Br tour. W. JONirt i . I Editors. JAS. S. JEN. INGS,i "One Country # One Constitution, One Destiny." Ne IVISMISILK APRIL 27, 1864. "OR 'RESIDENT IN 1564, GEN. GEORGE B. McCLELLAN, LinVant /cake Decision of the Democratic Na tional Convention.) “Wltille the army is fighting, you as cit izens nee. that the war is prosecuted for the preservation of the Union and the Constftutlon, and of your nationality and your rights as citizens: 9 GEO. B. IIicULELLAN. —..The Constitution and the Union: /*we then together, If they stand, they mu* stand together; If they fall, they -nvillt hit together."-.-Dattiel Webster. An Apology—No Paper Last Week. We were . unable • to publish the "itadenger" last week on account of the saa-receipt of a supply of paper. The failure to get it in time was solely attrilieteble to an accident to the Mill of the Messy. MARKLE, who never be fore, in several years' dealings, lave been unable to fill our orders promptly. The following note explains itself, and will sure our readers that we will not miss an issue again - if our paper makers can helpit:— PITTSBURGFI, April 21st, '64 Mears. Jones 4. Jennings : Gentlemen : Easkosed find bill of paper sent by boat. to-day : the balance of your order will go. forward next week. Our Mill is now completely repaired, and we hope that another disappointments such as this, nil) not occur soon again. • Truly yours, • p C. P. MARKLE & Co. Our Rising Men. Omni of our Democratic eotempo rade% in various portions of the State, have recently (and very properly) been Ncongratulating the party on the pros pective retirement of a number of anti quated and superannuated politicians who have directed its policy and con tributed .to largely to its defeats, threngh their self-seeking and wretched rfianagement, within the last fifteen or twenty years. We concur fully in all that has been or could well be said con cerning these fossilized and mereenary place-hunters, and thank God we are . done with them. We want other, younger and more active men in. Penn sylvania, and they must take the lead if we would energize the Democratic masses, and ensure the triumph of the party, and the consequent adoption of a wise State, and discreet and conserve tive National, policy. Old leaders rare ly inspire enthusiasm, because they never feel it, are almost invariably lack ing in courage and efficiency, and are generally opinionative, and y too often 'ignorant in spite of experience." Be. aide all this, few men cling more perti naciously to their personal hates and prepossessions. Hence our decided pettiality for a different class of leaders in oir future contests with the Opposi tion, especially at this time, when the very liberties of the people and the perpetuity of the Government are in volved in the issues of a single cam paign. At the late State Convention, and lain more remitry, a decided and general disposition has been evinced to put for -ward, conspicuously, in the approach ing Presidential canvas, the young and active -men of our party, such as KSltit, of Venango, (the peer, by the way, of any young man in our ranks,) CLIMKE, of Perks, WALLACE, Of Clear field, Bigaennio, of Cambria, Nournnon, of Philadelphia, and scores of others equally gifted and intrepid. If, under . the leaderslup of such men, we cannot achieves signal maws in November over the cohorts of AboliticiAmaticism and misrule, we shall d.dVw: of ever restoring to poWer the glorious old party which has administered our na tional alEdia, almost uninterruptedly, sine" -the infancy of the Republic,. has /Paoour traditions, widely extended our terFitorial lin its, acid would - have perretaitdd the Tialcfu w4thent shed and haailiativ ccapiesionsif its wise and pacific counsels 144 prevast pirA 411 9V. 1, _ ___ 2(1 . 4 4 11 Deowetattitreprelty blur Iran Mar juss woe* VellifirrAherlite Paned Wit they will tome dows 41.1114 DITOBIAL comma= PEILADamtu, April 11th, 18 Cot. JENsttans : Dear Sir,--Since I last wrote you, the denizens of this goodly city have had a visit from Gronea THOMPSON, the notorious English Abolition lecturer who some twenty years ago, or more, spent quite a season in this country, on invitation of his New England anti-slavery allies, en lightening (as he conceived) our benighted people on their political duties, and sowing, the seeds of discord, sectional hostility and ultimate disunion. He comes now to witness the fruits of the joint teachings of himself and the school of pestilent fanatics in whose pay and interest he has labored. These fruits are, "a land rent with civil feuds" and "drenched in fraternal blood,"—oppres sive taxation, and an inextinguishable na ductal debt. Notwithstanding the carnival ' of death that is going on around us, and the desolation that broods over the land, and the wail of the bereaved that ascends from almost every hearthstone, the so-called "LoyarLeag,ne" of this city gave the British emissary a grand reception at the Academy of Music. Costly viands were discussed subsequently at the "League House," we are told; awl vast quantities of expensive wines "gulped down" in his honor, and great high sounding compliments were poured into his ~ . willing ear. The adulation was. not only fulsome, but positively nauseating, and will doubtless be repeated by the "woolly-headed crew' in all the cities he visits. May I be pardoned for suggesting that, in the opinion of 'sensible ; people, .it would accord better with the professed patriotism of the "Loyal" gentry, to appropriate their loose dollars to the Sanitary Commission, or the relief of the widows, orphans and needy families of sol diers, instead of squandering