111Powl Vow" bottihosids Why Federal Prisoners Surer and Views and Conelael6N of the Newer- Die—Abraham Lincoln Responai- Mots. ble. We are profoundly impressed with the The offer of Lincoln's Commissioner of Ex- conviction that the circumstances of the change. two classes o f soldiers are so widely differ * * Mr. Odd has not proposed to yield ent that the government can honorably con to us a certain. number of prisoners of war, sent to an exchange, waiving for a time the and to receive a like number in return, established principle justly claimed to be WHICH WOULD BE A MOST HAPPY applicable in the cass. Lit thirty five thou- CONSUMMATION THAT WOULD BE AT sand suffering, starving and dying enlisted ONCE ACCEPTED BY THIS GOVERN- men aid in this appeal. By prompt and de- MEN T. tided action in their behalf thirty-five thou sand heroes will be made happy. Fur the eight hundred commissioned officers we u,rge nothing. Although desirous of returning to our duty, we can bear imprisonment with more fortitude if the enlisted men, whose u fie r ngs , we know to be intolerable, were restored to liberty and life. E. A. HITCHCOCK, Maj. Gen. and Corn. of Exchange. The Acceptance of the rebel Commissioner RICHMOND, Aug. 10th, 1864. I note Consent to the proposal, and agree to deliver to yon the prisoners held in cap- tivity by the Oor.foderate authorites, provi ded you agree to deliver an equal nnmber of Confederate officers and men. As equal numbers are delivered from time to time, they will be declared exchanged. ROBERT OULD, Confederate Com'r of Exchange. The rejection of the acceptance by Lincoln's and Ifitchcoll's agent after three weeks' deliberation VARIcA, Vu., Aug. 81st, 1864 I have no communication on the subject from our authorities, nor am I yet authorized to make answer. J. R. MULFORD, Maj. and Assist. Agl. for Exchange. The reason for the rejection—the negro the only obstacle. The wrongs, indignities and privations suf fered by our (white) soldiers would move Inc to rnnsent to anything to procure their exchange, EXCEPT to barter away the hon or and faith of the Government of the Uni ted States, which has been solemnly pledged to the COLORED soldiers in its ranks. BENJ. F. BUTLER, Maj. Gen. and Agent of Exchange. All other questions between - us may be postponed for future settlement, but the fair exchange of colored soldiers, and their white officers will be insisted on by the Government BEFORE ANOTHER REBEL SOLDIER OR OFFICER WILL BE EX CHANGED. • Solicitor of the War Department. HOW THE WHITE SOLDIERS SUE FER AND DIE. From the Memorial of the Thirty-five Thou sand Perishing Prisoners in the Pen of Pestilence and Famine at Ander- son ville, Ga. The Situation of "the Men. To the President of the Unite,d States : These thirty-five thousand are confined in a field of thirty acres, enclosed by a board fence, heavily guarded. About one-third have various kinds of indifferent shelter, or even shade of any kind, and are exposed to the storms and rains, which are of almost daily occurrence ; the cold dews of the night, and the more terrible effects of the sun striking with almost tropical fierceness upon their unprotected heads. This mass of men jostle and crowd each other up and down the limits of their enclosure, in storm or sun, and others lie down upon the pitiless earth at night with no other clothing upon their backs, few of them having even a blanket. Thousands are without pants or coat, and hundreds without even a pair of drawers to cover their nakedness. Thilinty ration. To these menindeed to all prisoners, there is issued three quarters of a pound of bread or meal, and one-eighth of a pound of meat per day. This is the entire ration, and upon it the prisoner must live or die. The meal is often unsitted and sour, and the meat such as in the North is consigned to the soapmaker. Sickness and death But to starvation and exposure to sun and storm, and the sickness which prevails to a most alarming and terrible extent.—ON AN AVERAGE ONE HUNDRED DIE DAILY. It needs no comment, no etlbrts at word painting, to make such a picture stand out boldly in most horrible colors. Despair and idiocy—death courted. They are fast losing hope, and becoming utterly reckless of lite. Numbers, crazed by their sufferings, wander about in a state of idiocy ; otb,rs deliberately cross the "dead line,'' and are remorselessly shot down. The character of men left to such a fate by Lincoln. Few of them have been captured except in the front of battle, in the deadly encoun ter, and only when overpowered by numbers. They constitute . as gallant a portion of our armies as carry our banners anywhere. If released, they would soon return to the ar my again to do vigorous battle for our cause. Why They Suffer and Die—The Men Under stand the reason—The Negro. We are told that the only obstacle in the way of exchange is the status of enlisted Re groes captured from our armies, the United States claiming that the cartel covers all who serve under its flag, and the Confeder erste States refusing to consider the colored soldiers, heretofore slaves, as prisoners of war. The Negro Prisoners for Whom our White Men are Eracritieed—How They Live and are Cared For. The blacks, on the contrary are seldom imprisoned. They are distributed among the citizens, or employed on government works. Ue,der these circumstances they receive enough to eat and are worked no harder than they , have been accustomed.