Br tour.
W. JONirt i . I Editors.
JAS. S. JEN. INGS,i
"One Country # One Constitution, One
Destiny."
Ne
IVISMISILK APRIL 27, 1864.
"OR 'RESIDENT IN 1564,
GEN. GEORGE B. McCLELLAN,
LinVant /cake Decision of the Democratic Na
tional Convention.)
“Wltille the army is fighting, you as cit
izens nee. that the war is prosecuted for
the preservation of the Union and the
Constftutlon, and of your nationality and
your rights as citizens: 9
GEO. B. IIicULELLAN.
—..The Constitution and the Union:
/*we then together, If they stand, they
mu* stand together; If they fall, they
-nvillt hit together."-.-Dattiel Webster.
An Apology—No Paper Last Week.
We were . unable • to publish the
"itadenger" last week on account of
the saa-receipt of a supply of paper.
The failure to get it in time was solely
attrilieteble to an accident to the Mill
of the Messy. MARKLE, who never be
fore, in several years' dealings, lave
been unable to fill our orders promptly.
The following note explains itself, and
will sure our readers that we will not
miss an issue again - if our paper makers
can helpit:—
PITTSBURGFI, April
21st, '64
Mears. Jones 4. Jennings : Gentlemen :
Easkosed find bill of paper sent by boat.
to-day : the balance of your order will
go. forward next week. Our Mill is
now completely repaired, and we hope
that another disappointments such as
this, nil) not occur soon again.
•
Truly yours,
• p C. P. MARKLE & Co.
Our Rising Men.
Omni of our Democratic eotempo
rade% in various portions of the State,
have recently (and very properly) been
Ncongratulating the party on the pros
pective retirement of a number of anti
quated and superannuated politicians
who have directed its policy and con
tributed .to largely to its defeats,
threngh their self-seeking and wretched
rfianagement, within the last fifteen or
twenty years. We concur fully in all
that has been or could well be said con
cerning these fossilized and mereenary
place-hunters, and thank God we are
. done with them. We want other,
younger and more active men in. Penn
sylvania, and they must take the lead if
we would energize the Democratic
masses, and ensure the triumph of the
party, and the consequent adoption of
a wise State, and discreet and conserve
tive National, policy. Old leaders rare
ly inspire enthusiasm, because they
never feel it, are almost invariably lack
ing in courage and efficiency, and are
generally opinionative, and y too often
'ignorant in spite of experience." Be.
aide all this, few men cling more perti
naciously to their personal hates and
prepossessions. Hence our decided
pettiality for a different class of leaders
in oir future contests with the Opposi
tion, especially at this time, when the
very liberties of the people and the
perpetuity of the Government are in
volved in the issues of a single cam
paign.
At the late State Convention, and
lain more remitry, a decided and general
disposition has been evinced to put for
-ward, conspicuously, in the approach
ing Presidential canvas, the young and
active -men of our party, such as
KSltit, of Venango, (the peer, by the
way, of any young man in our ranks,)
CLIMKE, of Perks, WALLACE, Of Clear
field, Bigaennio, of Cambria, Nournnon,
of Philadelphia, and scores of others
equally gifted and intrepid. If, under
.
the leaderslup of such men, we cannot
achieves signal maws in November
over the cohorts of AboliticiAmaticism
and misrule, we shall d.dVw: of ever
restoring to poWer the glorious old
party which has administered our na
tional alEdia, almost uninterruptedly,
sine" -the infancy of the Republic,. has
/Paoour traditions, widely extended
our terFitorial lin its, acid would - have
perretaitdd the Tialcfu w4thent
shed and haailiativ ccapiesionsif its
wise and pacific counsels 144 prevast
pirA 411 9V. 1, _ ___ 2(1 . 4 4 11
Deowetattitreprelty blur Iran Mar
juss woe* VellifirrAherlite
Paned Wit they will tome dows
41.1114
DITOBIAL comma=
PEILADamtu, April 11th, 18
Cot. JENsttans : Dear Sir,--Since I last
wrote you, the denizens of this goodly city
have had a visit from Gronea THOMPSON, the
notorious English Abolition lecturer who
some twenty years ago, or more, spent
quite a season in this country, on invitation
of his New England anti-slavery allies, en
lightening (as he conceived) our benighted
people on their political duties, and sowing,
the seeds of discord, sectional hostility and
ultimate disunion. He comes now to witness
the fruits of the joint teachings of himself
and the school of pestilent fanatics in whose
pay and interest he has labored. These
fruits are, "a land rent with civil feuds"
and "drenched in fraternal blood,"—oppres
sive taxation, and an inextinguishable na
ductal debt. Notwithstanding the carnival '
of death that is going on around us, and the
desolation that broods over the land, and
the wail of the bereaved that ascends from
almost every hearthstone, the so-called
"LoyarLeag,ne" of this city gave the British
emissary a grand reception at the Academy
of Music. Costly viands were discussed
subsequently at the "League House," we are
told; awl vast quantities of expensive wines
"gulped down" in his honor, and great high
sounding compliments were poured into his
~ . willing ear. The adulation was. not only
fulsome, but positively nauseating, and will
doubtless be repeated by the "woolly-headed
crew' in all the cities he visits. May I be
pardoned for suggesting that, in the opinion
of 'sensible ; people, .it would accord better
with the professed patriotism of the "Loyal"
gentry, to appropriate their loose dollars to
the Sanitary Commission, or the relief of the
widows, orphans and needy families of sol
diers, instead of squandering them in riotous
and sumptuous feastings of a mischievous
foreign Abolition zealot who is without prop
erty or any stake in the country, and would
doubtless send both her and our institutions
to Tophet if he had it in his power ?