them in riotous and sumptuous feastings of a mischievous foreign Abolition zealot who is without prop erty or any stake in the country, and would doubtless send both her and our institutions to Tophet if he had it in his power ? The result of the late elections in Connec ticut and New Hampshire should not dis hearten the Democratic hosts of the coun try. The truth will ultimately and certainly prevail and the right. Military interference at the polls, and the exaction of illegal and unprecedented oaths, may for a time prevent a fair expression of populhr sentiment con cerning the acts of the doniinaut party, but the day is not distant when the people will undoubtedly assert and vindicate their out raged sovereignty, and drive from the places of trust they have abused and disgraced the creatures who are fattening on their sub stance, coining their very blood into money, mocking at their calamities and laying their unhallowed hands on the . highest privileges and rights of American freemen. A terrible accident occurred hero, the oth er day. A boiler exploded in the establish ment of Messrs. MERRICK & Soya, one of the largest engine and machine manufacto ries in the country. Seven or eight were killed on the spot, and four wore mortally and tea seriously wounded. The inexperience and Incompetence of the engineer, it is said, IQ to the accident. One of those shocking tragedies that usu ally startle even a city community took place here a few nights ago, at the Continen tal Theatre. A young woman named Mar garet Baer, formerly of Pottsville, Pa., was shot and instantly killed in one of the pri vate boxes by a young man twenty years of age,' named Wm. A. Maguire, formerly employed as a fireman on ono of the Rail roads leading from this city, but latterly following gambling for a livelihood. She was a fine-looking girl it is said, but had been leading a dissolute life, and was far a time very intimate with Maguire. She final ly discarded him, however, when through jealousy, he was impelled to the dreadful crime of murder, for which he will doubt less suffer the . extreme penalty of the law. He is in prison awaiting his trial, which will come off at the tiezt term, I am told,— The remains of the murdered girl were in terred in Mount Moriah Cemetery, on Satur day last, by a few of her old associates and friends. Her i.arents, we learn, are dead, There is less talk of politics here than le the country, though Abolition hate and venom run nearly as high. Town truly, A Revolutionary Relic. We were presented a few days ago, by our young friend, G. W, G. Waddell, Esq., with a specimen of continental money, calling for the payment of "Thirty Spanish milled dollars, or the value thereof, in gold or silver, according to a resolution of Congress passed at Biltimore, Feb. 28, 1777." It is signed by S. S. Coale and R. Johnson. This venerable representative of money is not equal to the poorest style of printing of the present day, and makes a very shabby appearance, indeed, by the side of our elab orately got up Treasury notes. It is now over 87 years of age. What the value of our present "legal tender' money may be 80 or 90 years hence is one which must be set-' tied by those who are to come after us in the distant future. The tollewing article will convey a graphic idea of the value of mere paper promises to ray, without having gold ar silver u an ac tual basis : • PAPER MONEY IN Tag AIOLIUOAN REIMER- Ttos.—Dr. James Thacher was a surgeon in the army of the Revolution, and, in 1897, published the journal or diary kept by him from 1755 to the close 0(1783. It is a read able and interesting • volume. Ills reniarks; which we find under date of September, 1782, concerning the influence of the Government paper money of that day, we copy “The continental paper money having 'ane w-wed the great purpose of carrying on .the wai hitherto, being depreciated to a mere shadow, has now ceased to circulate by corn mon consent of tit. people. It had by its ea err demmiaticaL become the bane el society, corrupt* the stiorals of the peopl e b wilieft4 rap for speculation amoagiall alma, Stri4ese of Alll con of I =lo4 4te rfaClL Zl6lX' tide and Eivisf mi m e, 4404110 d aalt-loimmaive fa paper MeVllerliktiosey • 1 1104160Skfria 1 K 1 bralerkebediel and they in tagualgAved no tie a. Widow. mid Pilaw wiwile la anal interest were wore impoverished and raffle& VreaSere were frequently obliged by the tender Uwe to re ceive thar'dues in depreciated money for specie that had been lent in full confidence of receiving its value in return. Instances were not wanting of old debts being paid when the paper was reduced in value to more than seventy for one; and in Virginia, it is said, when three hundred to one." sir An exciting debate in Congress took place a few days ago when a mention was introduced by Speaker Colfax, to expel Mr. I Long,the member from the Cincinnati District in Ohio, for words spoken in debate on the floor in Congress. During the debate a sim ilar resolution was introduced against Mr. I Harris from Maryland. The resolution against i Long was postponed, while that against Har- 1 ris was voted down—it requiring two thirds vote to expel a member. These members both expressed the senti- 1 went that they would prefer the independence i of the South, to an indefinite continuance ot the war, and the subjugation and extermina tion of the people of the South. If the bunglers in the Administration at Washington, shall leave the army to the con trol of Ganeral Grant without interference, we have a lively hope that there will be a ne cessity for neither the separation of the Union, nor au indefinite prolongation of the war.— In that event both the extreme men on the Democratic side, as well 88 those on the Re publican or Abolition side, (who are making huge fortunes oat of the troubles, toil, and blood of the country, and who are interested in the continuance of the war) will be mutu ally disappointed in their opinions and wishes. We do not sympathize in the opinions of the men named, any more than we did in these expressed by Greeley, Chase, or Con way, the latter ot whom towards the close of the last session of Congress introduced a res olution in form for recognizing the Indepen dence of the Southern States and the two former of whom have expressed the opiriion that we had better let the South go than to engage in a bloody war to compel them to. remain in the Union. But we have treated the opinions of these men as wa have those on our side, which we regarded as wrong, as haiing the right to en tertain what opinions they choose, without our dictation. We have ever regarded the maxim of the philosophic Jefferson as the true doctrine an this subject :—"Even error may be tolerated, whilst reason is left free to combat it." We have ever been advocates of free speech awl a free press. Besides, in the case of menThers of Congress we have thought the following Constitutional provi sion meant just wttat it says. No member, "for any • speech or debate in either house, shall be questioned elsewhere." Since the foregoing article was written we find in the New York "World," the follow ing remarks in reference to these speeches of Long and Ilurris, which we copy as express ing more fully our own views : "As Democrats, we repudiate Mr. Long's sentiments and deplore his political folly. But as friends of free debate we depredate the attempt to expel him ever more than we do the damage his speech was calculated -to do to the Democratic party. On this subject we know no path but that of principle. We shall maintain thg, rights of free discussion to the end of the chapter. If no opposi tion to a war once begun is ever to be tolerated, how can a war be ended when its further. prosecution becomes mis chievous ? In every great war there is a vast multitude of officers, contractoil, speculators, manufacturers, etc.,whose personal interests are promote by its continuance, irrespective of its advan tage.to the country. The efforts of a few isolated peace men are no colic. terpoise to the influence of the multi tudes who thrive by the war. Although we sincerely believe that peace would now be ruinous, we cannot consent to the establishment of a principle which would prevent opposition • to the war after the attainment of its object should become hopeless, if, unhappily, fortune has such a calamity in store for us.— We support freedom of debate in time of war, as a prudent general would keep open a line of retreat in advancing to battle. We trust we shall know peace only as the consequence of victo ry; but if disasters should come—or whether they come or not—the coun try has a right to determine for itself whether the further prosecution of the war is expedient. and wise. It is the prerogative of Congress, not only to de clare war, but to decide how long it will provide means for carrying it on ; and this being the case, the expediency of any particular war must always be a question open to debate whenever mem bers choose to debate it. It is by the strength of the free majorities that sup port it, not by gagging oppotipn, that war receives efficient moral sort." 11. W. J. We publish elsewhere, the speech of Mr. Co; of Ohio, on the occasion referred to. The Cue of the " Freedmee." The Secretary of the Interior, in a recent, official communication, says : "But little disposition, so far as the Depart ment is informed, has yet been manifested by the fpeedmen of the United States to leave the land of their nativity. I doubt if it be any just cause of regret. Time and ex perience.which have already taught us much wisdom and produced so many consequent changes will, in the end also solve this ques tion for us." There is a deficiency in the Government Printing Department of over $600,000 for the past fiscal year s for which Congress bas made no provision thus far. This is another item in tint mighty unwritten debt which the American people have no knowledge of. ifirThe Philadelphia Press says : "What business has general McClellan to dictate the policy of the nation !" What, business, we may ask, has the clerk of the lanited States Senate to dictate the , PolicY of the. a. tion.—(Louieville Journal. These questions ate both to be ansWeied by the people in November nett. ;..10P A , New Talk Xvidgmasbitar..:') to oitgt on the &oiled that t tie die'. ed:so itiewe his "ould mother an orphan.", More Deficiencies. G9ll. Jackson on Coercion and Civil War. In Gen. Jacklion's Farewell Address on leaving the Presidency,‘ March 4th, 1837, occurs the following passages. They are es pecially applicable to the present state of af fairs in this country. . He said: 'But the Union cannot be preserved and the Constitution maintained by the mere co ercive power confided to the General Gov ernment. If such a struggle is ever begun, the citi zens of one section of the country, are array ed in arms against these of another in doubt ful conflict, let the battle result as it may; THERE WILL BE AN END OF TH UN ION, and with it an END TO THE HOPES OF FREEldni. The victory of the victors would cot secure to them the blessings of liberty. It would avenge their wrongs, but they would themselves share iu the common ruin. But each State has the unquestionable right to regulate its own internal concerns according to its own pleasure ; and while it does not interfere with the rights of the Union, every State must be sole judge of the measures proper to secure the safety of its citizens and promote their happiness. All efforts on the part of ':the people of other States to cast odium upon their institutions, and all measures calculated to disturb their rights of property, or to put in jeopardy their peace, and internal tranquility, are in direct opposition to the spirit in which the Union was formed, and must endanger its safety" Abolitionists be Warned. The Abolition press must have noted the frequent publication of such intelli gence as the following : [Special dispatch to tho Chicago Times.] "The Herald office, a Democratic paper in Franklin county, was demolished yesterday by persons who prompted soldiers. 'llls is the second time thiS thing has been done to this office." But few days pass, says the New York News, without the record of some such outrage. Our Abolition contem poraries, so fierce in their denunciation when an opportunity offers to impute a riotous sentiment to the Democracy, are strangely silent in regard to these re peated attacks upon the offices of Dem ocratic papers. No word of rebuke or remonstrance is ever seen in i their col umns on this subject. Must we con strue this indifference into a tacit appro val of such lawless doings ? We call up on those who sow this seed to beware of the harvest. They are giving rein to the spirit of violence, but will not be able to curb it when it threatens their own safety, It is easier to excite turbu lence than to guide, it ; and, when the mobbing of newspaper offices becomes the order of the day, we believe the Abolition journals will be the principal sufferers. There is much valuable newspaper property in every city that would be in great peril of destruction should this mobbing system be encour aged. We conjure the Abolition er gans, for their own sakes, if they regard not the public tranquility, to assist in checking the disposition •of their parti sans to vent their political antipathies in the destruction of Democratic property. The lawlessness they teach will surely be practised against themselves, and they will find that mobs are more apt in receiving instructions than in forgetting them. Such outrages upon the liberty of the press will not be tolerated. Mark well what we say. The Southern Soldiers Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, in a decidedly revolutionary sermon, delivered in his church in Brooklyn, mit Sunday night last, thus spoke of the soldiers in the Southern army : "Where shall we find such heroic selt-deni al, such up bearing of physical discomfort, such patigswe in poverty, in distress, m abso lute want, as we fine-in the Southern army.— They fight better in• a bad cause than you do with a good one.; they fight bbtter for a pas sion than you do fors sentiment. We believe them to be misguided, but we must do them the credit of saying • they fight well and beat up under trouble nobly; they suffer and not complain ; they go in rags, and do not rebel ; they are in earnest, for their personal liberty - -they believe in it, and if they. can they.mean to get it." Don't Forget It ! Early in 1850 John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, presented two petitions to the United States Senate, praying "that some plar might be devised for the disso lution of the American Union !" Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, suggested as a preamble to these petitions, "that as the members had sworn before God to support the Constitution, they should now take immediate, steps to break their obligations." IZpon a vote being taken, the petitions ve'bre rejected by the votes of the entire Senate, with the exceptions of John P. Hale, of New Hampshire, Wm. IL Seward, of New York, and Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, who voted in FAVOR ' larSecretary Chase is puzzled for once. Somebody has stolen the plates on which he printed Vreenbacks,• and no clue has yet been found as to where they are I. Unless found shortly, greenbacks will be as thick as leaves in Valombrosia, because whoever has , the plates can print Qoventment money' just as well as the Treasury Department ! The signatures are engraved ! The impres sion that stamps the notes, also prints the 'official signatures.' It is said that anofficer in . Mr. Chase's confidence,and who .was en trusted with the safe .keeping of the plates, is now in Europe.! But .the plates, where are they ?—(Boston Commercial Bulletin. itS — Waldron the deiamor of McClellan and author of the story about his interview with Lee, says "be was drunk when he told the story.' Should he ga on confessing we, shall find out holt mneh some Loyal Leaguer paid him for telling Stir The Mentfacky Weekly Nests, publish ed at Rendereon, comes out for MeCiellan and Milliard Panora for President and Vice l'resident; . IlfirThe G'hieago Times says that the fund for the relief of Vallandigham will read the loon of 000. . • Jormatipowit,fer,pAi*olit thfin• 3i frJra - 14914411"va. thorns. MUCH OF MR, COX, OF OHIO. Kr. Cox (Opp. Cid said that this resolution to expel a Amu her Of the House-called for more than usual gravity. He wasnot in the House when his colleague (Mt. Long) made his re marks ; but he (Mr. Cox) was informed by members around him that they would bear the interpretation put upon them. Had he (Mr. Cox) been in. his seat yesterday he should have disavowed, in behalf of the Ohio delegation, any remarks looking to the recogniton of the rebellion as centralized at Richmond. He didnot know a single member of the Ohio delegation ex,epting his eolleague (Mr. Long)who was wil ling to-recognize the Confederate government. He spoke of this because of the attempt.to make partizan capital by those on the other side. He (Mr. Cox) believed that his colleague at the time. spoke only his own sentiments, and not those of his party, Recently there was a Dem ocratic State Convention in Ohio, representing 145,000 votes, and in that convention no senti ment like that of his colleague was uttered. The only man whose name was presented look ing to recognition, and who had circulated a pamphlet in support of his views, received only two votes in that convention as a delegate. The loyal people of Ohio are not under any shape or color in favor of evil a declaration as the resolution attributed to his colleague. The Democratic people of that state railed and sent their sons to the war, although the people of Ohio did not agree with the African whooly. Mr. WASiIBURN (Adm., Ill.) as if in correc tion of the gentleman, suggested that he meant Abyssinia. (Laughter.) Mr. Cox replied that the gentleman from 11. inois (Mr. Washburne) took pleasure in re peating a worn out joke, and he doubted whether the gentleman had any sense at all in connection with the African question: Washburne said he would leave that to the gentleman from 'Ohio. Mr. Cox said he would not submit to any further frivolous interruptions,and then referr ed to the resolutions introduced into the last congress by representative CONWAY of Kansas in favor of recognizing the ' Southern confeder acy. Where then was the sensitive gentle• matt from Indiana. (Mr. Colfax) to respond to the question? The speaker declares that he is for free speech. Why. then, does he pursue my colleague (Mr. Long) for uttering his senti ments, while (the Speaker) refrains from ex pelling a man in his (Mr. Colfax's) own ranks for doing the same thing 7 I yield to the Speaker to answer the question. Mr, Colfax replied :—The representative from Indiana claims the floor when lie chooses, and decline.' speaking within the gentleman's (Mr. Cox's) speech. Mr: Cox—The gentleman is distinguished for prudence as well as fur sagacity. Some one here asked Mr. Cox whether he thougnt Mr. Conway. of Kansas, should have been expelled for offering the resolutions that he (Mr. Conway) did? Mr. Cox responded that he did not think th;t Mr. Conway should be expelled any more than Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, should for his speech in favor of regarding the Southern confederacy as a de facto governmeit—as an independent nation. His colleague, (Mr. Gar field) hao taken the same ground as tlw gen tleman from-Pennsylvania (Mr Stevens, and now he (Mr. Garfield) was in favor of expelling a member of the House entertaining the same views as himself. Mr. Garfield, (Adm., of Ohio) said he took the most decided ground against the gentle. man from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens), that the South are now a foreign people. In his speech he [Mr. Garfield,] remarked that they were in the Unitas ; that in putting down this rebellion we must be governed by the laws of war as if they were a foreign nation, but not thereby admitting them to be a foreign na• tion. Mr. COL—Do you hold the doctrine that the Southern Confederacy is indepandentpow, and if not, are you in favor of expelling the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. stevens], for holding such a doctrine I do• not be lieve either in the doctrine of Mr. Stevens or of Mr. Long. Mr. GARFIELD-4 draw the most marked and broad distinction between the opinions of the distinguished gentleman from Pennsyl7 vania [Mr. Stevens), end those- of the gentle. man from Ohio [Mr Long]. The former fa vored the prosecution of the war to the utter most to bring back the revolted States ; the latter is opposed to all further prosecution of the war, and regards all compromise as int. possible. He [Mr. Long] declared openly for throwing up the white flag, acknowledging the independence of the confederacy. and that ho would make no attempt, either by conference or war, to restore the Union. Mr. Thayer (Adm.,) of Pa., suggested that his colleague [Mr. btevens] was not in his seat, being detained therefrom by sickness. Mr. Cox replied that the remarks of the gentleman from Pennsylvania [M. Stevens] were printed, and were as well known as it he [Mr Stevens] were present. Mr. Cox then referred to the remarks of the lion. Benjamin Stanton, formerly a member of the House, who said, at the commencement of the rebel lion, that if the rebels sustained themselves for a year or two, and nothing but a war of subju gation conid bring them back, he [Mr. Stan ton] would be disposed to recognize their in dependence. Did his eelleague [Mr. Garfield] vote for Mr. Stanton as lieutenaut-governor of Ohio 1 Mr. Garfield replied that he did not vote for that gentleman or for any ticket. If he had been in Ohio at the time he should have voted for Mr. Stanton. His [Mr. Garfield's] only excuse tor not doing so was not being in the S ate when the election took plaCe. There were many men on both sides of the political question in the beginning of the war who felt it to be their duty to let the Southern people alone for a time, hoping that -reason might re turn to them bydelay. Others said we cannot let them alone and to this class belonged the patriots on both sides. But now, when the qu stion had been adjudicated, and now, when the people are determined • -after three years have gone by, and when we are emerging from the night into the daylight of victory, to throw up the contest would be treason. Mr. Cox replied that he had only asked an answer to his question, and not an explanation as to what constituted treason. While the gentleman (Mr. Garfield) would overleap the Constitution of his country, he [Mr. Cox] would take it for his guide, for there could be no Union without it. When you talk of trea son, and in the same breath are willing to over leap and break down the Constitution, you are the traitor, if there is a traitor in this House. ..Mr. Garfield said his colleague [Mr. Cox] was misrepresenjing him as to "overlesping the Conetition." He (Mr. Garfield) would say, once for all,. that he never uttered such a sen timent. What he remarked was this : when asked whether, under any circumstances, he would override the Constitution. he said this, and this only—that he trusted the Constitution was ample to put down the rebellion, and its powers were sufficiently capacious for that purpose, and therefore there was no need to override the Constitution, but it the time ever came when the Constitution was not found surf', iant—and hi looked upon it as impossible that the supposition could be true—he would say, as the American people are greater than the Constitution, and the nation mightier than that instrument, we have a sacred right to save the creators of the Constitution. Mr. Cox (Opp., 0.) said that be bad been in formed 'by gentle:non around hint that his colleague did not state the 4 question yesterday as he did tt. -day. The gentleman LMr. Gar field] was reported in the Chronicle as saying hs would resort to "any element of destruction, and fling the Constitution to the winds," rath er than lose his country. There was nothing here said about any impessibility in the future. Mr. Cox .next quoted from Senator Wade to show that the gentleman favored a separation o he States. Mr. Garfield fAiim., O.) read the *pinion of Thomas Jefferson that the "law of necessity" might be resorted to for the purpose of saving the country when other means had failed. Mr. Cox said that placed the gentleman (Mr. Garfield.) in the campaign with Mr. Long.— Mr. Cox then said that Horace Greeley is March, 1861, declared that if the cotton States chose to form tut independent nation they had the right to do so. Ue (Mr. Cox) would ask the gentleman (Mr. Garfie'd) whether he agreed with Mr. Greelr. Mr. Garfield said that he had not the pleasure of hearing the extract read. Mr. COX—My colleague is obtuse whop anything is said on this stile of the House, but is willing to listen to anything that may be said when it is oot on our side. The declare, tion of Horace Greeley is to the following ef fect : "We Witee repeatedly said, sad once more we announce, that the great principles embodied byjegerlan in the declaration that govern ments derive their just pmetela from the con oat of the a ere mod and just, and if the eeteeit tildrek or hide puriatornie itaittiolo soar hie he eteakllenawer after hie co,lie bad finished hi. speech, CMS Mr. COX:—Yon a .IC swesalsir the Tribune, but are so very sebsitiere when the Democrats louk in the same direction. Hs need not ask his Colleague (Mr. Garfield,) whether he voted for Mr. Lincoln as President. In 1848 a speech of Mr. Lincoln's was printed expressly for cir culation, in which he said that the people have a right to rise and shake off the existing gov ernment, and that any portion of a people can revolutionize and set up their independence.— He then alluded to the Speaker as descending from his high position to the floor and moving to expel a member of this House. Was he (Mr. Garfield) or not in favor of thedoctrineannoun ced by President Lincoln ? You will, continu ed Mr. Cox lose nu dignity by answering the question. We will look upon you with pride and pleasure if you will be so condescending us to answer. Mr. COLFAX—In reply to the personal re marks of the gentleman (Mr. Cox), I would say, when I appear on the floor I do not de scend from a high position. I speak for my constituents,and that is the highest place a man can hold. I am the representative of fifteen thousand voters. Mr. Cox said that he did not speak of the gentleman's personal character. He admired him too much for his fairness. He never heard a word of reproach against him. But when the Speaker of the House comes down to the floor to engineer a resolution through he ought to take the consequences. Mr. COLF.A X—l will do it, Mr. Cox would sav, in reply to the traitorous sentiments of Mr. Lincoln, that he (Air. Cox) was opposed to secession and revolution, ex cepting in pursuance of the Constitution. This was the position of the gentlemen on this side of the house. But Mr. Lincoln was elevated to the Presidency by a lawless party, who knew that he was in favor of revolution and seces sion, and was an advocate of any party setting up for themselves when they chose to do so.— He (Mr. Cox , never agreed to the policy of his former colleague, Mr. Vallandigham, because he thought it impra••t'cable. Mr. Cox then read an extract from a speech lately made by Mr. Julian, of Indiana, to show that he [Mr. Julian] entertained a similar revolutionary idea to that of Mr. Lincoln. Why did not some one move to expel him (Mr. Julian) for 680— Are you, Mr. Cox said to Mr. Julian, in favor of "breaking down the Constitution to save the country"? Mr. Julian, Rep., of Indiana, replied that he had explicitly said that he saw no necessity for treading down the Constitution to suppress the rebellion. Mr. COX—If a necessity existed, would you be in favor of it? Mr. JULIAN—If necessary to save the country, I would bias: the power of rebellion forever by the strong hand of war. Mr. Cox (continuing) said, that he regarded the Union as bound up in the Constitution, and the breaking down of the Constitution would not destroy the rebellion Mr. Julian said that if it was necessary to save the nation's life he would do so at the ex pence of the violation of the fetter of the Con stitution. Mr. Cox did not desire to save the country by tearing out its brains, which was the Con stitution. You have sworn to support the Constitution, not in a certain emergency. hut unconditionally, and in all places: and now you say, in a certain emergency you would violate your oath. What is this but moral treason and perjury I Mr. Julian replied that he had taken the oath 'and had asserted beretcifore as he did now that there was no necessity for violating the Constitution. lie would ask the gentleman explicitly, if the life of the nation could be saved only by the violation of the Constitution in some respects, would lie save the life of the na tion at that cost ? [Laughter Mr. Cox t eplied that he knew of no other life of the nation than the Constitution itself.— lie regarded the Constitution as the body and bones of the nation. Theretere, in defending the Constitution we defend the nation's life from assassinalion. Under no conceivable cir cumstances to the human mind wmild he (Mr. Cox) violate the Constitution for any purpose whatever. Any man who utters any other sentirnen s expresses moral treason. In refer ence to Mr. Vallandigham, he said that he (Mr.. Cox) was for a•fair trial, for free speech and for a free press, and everywhere he took ground in favor of the election of a man who in these re spects vindicates constitutional liberty. No where did Mr. Vallandigham utter a sentiment looking to the recognition of the Southern Confederacy, and he:was in favor of voting men and money to carry on the war. Nothing looking to the independence of the South ever came front the lips of Mr. Vallandigham. Mr. Cox said, in conclusion, we have to take the old States to make the Union. This is the platform upon which we expect to meet you next Autumn. We will never surrender the country to the secessionists sir the abolitionists. Miscegenation. When extracts from the -new Abolition tract on "Miscegenation" were first publish ed it was naturally inferred by many that the thing was a hoax, intended to burlesque the extravagance of Wendell Phillips & Co. ; but the developments of the last few weeks furnish abundant evidence to proveethat the views set forth in the pamphlet are-shared by a large part of the Abolition party, and to justify the expectation .that in a few years "the sublime commingling of races" of which the Boston orator speaks, will have been ac complished. Improbable as this anticipation may seem - to many, it would not have seem ed any more monstrous two years ago that leading ladies of New York city would put their names to such a document as-this : To the officers and men of the Twentieth United States colored troops : NlT little bo A disputing with his sister SOLDIERS—We, the mothers, wives and 'y sisters of the members of the Now Y or k on some subject, I do not row remember Union League Club, of whose liberality and what, exclaimed. 'lt's true, for ma said so, intelligent patriotism, and under whose di- and if ma says it's so, it is so, IP IT AIN'T' rect auspices you have been organized into a , body of national troops for the defense of the '`" Union, earnestly sympathizing in the great grAn exchange says that an American, cause of American free nationality, and de- lady fainted while being presented to Vrnpress. sirous of testifying by some memorial our Eugenia n Paris, and that the latter was de profound sense of the sacred object and the I o'y cause, in behalf of which you have en- lighted at the compliment. listed, have prepared you this banner, at once the emblem of freedeni and of faith I I*'The war cods about a $lOO,OOO an and the symbol of woman's best wishes and hour. prayers for our common country, and espe cially for your devotion thereto. When you look at this flag, and rush to battle, or stand at guard beneath its sublime motto, "GOD AND LIBERTY !" remember that it is also an emblem of love and honor from the daughters of this great Metropolis to their brave champions in the field, and that they will anxiously watch your career, glori fying in your heroiedi, ministering to you when wounded and ill, and honoring your martyrdom with benedictions and with tears. White men by thousands have left New •York for the battle-field, and• veteran regi ments, decimated by scores of fights, have returned ; but the first to receive - an emblem of love and honor from the daughters of the Metropolis, "are the blacks of the 20th regi ment, U. S. colored troops." A New York cotemporary chronicles the fact that Secretary Seward travelled from Washington to New York, and for the entire distance has a car consecrated to himself and lady, which no one was permitted to enter. It might have been added that for p considerable part of the distanoe the train was very lunch crowd ed, anclthat over eighty passengers, one half of whom were ladies, were forced to stand, while Mr. Seward enjoyed his regal state in solitary grandeur ! It might also have stated that a short time wage Mts. Lincoln travelled from New YM: to Washington, and in like man ner aepropriated to herself awl servant an entire caw, while over forty ladies, some of wham maw aged, some mothers • intaatt, 141111) . itlik:In ihr saw passed irs. Ids to _.reemmv-ilese - ant of raservers—..werc forced to Oat& Snobbery In High Pipes, except in cases where some gentlemen, more considerate of. her own sex than Dirs. Lincoln,gave up their seats to them, —Jersey City Standard. Soldiers and their Duty., Gen. Rosecrans, at St. Louis, has issued au order relating to breaches of the civil law by soldiers. It contains the following hon orable, soldier-like and statesman-like senti ment, which every true patriot and lover ,of law and order will heartily endorse : Officers and soldiers are reminded that their functions being to establiish law and - justice' against opposition too strong for the officers Of tile civil power, their uni form becomes a sacred badge, and whoever wearing it,commits . or permits wrong or out rage to persons property, stains that badge, and stabs that count, he professes to serve. Military power is a ?rust more Sacred' and honorable than a trust of property. He who misuses this power to gratify or beaRA, himself is more guilty and dishonorable than the violators of the pecuniary trust. Lova-- tial justice and the strictest regard for the weak and defenceless are therefore the duty and the glory of the true, patriotic soldier.-,--1. They are, also, the marks of true nobility and courage, while cruelty and injustice are the sure badges of baseness and cowardice. The author of the above is one of those high-minded soldiers who has too.much mil - itary pride to see the army converted into & lawless mob. If all high military function aries had heretofore thus taught we should not hear of as many outrages by soldiers up on Citizens as have occurred in the city of Harrisburg, and as are now occurring daily through the country. The truth is, the sol diers are not alone to blame. The greatest offenders are those cowardly Abolition ora tors and editors who, for pr.rtisan purposes,. have stimulated soldiers to the perpetration of these crimes, which, if net stopped, will soon provoke a spire of retaliation that had better not be awakened- a retaliation that will be visited upon the real offenders—a re taliation that may not be bloodless. Let the real offenders be warned in time l—{Patriot & Union. Richmond Examiner on the Situation. The Richmond Examiner of the 12th: has a scathing article upon the late ope rations of the Irnion forces in Florida and Mississippi, which it designates as Mr. Lincoln's plan of "stumping the South;" but it says that the Confedera cy cannot afford to tolerate this kind of a Presidential campaign, with its plunder ing, and house burning, and cruelty to. women and children, for the purpose of corrupting ten out of every hundred of the population of the invaded States, in order to get an electoral vote for Mr. in coln "to turn the flank on Chase and checkmatel Fremont." It says "the whole war at present has become a Pres idential campaign The proclamation that a 'rebel' State may come in whenev er one-tenth of its inhabitants undertake. to govern the other nine -tenths, is -re garded as a trump card for Lincoln. And this was the grand design of that mighty advance of Sherman upon Mississippi and Alabama. "Things cannot go on thus forever,. and some remedy there must be. Ac cording to the present system, it is clear that our enemies still believe us to be President making. They do not yet understand that we are resolute to be rid. of them forever, and determined rather to die than to live with them in the same political community again. To some persons, earnestly pondering this mat ter, there seems one way and other— it is to take no more prisoners, and, - as a necessary corollary, to admit of no sur render on our part. Stupid and absurd: as our enemies are, they will at length. understand that there is no more President making when they find that the penalty of falling into our hands is death; when. they perceive that our soldiers go into field, each man with his life in his hand, meaning to conquer or to die." atirludge Barnard, of the Court of Oyer and Terminer at New York, charged his grand jury on Thursday that the epithet "secessionist" as applied to a person was libellous. Reference was made in the charge to the course of certain newspapers in mak ing free use of the phrases "traitor!' and "secessionist" against those who differ with them in political opinion." MARRIED. By Rev. John McClintock, on the Slid of March, 1864, Mr. Sy lvanus T. Gray, of Ma pletown, to Miss Fannie P. Minor, daughter of Samuel Minor, Esq., of Monongahela tp. DIED, At the residence of his son-in-law, James V. S. Boice, New Brunswick, N. J., on March 14th, 1864, Ricusito K Runyon', in the 98d year of his age. $ The subject of this notice was an old associate and friend of Benj. Jennings, F,sl., dec'd. Some of our aged citizens, perhaps. may recolleot him. Of Ltiptheria, on the 4th inst., Jscos liEwToti, son of J. Lindsey WO Prudence Yoders, aged 5 years, 8 month' and one week. He was a lad of ranch interest and promise, beloved by all who.knew hint. But what is life ? 'tie like the bow That glisten. in the sky, We love to see its colors glow But while we look, they di e. DlED—March 27th, 1864, of Lung Fever . and Teething, JOBS L., son of Rev. John R. and M. J. Tygard, of Blacksville, Greene Cc., Pa. On Wednesday, April 6th, HARRY. Gex um, son of L. and M. A. Ganier, lead mo., and 6 days. "In the hospital -at Alexanditia,_ Ya.t._ of Measles, about the last of March, 1864, Oar rison Lewis, aged about 19 years. On Thursday, April 7th, 1964, in Jackson township, Greenesounty, at her residenee, Lydia Smith, aged 74 years. In-Jefferson, Omens co., Pa., on titsBth of April, 1864, kW. clathoine Bell, consort of David Bell, deceised, ihe 75th year of her
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