— , They are neither starved nor killed off by the pestilence in the dungeons of Richmond and Charleston. it is true they are again made slaves; bat their Slavery is freedom and happiness compered' with the cruel existences imposed upon oar gallant moo. They so acit bereft of hope, as the white soldiecs, dy ing by peacetime'. Their changes of escape are tenfold greater, dila *WM of the waits silibilna • the* 0440 . 4itien, is 411 itok Valk ilk APO* 4101.pasiow-witb, leate foisoorso of war now 11.01iidesi, Mr ins nisi pow of ssormace. ify Dear Biw . hop—Will you do me the fa vor to perform divine service iu my camp this evening? If you can give me a couple of hour's notice, I shall be glad of it, that I may be able to inform the corps in the vicin ity. After the great success that God voleh sated us, I feel that we cannot do less than avail ourselves of the first opportunity to render to Him the thanks that are due to Him alone ; I, for one, feel that the great result is the result of His great mercy ; and woald be glad that you should be the medi um to offer the thanks I feel due from this army and from the country. Earnestly hoping you will accede to my request, lam, very respectfully, Your humble servant, GEO. B. Iic.CLELLAN, Major Gen. Com'g. FREDERICK, Sept. 27. 1862. My Dear General—l have spent the day in visiting your brave boys who are in the hospital here. I had the privilege to visit the wayside hospital between here and the camps; I am sure it' will gladden your heart, and it surely did my own to see the great love they have to you. When I told them how tenderly you had spoken of them, and how you knelt with we in prayer for God's blessing upon them, many a bravo fellow wept for joy; and on every side I heard "God bless the General," while here and there some veteran claimed the privilege to say, "God bless Little Mac." I had the opportunity to commend some dying men to God and to whisper the Saviour's name in their ear for the last journey. If I did not fear of wearying you, I could write au hour, telling of words of loving confidence spoken by these brave sufferers, who have been with you in good and evil report. I will not. But I cannot close WM. WHITING, without telling you how sweet is the remem brance of the pleasant service held in your camp, not to assure you that it is a pleasure every day to ask God to bless you Your way is rough. Many du not know you. Many are jealous of your success. Many will try to fetter you. But let no cloud above, or thorn beneath trouble you. Above you is God our Father, Christ our Saviour, the Hol • Ghost our comforter. GA will hear our prayers. It may be a weary foo':- sore way, but there is light beyond. God bless you I am, with love, your servant, for Christ's sake, 11. B. WHIPPLE. Let the People Know the Truth ! R3al Estale to b 3 Taxed ! Twenty Millions of Dollars to be Raised Annually by Direct Tax. The Abolition papers of this country have attempted to make the people believe that Congress has passed no law imposing tax on real estate. By reterence to the act of Con gress, of August sth, 1851, (see Congress ional Globe of the 27th Congress, 1861, page 34 of the appendix) it will be seen that twenty millions of dollars are to be raised annually by taxation from lands, lots of ground with their inpro - emeuts, buildings and dwelling houses. Sz Bth of said act reads as follows, to wit: "And be it further enacted that a direct tax of twenty millions of dollars be and is hereby annually laid upon the United States, and the same shall be and is hereby appor tioned to the States respectively in manner following." (Then follows the sum apportioned to each State :) "To the State of Pennsylvania one million nine hundred and forty-six thousand seven hundred and nineteen and one third dollars.' Nearly two millions annually to the State of Pennsylvania ! By the tax law of July 1, 1862, page 99, the law was extended to the first day of April, 1865. By the law of June 30, 1864, pages 97 and 98, the law reterred to is declared in full force. Therefore, on the first of April, 1865, the tax upon real estate of all kinds is w go in force and remain until ch,luged by Congress. The annual proportion of this State is near two millions of dollars, and the pro portion of Lehigh county is not less than thirty thousand dollars annually. The manner of assessing these taxes is by an assessor appointed by the President, who is to make a new and special assessment se_ cording to the direction of the act of Con gress. The acts of Oongress and the laws in rela tion thereto are all in our possession and can he seen by any one who' desires to learn the truth. This tax will fall heavily upon the people. Real estate cannot bear heavy taxes. The varying price of grain in the financial crisis upon the country, will seriously affect every f armer * A in many came ruin the roan who have debits upon their property. No man can stead increased taxes on encumbered preinely- The lehele VIA= of - utention wimps the pow antra sad sesitens the Sch. Oa* questions amp tile most wino to I. eantlered nt the contest now upon as. Lim Interesting Correspondence. ITEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC Tax! Tax!! Tax!!! coin is pledged to carryon the war for the enslavement of ilia whit , :, wan by La7_,t'-n and a deprivation of all oar for i.!!