The result of the late elections in Connec
ticut and New Hampshire should not dis
hearten the Democratic hosts of the coun
try. The truth will ultimately and certainly
prevail and the right. Military interference
at the polls, and the exaction of illegal and
unprecedented oaths, may for a time prevent
a fair expression of populhr sentiment con
cerning the acts of the doniinaut party, but
the day is not distant when the people will
undoubtedly assert and vindicate their out
raged sovereignty, and drive from the places
of trust they have abused and disgraced the
creatures who are fattening on their sub
stance, coining their very blood into money,
mocking at their calamities and laying their
unhallowed hands on the . highest privileges
and rights of American freemen.
A terrible accident occurred hero, the oth
er day. A boiler exploded in the establish
ment of Messrs. MERRICK & Soya, one of
the largest engine and machine manufacto
ries in the country. Seven or eight were
killed on the spot, and four wore mortally
and tea seriously wounded. The inexperience
and Incompetence of the engineer, it is said,
IQ to the accident.
One of those shocking tragedies that usu
ally startle even a city community took
place here a few nights ago, at the Continen
tal Theatre. A young woman named Mar
garet Baer, formerly of Pottsville, Pa., was
shot and instantly killed in one of the pri
vate boxes by a young man twenty years
of age,' named Wm. A. Maguire, formerly
employed as a fireman on ono of the Rail
roads leading from this city, but latterly
following gambling for a livelihood. She
was a fine-looking girl it is said, but had
been leading a dissolute life, and was far a
time very intimate with Maguire. She final
ly discarded him, however, when through
jealousy, he was impelled to the dreadful
crime of murder, for which he will doubt
less suffer the . extreme penalty of the law.
He is in prison awaiting his trial, which
will come off at the tiezt term, I am told,—
The remains of the murdered girl were in
terred in Mount Moriah Cemetery, on Satur
day last, by a few of her old associates and
friends. Her i.arents, we learn, are dead,
There is less talk of politics here than le
the country, though Abolition hate and
venom run nearly as high.
Town truly,
A Revolutionary Relic.
We were presented a few days ago, by our
young friend, G. W, G. Waddell, Esq.,
with a specimen of continental money,
calling for the payment of "Thirty Spanish
milled dollars, or the value thereof, in gold or
silver, according to a resolution of Congress
passed at Biltimore, Feb. 28, 1777." It is
signed by S. S. Coale and R. Johnson.
This venerable representative of money is
not equal to the poorest style of printing of
the present day, and makes a very shabby
appearance, indeed, by the side of our elab
orately got up Treasury notes. It is now
over 87 years of age. What the value of
our present "legal tender' money may be 80
or 90 years hence is one which must be set-'
tied by those who are to come after us in the
distant future.
The tollewing article will convey a graphic
idea of the value of mere paper promises to
ray, without having gold ar silver u an ac
tual basis : •
PAPER MONEY IN Tag AIOLIUOAN REIMER-
Ttos.—Dr. James Thacher was a surgeon in
the army of the Revolution, and, in 1897,
published the journal or diary kept by him
from 1755 to the close 0(1783. It is a read
able and interesting • volume. Ills reniarks;
which we find under date of September, 1782,
concerning the influence of the Government
paper money of that day, we copy
“The continental paper money having 'ane
w-wed the great purpose of carrying on .the
wai hitherto, being depreciated to a mere
shadow, has now ceased to circulate by corn
mon consent of tit. people. It had by its ea
err demmiaticaL become the bane el
society, corrupt* the stiorals of the peopl e
b wilieft4 rap for speculation amoagiall
alma, Stri4ese of Alll con of
I =lo4 4te rfaClL Zl6lX' tide
and
Eivisf mi m e, 4404110 d aalt-loimmaive
fa paper MeVllerliktiosey •
1 1104160Skfria 1 K 1 bralerkebediel
and they in tagualgAved no tie
a. Widow. mid Pilaw wiwile la
anal interest were wore
impoverished and raffle& VreaSere were
frequently obliged by the tender Uwe to re
ceive thar'dues in depreciated money for
specie that had been lent in full confidence
of receiving its value in return. Instances
were not wanting of old debts being paid
when the paper was reduced in value to
more than seventy for one; and in Virginia,
it is said, when three hundred to one."
sir An exciting debate in Congress took
place a few days ago when a mention was
introduced by Speaker Colfax, to expel Mr. I
Long,the member from the Cincinnati District
in Ohio, for words spoken in debate on the
floor in Congress. During the debate a sim
ilar resolution was introduced against Mr. I
Harris from Maryland. The resolution against i
Long was postponed, while that against Har- 1
ris was voted down—it requiring two thirds
vote to expel a member.
These members both expressed the senti- 1
went that they would prefer the independence i
of the South, to an indefinite continuance ot
the war, and the subjugation and extermina
tion
of the people of the South.
If the bunglers in the Administration at
Washington, shall leave the army to the con
trol of Ganeral Grant without interference,
we have a lively hope that there will be a ne
cessity for neither the separation of the Union,
nor au indefinite prolongation of the war.—
In that event both the extreme men on the
Democratic side, as well 88 those on the Re
publican or Abolition side, (who are making
huge fortunes oat of the troubles, toil, and
blood of the country, and who are interested
in the continuance of the war) will be mutu
ally disappointed in their opinions and wishes.
We do not sympathize in the opinions of
the men named, any more than we did in
these expressed by Greeley, Chase, or Con
way,
the latter ot whom towards the close of
the last session of Congress introduced a res
olution
in form for recognizing the Indepen
dence of the Southern States and the two
former of whom have expressed the opiriion
that we had better let the South go than to
engage in a bloody war to compel them to.
remain in the Union.
But we have treated the opinions of these
men as wa have those on our side, which we
regarded as wrong, as haiing the right to en
tertain what opinions they choose, without
our dictation. We have ever regarded the
maxim of the philosophic Jefferson as the
true doctrine an this subject :—"Even error
may be tolerated, whilst reason is left free
to combat it." We have ever been advocates
of free speech awl a free press. Besides, in
the case of menThers of Congress we have
thought the following Constitutional provi
sion meant just wttat it says. No member,
"for any • speech or debate in either house,
shall be questioned elsewhere."
Since the foregoing article was written we
find in the New York "World," the follow
ing remarks in reference to these speeches of
Long and Ilurris, which we copy as express
ing more fully our own views :
"As Democrats, we repudiate Mr.
Long's sentiments and deplore his political
folly. But as friends of free debate we
depredate the attempt to expel him ever
more than we do the damage his speech
was calculated -to do to the Democratic
party. On this subject we know no
path but that of principle. We shall
maintain thg, rights of free discussion to
the end of the chapter. If no opposi
tion to a war once begun is ever to be
tolerated, how can a war be ended when
its further. prosecution becomes mis
chievous ? In every great war there is
a vast multitude of officers, contractoil,
speculators, manufacturers, etc.,whose
personal interests are promote by its
continuance, irrespective of its advan
tage.to the country. The efforts of a
few isolated peace men are no colic.
terpoise to the influence of the multi
tudes who thrive by the war. Although
we sincerely believe that peace would
now be ruinous, we cannot consent to
the establishment of a principle which
would prevent opposition • to the war
after the attainment of its object should
become hopeless, if, unhappily, fortune
has such a calamity in store for us.—
We support freedom of debate in time
of war, as a prudent general would
keep open a line of retreat in advancing
to battle. We trust we shall know
peace only as the consequence of victo
ry; but if disasters should come—or
whether they come or not—the coun
try has a right to determine for itself
whether the further prosecution of the
war is expedient. and wise. It is the
prerogative of Congress, not only to de
clare war, but to decide how long it will
provide means for carrying it on ; and
this being the case, the expediency of
any particular war must always be a
question open to debate whenever mem
bers choose to debate it. It is by the
strength of the free majorities that sup
port it, not by gagging oppotipn, that
war receives efficient moral sort."
11. W. J.
We publish elsewhere, the speech of Mr.
Co; of Ohio, on the occasion referred to.
The Cue of the " Freedmee."
The Secretary of the Interior, in a recent,
official communication, says :
"But little disposition, so far as the Depart
ment is informed, has yet been manifested
by the fpeedmen of the United States to
leave the land of their nativity. I doubt if it
be any just cause of regret. Time and ex
perience.which have already taught us much
wisdom and produced so many consequent
changes will, in the end also solve this ques
tion for us."
There is a deficiency in the Government
Printing Department of over $600,000 for
the past fiscal year s for which Congress bas
made no provision thus far. This is another
item in tint mighty unwritten debt which
the American people have no knowledge of.
ifirThe Philadelphia Press says : "What
business has general McClellan to dictate
the policy of the nation !" What, business,
we may ask, has the clerk of the lanited
States Senate to dictate the , PolicY of the. a.
tion.—(Louieville Journal.
These questions ate both to be ansWeied
by the people in November nett.
;..10P A , New Talk Xvidgmasbitar..:')
to oitgt on the &oiled that t tie die'. ed:so
itiewe his "ould mother an orphan.",
More Deficiencies.
G9ll. Jackson on Coercion and Civil
War.
In Gen. Jacklion's Farewell Address on
leaving the Presidency,‘ March 4th, 1837,
occurs the following passages. They are es
pecially applicable to the present state of af
fairs in this country. . He said:
'But the Union cannot be preserved and
the Constitution maintained by the mere co
ercive power confided to the General Gov
ernment.
If such a struggle is ever begun, the citi
zens of one section of the country, are array
ed in arms against these of another in doubt
ful conflict, let the battle result as it may;
THERE WILL BE AN END OF TH UN
ION, and with it an END TO THE HOPES
OF FREEldni. The victory of the victors
would cot secure to them the blessings of
liberty. It would avenge their wrongs, but
they would themselves share iu the common
ruin.
But each State has the unquestionable
right to regulate its own internal concerns
according to its own pleasure ; and while it
does not interfere with the rights of the
Union, every State must be sole judge of
the measures proper to secure the safety of
its citizens and promote their happiness. All
efforts on the part of ':the people of other
States to cast odium upon their institutions,
and all measures calculated to disturb their
rights of property, or to put in jeopardy
their peace, and internal tranquility, are in
direct opposition to the spirit in which the
Union was formed, and must endanger its
safety"
Abolitionists be Warned.
The Abolition press must have noted
the frequent publication of such intelli
gence as the following :
[Special dispatch to tho Chicago Times.]
"The Herald office, a Democratic paper in
Franklin county, was demolished yesterday
by persons who prompted soldiers. 'llls is
the second time thiS thing has been done to
this office."
But few days pass, says the New
York News, without the record of some
such outrage. Our Abolition contem
poraries, so fierce in their denunciation
when an opportunity offers to impute a
riotous sentiment to the Democracy, are
strangely silent in regard to these re
peated attacks upon the offices of Dem
ocratic papers. No word of rebuke or
remonstrance is ever seen in i their col
umns on this subject. Must we con
strue this indifference into a tacit appro
val of such lawless doings ? We call up
on those who sow this seed to beware
of the harvest. They are giving rein
to the spirit of violence, but will not be
able to curb it when it threatens their
own safety, It is easier to excite turbu
lence than to guide, it ; and, when the
mobbing of newspaper offices becomes
the order of the day, we believe the
Abolition journals will be the principal
sufferers. There is much valuable
newspaper property in every city that
would be in great peril of destruction
should this mobbing system be encour
aged. We conjure the Abolition er
gans, for their own sakes, if they regard
not the public tranquility, to assist in
checking the disposition •of their parti
sans to vent their political antipathies in
the destruction of Democratic property.
The lawlessness they teach will surely
be practised against themselves, and
they will find that mobs are more apt in
receiving instructions than in forgetting
them.
Such outrages upon the liberty of the
press will not be tolerated. Mark well
what we say.
The Southern Soldiers
Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, in a decidedly
revolutionary sermon, delivered in his church
in Brooklyn, mit Sunday night last, thus spoke
of the soldiers in the Southern army :
"Where shall we find such heroic selt-deni
al, such up bearing of physical discomfort,
such patigswe in poverty, in distress, m abso
lute want, as we fine-in the Southern army.—
They fight better in• a bad cause than you do
with a good one.; they fight bbtter for a pas
sion than you do fors sentiment. We believe
them to be misguided, but we must do them
the credit of saying • they fight well and beat
up under trouble nobly; they suffer and not
complain ; they go in rags, and do not rebel ;
they are in earnest, for their personal liberty
- -they believe in it, and if they. can they.mean
to get it."
Don't Forget It !
Early in 1850 John P. Hale, of New
Hampshire, presented two petitions to
the United States Senate, praying "that
some plar might be devised for the disso
lution of the American Union !" Mr.
Webster, of Massachusetts, suggested
as a preamble to these petitions, "that
as the members had sworn before God to
support the Constitution, they should
now take immediate, steps to break their
obligations." IZpon a vote being taken,
the petitions ve'bre rejected by the votes
of the entire Senate, with the exceptions
of John P. Hale, of New Hampshire,
Wm. IL Seward, of New York, and
Salmon P. Chase of Ohio, who voted in
FAVOR '
larSecretary Chase is puzzled for once.
Somebody has stolen the plates on which he
printed Vreenbacks,• and no clue has yet
been found as to where they are I. Unless
found shortly, greenbacks will be as thick as
leaves in Valombrosia, because whoever has ,
the plates can print Qoventment money'
just as well as the Treasury Department !
The signatures are engraved ! The impres
sion that stamps the notes, also prints the
'official signatures.' It is said that anofficer
in . Mr. Chase's confidence,and who .was en
trusted with the safe .keeping of the plates,
is now in Europe.! But .the plates, where
are they ?—(Boston Commercial Bulletin.
itS — Waldron the deiamor of McClellan
and author of the story about his interview
with Lee, says "be was drunk when he told
the story.' Should he ga on confessing we,
shall find out holt mneh some Loyal Leaguer
paid him for telling
Stir The Mentfacky Weekly Nests, publish
ed at Rendereon, comes out for MeCiellan
and Milliard Panora for President and Vice
l'resident;
.
IlfirThe G'hieago Times says that the fund
for the relief of Vallandigham will read the
loon of 000. . •
Jormatipowit,fer,pAi*olit thfin•
3i frJra - 14914411"va.
thorns.
MUCH OF MR, COX, OF OHIO.
Kr. Cox (Opp. Cid said that this resolution
to expel a Amu her Of the House-called for more
than usual gravity. He wasnot in the House
when his colleague (Mt. Long) made his re
marks ; but he (Mr. Cox) was informed by
members around him that they would bear the
interpretation put upon them. Had he (Mr.
Cox) been in. his seat yesterday he should have
disavowed, in behalf of the Ohio delegation,
any remarks looking to the recogniton of the
rebellion as centralized at Richmond. He didnot
know a single member of the Ohio delegation
ex,epting his eolleague (Mr. Long)who was wil
ling to-recognize the Confederate government.
He spoke of this because of the attempt.to make
partizan capital by those on the other side. He
(Mr. Cox) believed that his colleague at the
time. spoke only his own sentiments, and not
those of his party, Recently there was a Dem
ocratic State Convention in Ohio, representing
145,000 votes, and in that convention no senti
ment like that of his colleague was uttered.
The only man whose name was presented look
ing to recognition, and who had circulated a
pamphlet in support of his views, received only
two votes in that convention as a delegate. The
loyal people of Ohio are not under any shape
or color in favor of evil a declaration as the
resolution attributed to his colleague. The
Democratic people of that state railed and sent
their sons to the war, although the people of
Ohio did not agree with the African whooly.
Mr. WASiIBURN (Adm., Ill.) as if in correc
tion of the gentleman, suggested that he meant
Abyssinia. (Laughter.)
Mr. Cox replied that the gentleman from 11.
inois (Mr. Washburne) took pleasure in re
peating a worn out joke, and he doubted
whether the gentleman had any sense at all in
connection with the African question:
Washburne said he would leave that to
the gentleman from 'Ohio.
Mr. Cox said he would not submit to any
further frivolous interruptions,and then referr
ed to the resolutions introduced into the last
congress by representative CONWAY of Kansas
in favor of recognizing the ' Southern confeder
acy. Where then was the sensitive gentle•
matt from Indiana. (Mr. Colfax) to respond to
the question? The speaker declares that he is
for free speech. Why. then, does he pursue
my colleague (Mr. Long) for uttering his senti
ments, while (the Speaker) refrains from ex
pelling a man in his (Mr. Colfax's) own ranks
for doing the same thing 7 I yield to the
Speaker to answer the question.
Mr, Colfax replied :—The representative
from Indiana claims the floor when lie chooses,
and decline.' speaking within the gentleman's
(Mr. Cox's) speech.
Mr: Cox—The gentleman is distinguished
for prudence as well as fur sagacity.
Some one here asked Mr. Cox whether he
thougnt Mr. Conway. of Kansas, should have
been expelled for offering the resolutions that
he (Mr. Conway) did?
Mr. Cox responded that he did not think
th;t Mr. Conway should be expelled any more
than Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, should for
his speech in favor of regarding the Southern
confederacy as a de facto governmeit—as an
independent nation. His colleague, (Mr. Gar
field) hao taken the same ground as tlw gen
tleman from-Pennsylvania (Mr Stevens, and
now he (Mr. Garfield) was in favor of expelling
a member of the House entertaining the same
views as himself.
Mr. Garfield, (Adm., of Ohio) said he took
the most decided ground against the gentle.
man from Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens), that
the South are now a foreign people. In his
speech he [Mr. Garfield,] remarked that they
were in the Unitas ; that in putting down this
rebellion we must be governed by the laws of
war as if they were a foreign nation, but not
thereby admitting them to be a foreign na•
tion.
Mr. COL—Do you hold the doctrine that
the Southern Confederacy is indepandentpow,
and if not, are you in favor of expelling the
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. stevens],
for holding such a doctrine I do• not be
lieve either in the doctrine of Mr. Stevens or
of Mr. Long.
Mr. GARFIELD-4 draw the most marked
and broad distinction between the opinions of
the distinguished gentleman from Pennsyl7
vania [Mr. Stevens), end those- of the gentle.
man from Ohio [Mr Long]. The former fa
vored the prosecution of the war to the utter
most to bring back the revolted States ; the
latter is opposed to all further prosecution of
the war, and regards all compromise as int.
possible. He [Mr. Long] declared openly for
throwing up the white flag, acknowledging the
independence of the confederacy. and that ho
would make no attempt, either by conference
or war, to restore the Union.
Mr. Thayer (Adm.,) of Pa., suggested that
his colleague [Mr. btevens] was not in his seat,
being detained therefrom by sickness.
Mr. Cox replied that the remarks of the
gentleman from Pennsylvania [M. Stevens]
were printed, and were as well known as it he
[Mr Stevens] were present. Mr. Cox then
referred to the remarks of the lion. Benjamin
Stanton, formerly a member of the House,
who said, at the commencement of the rebel
lion, that if the rebels sustained themselves for
a year or two, and nothing but a war of subju
gation conid bring them back, he [Mr. Stan
ton] would be disposed to recognize their in
dependence. Did his eelleague [Mr. Garfield]
vote for Mr. Stanton as lieutenaut-governor of
Ohio 1
Mr. Garfield replied that he did not vote for
that gentleman or for any ticket. If he had
been in Ohio at the time he should have voted
for Mr. Stanton. His [Mr. Garfield's] only
excuse tor not doing so was not being in the
S ate when the election took plaCe. There
were many men on both sides of the political
question in the beginning of the war who felt
it to be their duty to let the Southern people
alone for a time, hoping that -reason might re
turn to them bydelay. Others said we cannot
let them alone and to this class belonged the
patriots on both sides. But now, when the
qu stion had been adjudicated, and now, when
the people are determined • -after three years
have gone by, and when we are emerging
from the night into the daylight of victory, to
throw up the contest would be treason.
Mr. Cox replied that he had only asked an
answer to his question, and not an explanation
as to what constituted treason. While the
gentleman (Mr. Garfield) would overleap the
Constitution of his country, he [Mr. Cox]
would take it for his guide, for there could be
no Union without it. When you talk of trea
son, and in the same breath are willing to over
leap and break down the Constitution, you are
the traitor, if there is a traitor in this House.
..Mr. Garfield said his colleague [Mr. Cox]
was misrepresenjing him as to "overlesping
the Conetition." He (Mr. Garfield) would say,
once for all,. that he never uttered such a sen
timent. What he remarked was this : when
asked whether, under any circumstances, he
would override the Constitution. he said this,
and this only—that he trusted the Constitution
was ample to put down the rebellion, and its
powers were sufficiently capacious for that
purpose, and therefore there was no need to
override the Constitution, but it the time ever
came when the Constitution was not found
surf', iant—and hi looked upon it as impossible
that the supposition could be true—he would
say, as the American people are greater than
the Constitution, and the nation mightier than
that instrument, we have a sacred right to save
the creators of the Constitution.
Mr. Cox (Opp., 0.) said that be bad been in
formed 'by gentle:non around hint that his
colleague did not state the 4 question yesterday
as he did tt. -day. The gentleman LMr. Gar
field] was reported in the Chronicle as saying
hs would resort to "any element of destruction,
and fling the Constitution to the winds," rath
er than lose his country. There was nothing
here said about any impessibility in the future.
Mr. Cox .next quoted from Senator Wade to
show that the gentleman favored a separation
o he States.
Mr. Garfield fAiim., O.) read the *pinion of
Thomas Jefferson that the "law of necessity"
might be resorted to for the purpose of saving
the country when other means had failed.
Mr. Cox said that placed the gentleman (Mr.
Garfield.) in the campaign with Mr. Long.—
Mr. Cox then said that Horace Greeley is
March, 1861, declared that if the cotton States
chose to form tut independent nation they had
the right to do so. Ue (Mr. Cox) would ask
the gentleman (Mr. Garfie'd) whether he agreed
with Mr. Greelr.
Mr. Garfield said that he had not the pleasure
of hearing the extract read.
Mr. COX—My colleague is obtuse whop
anything is said on this stile of the House, but
is willing to listen to anything that may be
said when it is oot on our side. The declare,
tion of Horace Greeley is to the following ef
fect :
"We Witee repeatedly said, sad once more we
announce, that the great principles embodied
byjegerlan in the declaration that govern
ments derive their just pmetela from the con
oat of the a ere mod and just, and if the
eeteeit tildrek or hide
puriatornie itaittiolo soar
hie
he eteakllenawer after
hie co,lie bad finished hi. speech,
CMS
Mr. COX:—Yon a
.IC swesalsir the Tribune,
but are so very sebsitiere when the Democrats
louk in the same direction. Hs need not ask
his Colleague (Mr. Garfield,) whether he voted
for Mr. Lincoln as President. In 1848 a speech
of Mr. Lincoln's was printed expressly for cir
culation, in which he said that the people have
a right to rise and shake off the existing gov
ernment, and that any portion of a people can
revolutionize and set up their independence.—
He then alluded to the Speaker as descending
from his high position to the floor and moving
to expel a member of this House. Was he (Mr.
Garfield) or not in favor of thedoctrineannoun
ced by President Lincoln ? You will, continu
ed Mr. Cox lose nu dignity by answering the
question. We will look upon you with pride
and pleasure if you will be so condescending us
to answer.
Mr. COLFAX—In reply to the personal re
marks of the gentleman (Mr. Cox), I would
say, when I appear on the floor I do not de
scend from a high position. I speak for my
constituents,and that is the highest place a man
can hold. I am the representative of fifteen
thousand voters.
Mr. Cox said that he did not speak of the
gentleman's personal character. He admired
him too much for his fairness. He never heard
a word of reproach against him. But when
the Speaker of the House comes down to the
floor to engineer a resolution through he ought
to take the consequences.
Mr. COLF.A X—l will do it,
Mr. Cox would sav, in reply to the traitorous
sentiments of Mr. Lincoln, that he (Air. Cox)
was opposed to secession and revolution, ex
cepting in pursuance of the Constitution. This
was the position of the gentlemen on this side
of the house. But Mr. Lincoln was elevated
to the Presidency by a lawless party, who knew
that he was in favor of revolution and seces
sion, and was an advocate of any party setting
up for themselves when they chose to do so.—
He (Mr. Cox , never agreed to the policy of his
former colleague, Mr. Vallandigham, because
he thought it impra••t'cable. Mr. Cox then
read an extract from a speech lately made by
Mr. Julian, of Indiana, to show that he [Mr.
Julian] entertained a similar revolutionary idea
to that of Mr. Lincoln. Why did not some
one move to expel him (Mr. Julian) for 680—
Are you, Mr. Cox said to Mr. Julian, in favor
of "breaking down the Constitution to save the
country"?
Mr. Julian, Rep., of Indiana, replied that he
had explicitly said that he saw no necessity for
treading down the Constitution to suppress the
rebellion.
Mr. COX—If a necessity existed, would you
be in favor of it?
Mr. JULIAN—If necessary to save the
country, I would bias: the power of rebellion
forever by the strong hand of war.
Mr. Cox (continuing) said, that he regarded
the Union as bound up in the Constitution, and
the breaking down of the Constitution would
not destroy the rebellion
Mr. Julian said that if it was necessary to
save the nation's life he would do so at the ex
pence of the violation of the fetter of the Con
stitution.
Mr. Cox did not desire to save the country
by tearing out its brains, which was the Con
stitution. You have sworn to support the
Constitution, not in a certain emergency. hut
unconditionally, and in all places: and now you
say, in a certain emergency you would violate
your oath. What is this but moral treason
and perjury I
Mr. Julian replied that he had taken the
oath 'and had asserted beretcifore as he did now
that there was no necessity for violating the
Constitution. lie would ask the gentleman
explicitly, if the life of the nation could be saved
only by the violation of the Constitution in
some respects, would lie save the life of the na
tion at that cost ? [Laughter
Mr. Cox t eplied that he knew of no other
life of the nation than the Constitution itself.—
lie regarded the Constitution as the body and
bones of the nation. Theretere, in defending
the Constitution we defend the nation's life
from assassinalion. Under no conceivable cir
cumstances to the human mind wmild he (Mr.
Cox) violate the Constitution for any purpose
whatever. Any man who utters any other
sentirnen s expresses moral treason. In refer
ence to Mr. Vallandigham, he said that he (Mr..
Cox) was for a•fair trial, for free speech and for
a free press, and everywhere he took ground in
favor of the election of a man who in these re
spects vindicates constitutional liberty. No
where did Mr. Vallandigham utter a sentiment
looking to the recognition of the Southern
Confederacy, and he:was in favor of voting
men and money to carry on the war. Nothing
looking to the independence of the South ever
came front the lips of Mr. Vallandigham.
Mr. Cox said, in conclusion, we have to take
the old States to make the Union. This is the
platform upon which we expect to meet you
next Autumn. We will never surrender the
country to the secessionists sir the abolitionists.
Miscegenation.
When extracts from the -new Abolition
tract on "Miscegenation" were first publish
ed it was naturally inferred by many that
the thing was a hoax, intended to burlesque
the extravagance of Wendell Phillips & Co. ;
but the developments of the last few weeks
furnish abundant evidence to proveethat the
views set forth in the pamphlet are-shared by
a large part of the Abolition party, and to
justify the expectation .that in a few years
"the sublime commingling of races" of which
the Boston orator speaks, will have been ac
complished. Improbable as this anticipation
may seem - to many, it would not have seem
ed any more monstrous two years ago that
leading ladies of New York city would put
their names to such a document as-this :
To the officers and men of the Twentieth
United States colored troops : NlT little bo
A disputing with his sister
SOLDIERS—We, the mothers, wives and 'y
sisters of the members of the Now Y or k on some subject, I do not row remember
Union League Club, of whose liberality and what, exclaimed. 'lt's true, for ma said so,
intelligent patriotism, and under whose di- and if ma says it's so, it is so, IP IT AIN'T'
rect auspices you have been organized into a ,
body of national troops for the defense of the '`"
Union, earnestly sympathizing in the great grAn exchange says that an American,
cause of American free nationality, and de-
lady fainted while being presented to Vrnpress.
sirous of testifying by some memorial our Eugenia
n Paris, and that the latter was de
profound sense of the sacred object and the
I o'y cause, in behalf of which you have en- lighted at the compliment.
listed, have prepared you this banner, at
once the emblem of freedeni and of faith I I*'The war cods about a $lOO,OOO an
and the symbol of woman's best wishes and hour.
prayers for our common country, and espe
cially for your devotion thereto.
When you look at this flag, and rush to
battle, or stand at guard beneath its sublime
motto, "GOD AND LIBERTY !" remember that
it is also an emblem of love and honor from
the daughters of this great Metropolis to
their brave champions in the field, and that
they will anxiously watch your career, glori
fying in your heroiedi, ministering to you
when wounded and ill, and honoring your
martyrdom with benedictions and with
tears.
White men by thousands have left New
•York for the battle-field, and• veteran regi
ments, decimated by scores of fights, have
returned ; but the first to receive - an emblem
of love and honor from the daughters of the
Metropolis, "are the blacks of the 20th regi
ment, U. S. colored troops."
A New York cotemporary chronicles
the fact that Secretary Seward travelled
from Washington to New York, and for
the entire distance has a car consecrated
to himself and lady, which no one was
permitted to enter. It might have been
added that for p considerable part of the
distanoe the train was very lunch crowd
ed, anclthat over eighty passengers, one
half of whom were ladies, were forced
to stand, while Mr. Seward enjoyed his
regal state in solitary grandeur ! It
might also have stated that a short time
wage Mts. Lincoln travelled from New
YM: to Washington, and in like man
ner aepropriated to herself awl servant
an entire caw, while over forty ladies,
some of wham maw aged, some mothers
• intaatt, 141111) . itlik:In ihr saw
passed irs. Ids to
_.reemmv-ilese -
ant of raservers—..werc forced to Oat&
Snobbery In High Pipes,
except in cases where some gentlemen,
more considerate of. her own sex than
Dirs. Lincoln,gave up their seats to them,
—Jersey City Standard.
Soldiers and their Duty.,
Gen. Rosecrans, at St. Louis, has issued
au order relating to breaches of the civil law
by soldiers. It contains the following hon
orable, soldier-like and statesman-like senti
ment, which every true patriot and lover
,of
law and order will heartily endorse :
Officers and soldiers are reminded that
their functions being to establiish law and -
justice' against opposition too strong
for the officers Of tile civil power, their uni
form becomes a sacred badge, and whoever
wearing it,commits . or permits wrong or out
rage to persons property, stains that
badge, and stabs that count, he professes to
serve. Military power is a ?rust more Sacred'
and honorable than a trust of property. He
who misuses this power to gratify or beaRA,
himself is more guilty and dishonorable than
the violators of the pecuniary trust. Lova--
tial justice and the strictest regard for the
weak and defenceless are therefore the duty
and the glory of the true, patriotic soldier.-,--1.
They are, also, the marks of true nobility
and courage, while cruelty and injustice are
the sure badges of baseness and cowardice.
The author of the above is one of those
high-minded soldiers who has too.much mil -
itary pride to see the army converted into &
lawless mob. If all high military function
aries had heretofore thus taught we should
not hear of as many outrages by soldiers up
on Citizens as have occurred in the city of
Harrisburg, and as are now occurring daily
through the country. The truth is, the sol
diers are not alone to blame. The greatest
offenders are those cowardly Abolition ora
tors and editors who, for pr.rtisan purposes,.
have stimulated soldiers to the perpetration
of these crimes, which, if net stopped, will
soon provoke a spire of retaliation that had
better not be awakened- a retaliation that
will be visited upon the real offenders—a re
taliation that may not be bloodless. Let the
real offenders be warned in time l—{Patriot
& Union.
Richmond Examiner on the Situation.
The Richmond Examiner of the 12th:
has a scathing article upon the late ope
rations of the Irnion forces in Florida
and Mississippi, which it designates as
Mr. Lincoln's plan of "stumping the
South;" but it says that the Confedera
cy cannot afford to tolerate this kind of a
Presidential campaign, with its plunder
ing, and house burning, and cruelty to.
women and children, for the purpose of
corrupting ten out of every hundred of
the population of the invaded States, in
order to get an electoral vote for Mr. in
coln "to turn the flank on Chase and
checkmatel Fremont." It says "the
whole war at present has become a Pres
idential campaign The proclamation
that a 'rebel' State may come in whenev
er one-tenth of its inhabitants undertake.
to govern the other nine -tenths, is -re
garded as a trump card for Lincoln. And
this was the grand design of that mighty
advance of Sherman upon Mississippi
and Alabama.
"Things cannot go on thus forever,.
and some remedy there must be. Ac
cording to the present system, it is clear
that our enemies still believe us to be
President making. They do not yet
understand that we are resolute to be rid.
of them forever, and determined rather
to die than to live with them in the same
political community again. To some
persons, earnestly pondering this mat
ter, there seems one way and other—
it is to take no more prisoners, and, - as a
necessary corollary, to admit of no sur
render on our part. Stupid and absurd:
as our enemies are, they will at length.
understand that there is no more President
making when they find that the penalty
of falling into our hands is death; when.
they perceive that our soldiers go into
field, each man with his life in his hand,
meaning to conquer or to die."
atirludge Barnard, of the Court of Oyer
and Terminer at New York, charged his
grand jury on Thursday that the epithet
"secessionist" as applied to a person was
libellous. Reference was made in the charge
to the course of certain newspapers in mak
ing free use of the phrases "traitor!' and
"secessionist" against those who differ with
them in political opinion."
MARRIED.
By Rev. John McClintock, on the Slid of
March, 1864, Mr. Sy lvanus T. Gray, of Ma
pletown, to Miss Fannie P. Minor, daughter
of Samuel Minor, Esq., of Monongahela tp.
DIED,
At the residence of his son-in-law, James
V. S. Boice, New Brunswick, N. J., on March
14th, 1864, Ricusito K Runyon', in the 98d
year of his age.
$ The subject of this notice was an old
associate and friend of Benj. Jennings, F,sl.,
dec'd. Some of our aged citizens, perhaps.
may recolleot him.
Of Ltiptheria, on the 4th inst., Jscos
liEwToti, son of J. Lindsey WO Prudence
Yoders, aged 5 years, 8 month' and one
week. He was a lad of ranch interest and
promise, beloved by all who.knew hint.
But what is life ? 'tie like the bow
That glisten. in the sky,
We love to see its colors glow
But while we look, they di e.
DlED—March 27th, 1864, of Lung Fever .
and Teething, JOBS L., son of Rev. John R.
and M. J. Tygard, of Blacksville, Greene
Cc., Pa.
On Wednesday, April 6th, HARRY. Gex
um, son of L. and M. A. Ganier, lead
mo., and 6 days.
"In the hospital -at Alexanditia,_ Ya.t._ of
Measles, about the last of March, 1864, Oar
rison Lewis, aged about 19 years.
On Thursday, April 7th, 1964, in Jackson
township, Greenesounty, at her residenee,
Lydia Smith, aged 74 years.
In-Jefferson, Omens co., Pa., on titsBth of
April, 1864, kW. clathoine Bell, consort of
David Bell, deceised, ihe 75th year of her