• elevation (..f the negro the whi.c at the expense of the latter. MeClenaa and the Chicago iflatform is for r,Arcn_q:rned and retro, for the freedom cf white man and a restoration of peace with all our rights under the old constitution. Vote for Lincoln and you vote away property, and support an army of tux case tors. Vote for McClellan and you take tste first step in favor of peace, and a cessation of taxes. The taxes which are forced upon us by the Abolition rule, speak loudly to ever y tax-payer, warning him to steer wide of the party which has so greviously harden ed him. It is their declared pari.ose to spare neither money nor blood io the fur therance of their schemes, and experience teaches us that it is not the money and blood of those who rise the cry which will be ta ken, but ours, the result of the labor of the hard working farmer and mechanic. Shall we continue ia power the party which is rob bing us of all we we hold dear onthe earth ? Let our votes in October and November an swer. American Liberty [From the N. 1. Journal ot Counnerce.s We present to our readers herewith a catalogue which will at once be rec ognized as the most astounding record of tyranny known in th entire history ot nations. Nothing like it can be shown in Russian, Austra'.n. or Spanish history. The world nevei saw such a record of despotic acts. The liberty of the press is the bulwark of a people's freedom. The editor is not more free than any other man, but he is entitled to the proteefire of law, and it is eminently important that the freedom of discussion should be limited only by the wovisions of the known law, and not by the arbitrary will of one man. Even Congress is . forbidden to abridge the freedom of the press.— Abraham Lincoln had no. power or right to suppress one of these nnvspapers. Each instance was a breach p of law, a blow at freedom. and a violation of the Constitution. He used the physical force he possessed to violate law, train • ple oa the Constitution, defy the guar antees which the people once possessed, and thus silence the voice of political opponents. Niue arrests out of ten were made solely because the newspa pers were anti-abolition. These new - papers were guilty of being conserva tive. They disapproved of Abraham Lincoln's ruinous policy. They were suppressed by mobs of Republicans, or by dirait order of Abraham Lincoln, solely because they opposed his policy, and discussed it with the freedom to which we claim a right as American citizens. In a large number of instan ces the order for suppression of the pa per and the arrest ot the editor came di rectly from Abraham Lincoln himself. In all the cases mentioned he assumed the responsibility of the order, by ap proving the officer's course. In some eases he indorsed the work of mobs, b: excluding from the mAils papers which had been mobbed. The spirit of the radical party is well illustrated by this leartul list of violent acts. and all were Ilwless. The mobs were no ipore lawl-s± than the suppressions by order of Mr. Lincoln. There were, not improbably, more than a hundred eases besides Those. Our list is, of course, incomplete. %may° no means of learning all the d4potiu acts of Mr. Lincoln. Bat we give the catalogue as we have kept it. And we beseech the Americaa patriot to look at this fearful statement, and judge Abra ham Lincoln and • his party by it. By their works we know them. he hot , - rib:e treatment given to some Di,mc cratic editors by Mr. Lincoln s otlie ,s -and by - Republican mobs pa.ses de.ifl-p -iim Bat this is of ie impor , ance than the blows struck at the liberty of the pi ess. Shall we re-elect this admin istration ? The Baltimore platform ap proves these acts, and if Lincoln is re elected the press in America will be sub jected to will. Retnemtm that the B y_lon Liberst..,r during this time flaunted its motto at, the head of the sheet, "The Constitu tion is a league with death and a cove nant with hell ;" but Mr. Lincoln never thought of suppressing that! He only suppressed the newspapers which de fended the Constitution, and opposed his violations of it. [Extract from the U. S. Constitution] The right of the people to be secure in their persons, .houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures shall not be violated, and. no warrents shall issue but upon proba ble cause, supported by oath or affirma tion, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the person or things to be seized. lAttached to the above is a list, occupying nearly threP lumps of newspapers suppress ed, suspended, or their circulation in the army forbidden, with their names, places of publication and date of suspension. 4c. t—s This is a feartul exhibit of the tyranny and , oppression of Lincoln's Administration, and, one that should shock the People, and, quicken their determination to rid, them selves of the administrstio7, who could sa . wickedly trample upon one of their most cherished rights, which is expressly guaran teed by the Constitution and Laws of every State in the Union, in addition to the con stitution of the United States quoted shovel --lfamenger. a-Mr. Lincoln says, "if slavery is not wrong then nothing is wrong." Suppose it is? The whole Protestant clergy of the country will say, with unction and sincerity, that if the Romish church is n ot wrong, then nothing is wrong. What thent Are shot and shell the rernedyt—Lfart find Tunes. IfterJosiah B. Grinnell, member of Congress from lowa, said in his place in the House of Representatives, "I would rather a thougand times let the country be divided—the. South go their way all slave, aid the North all free—rather th"n see this tuientry ewe? oohs under Demoa . atic -This earnest, advocate of dis miss is ardently supporting Mr. Lin n** bemuse they agree exactly in sen timent, 9
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers