THE SCRAKTON TRIBUNE WEDNESDAY MORNING, DECEMBER 23. 1896. 9 Relations Committee to tmi Reccz jaizfeg Her Tn presentinp to the senate the resn lutioii from the committee on foreign 1'ilnUonn. favoring the recognition of Cuban inclopunilein.-i'. Senator Cameron, of Pennsylvania, submitted u lonar re port In explanation of the committee's anion. It says: "ConRresH. at Its last session, after lunjr and patient consideration, adopt ed with pi antral unanimity the view expressed by your committee that the time hnd come or resuming Interven tion with Spain for the recognition of the Independence of Cuba. Spain hav ing declined to listen to any represen tation founded on an umbM'stunclint? between herself and the insurgents, und congress, having pledged itself to friendly intervention, the only ques tion that remains to be decided Is the nature of the next slip to be tukon. with proper regard to the customs and Usages of nations. "Hefore deciding this cstlon. your committee has preferred to examine with some cure all the instances which have occurred during this century of Insurgent peonies claiming Independ ence by right of revolt. The Inquiry has necessarily l"il somewhat far. es pecially because the right of revolt or insurrection, if Insurrection can be properly called a rlt;ht. sec-ins in ev ery instance except one to have cur ried with it a corrcMoonding interven tion. "Kor convenience we have regarded tioth Insurrection and Intervention us recognized lights and have attempted to ascertain tile limits within which these rights have been exercised, and their force admitted by general consent of nations. "The long duration of the French revolutionary wars which disturbed the entire world for live ano: twenf years, and left It In a state of great contu sion, fixed the beginning of our modern international systems at the year lSlii 111 the treaties of Vie nna, of l'arls, and if the Holy Alliance. The settlement of local disturbances under the inllu ence of the powers parties to these treaties proceeded without serious dis agreement until isi!l. when the (rocks rose in Insurrection against the sultan. The modern precedents of Kurooean insurrection unci iitp'rveiitlon where independence was the isruu Involved began with H recce. THE (1KKCIAX riiKCKDKNT. The revoltlon broke wiit In (ireece fit the end of Marc h, ls:'l. Within a month the rebeis got possession of all the open country, and nil the towns ex cept so far us they were held by 'furn ish garrisons. The sultan Immediately called all Mussulmans to arms; the Greek patriarch was hung at the door of his own ehrch at Constantinople; several hundred merchants were mas sacred; several hundred churches were destroyed, and the llusslun ambassa dor insulted. "At Troppuu, in November. 1S20, the three powers of Itussia. Austria und I'russla united In signing a protocol expressly intended to assert the right of intervention in ull cases where a European iover 'should suffer. In its internal regime, an alteration brought nbout by revolt, nnd the results of which are menac ing for other states.' The language of this protocol had much to do with the subsequent course of events: 'Faithful to the principles they have proclaimed and the respect due to the authority of every ligitlmate government as well as to cvcjry act which emanates from its free will, the Billed powers will engage to refuse their icognition to changes consummated by Illegal methods. W hen states where such ihaimvii shall have been effeclu nted sbnll cause other countries to feur. by their proximity, an imminent dan ger, nnd when the allied powers run exercise In regard to them an elllcacious and ' nellcent action, they will employ, in order to restore them to the bosom of the alliance, at lirst friendly processes; in the second place, a coercive force, if the exercise of that force becomes in dispensable." After reviewlne the diplomatic con test this produced, the report proceeds: "In the whole discussion, from March 1821, until January, lSUM, the right of intervention was never disputed except Iiy Turkey. On that point the whole law was stated in conversation be tween the ambassador and the Turkish minister. The Turk took the ground that everything had been done by Turkey If she hud satisfied her treaty obligations. 'Everything as against Ttussiu," replied Slrungford, the Hrillsh embassador, 'but not as regards the al lies nnd friends of the Porte.' "According to Turkish law it was not allowed to leave a house In a condition that endangered a neighbor's safety. The Turkish government believed it had restored the old solidity of the wall, but Lord Htransforcl feared they were mistaken. 'God forbid." snid the Turks, 'but in any case this would be our affair, not yours.' 'God forbid.' repent ed Lord Strangford. 'for this Is our af fair as well us yours.' CANNINGS VIEW OF BELLIGER ENCY. "This was the situation when Lord Custlereagh died and George Canning liecamo prime minister of England. He began by recognUing Greek belliger ency. The Greeks Issued a proclama tion declaring u strict blockade of the ports of Patrasand Lepanto, and there upon the Ionian high commissioner, on the 17th of November, l!-4, recognized this communication from persons ex ercising the functions of government In Greece,' and ordered 'all ships and boats of whatever description bearing the Ionian Hay to respect the same In the most strict and exact manner.' "This seems to haS'e been the step leading to Canning's somewhat famous definition of the nature of belligerency. In 1S2B the Turkish government, we are told, complained that the itritish gov ernment allowed to the Greeks a bel ligerent character, and observed that it appeared to forget that to subjects in rebellion no national character could properly belong. "To this remonstrance Canning re plied, through the lij-ltlsh resident at Constantinople, that 'the character of the belligerency was not so much a principle as a fact; that a certain de gree of forces nnd consistency ac quired by any mass of population en gaged in war entitled that population to be treated as a belligerent, and even If their title were questionable, ren dered it the Interest, well understood, of all civilized nations so to treat them.' "This proposition must have seemed somewhat broad, even to Canning, for in applying it to the special case in Greece he added that ' n power or community, call it which you will, which was at war with another and which covered the sea with Its cruis ers, must either be acknowledged as a belligerent or dealt with as a' pirate.' "At that time no other power than England, and Turkey least of all. ad mitted the necessity of this alternative, since the war had tnen lasted four years without producing It; but whnt no other power was ready to admit In lR2n became the accepted law of all Europe In 18(51 in a form much more pronounced. "Although this dictum of Canning's was never, so far as we know, official ly published. It was quoted by Lord John Russell, then her majesty's Prin cipal secretary of state for foreign af fairs, in his speech which he made in the house Of commons. May 6, 1861, as kit single and sufficient authority to ON CUBA mUti kt Senate Farcfen MepeMeiee. Justify the step upon which he and his colleagues in the government had de cided, of recognizing the belligerency of the, 'power or communty' which he oclally called the .Southern Confed eracy of America.' and which at that time had not a ship at sea or an army on land, and which had given as yet no official evidence of war to the British government. Simultaneously the same action was adopted by the government of France, which 'concurred entirely In the views of her majvsty's govern ment,' und whose concurrence In the absence of protest or objection by any cither power made Kussell's view the uccepttd practice of Eurole.' "Canning's recognition of Greek bel ligerency in 1X21. ae well as the Joint recognition of the Southern Confed eracy of America' In lstil. was only the first step toward an anticipated sys tem cif intervention. Then France Joined with En:;lard and Hussia. and the three power's en July . 1S27. united In a furnu.1 treaty, signed in London, which committed them to armed In tervention in case the sultan should still reject their in-offered mediation within the space of one month. TRIPLE INTERVENTION. The preamble to this treaty set forth the motives) which led the three sov ereigns to intervene; ."Penetrated with the necessity of putting an end to the sanguinary contest which, by delivering up the Greek provinces al'.d the isles of the Archipelago to ull tile disorders of anarchy, produce daily fresh Impedi ments to the commerce of the Eu ropean states unci give occasion to piracy, which not only expose the sub jects of the high contracting purties to considerable losses, but beside ren der necessary burdensome measures of protection and repression: H. M. the king of the I'liltitl Kingdom of Great Jiritain and Ireland, and H. M., the king of France and Navarre, having beside received on the part of tin; Greeks a pressing; request to Interpose their mediation with all the ottoman Porte, and belugas well as his majesty title emueror of the Kusslas animated by the desire of stopping the; el'lusion of blood, and of arresting the evils ot all kinds which might arise from the con linuullon of such n state of things, have resolved to unite their cIToris and to regulate the operation therein' by a forma! treaty with a view ol re-establishing peace between the contending parties by means of an arrangement which Is called for as much by human ity as by interest ol the repose of Eu rope. "The treaty proceeded to bind the three parties to otter their mediation Immediately on the basis of the Turkish suzerainty and Greek self-government, and in case Turkey should not accept within one inc mt h the proposed med:u tlon, the powers should prevent further hostilities by ordering their squadrons to interpose. "The Turkish government, August "0, reiterated Its decided, unconditional, final and unchangeable refusal to re ceive any proposition on behalf of the Greeks. The next day the ambassadors sent the necessary orders to their squadrons, and 111 attempting to carry out these orders the admirals, much to the regret of the Hrillsh government, brought on the buttle of Navarino, Oc tober 2, 1S27." THE RECOGNITION OF I'ELGH'M. The report next takes up the Helslnn revolution of ls:;u. It says: "When the French revolution of July, ls::e, occurred. It spread instantly to Hie Netherlands. Toward the end of August. Kill, disturbances began, and soon became so serious us to threaten grave complications abroad as well as at home. Without concerning with or supporting King Willium, the powers Imposed an Immediate armistice cm both parlies. Naturally the Helglan relicts then declared themselves independent. With such encouragement, their safety was guaranteed almost beyond the pos sibility of risk. The clulm of independence was made Nov. 18, WWi, unci was recognized one month later by the powers In their sev enth conference, Ieo. L'd. The repre sentatives of the live powers, whose names are among the most famous in diplomacy Tulleyrund. Llevan, Ester huzey, Palmerston, Hit low adopted, without the adhesion or even an Invi tation to be present of the Nether lands ministry, a protocol which an nounced intervention puie und simple; beginning with the abrupt recognition of the revolutionary government: "The plenipotentiaries of the five courts of the Helglum government to the armis tice proposed to It, and which the king of the Netherlands has also accepted the conference will occupy Itself in dis cussions concerning the new arrange, ments most proper to combine the fu ture Independence, of Belgium with the Inteiests and the security ot tile either powers und the preservation of the European equilibrium." The Netherlands minister Immediate ly recorded. Dec. 22, n formal prot-st, and a reservation of King William's right to decide on such ulterior meas ures as should be taken In the double Interests of his own dignity and the well being of his faithful subjec ts. The report then tells of the protest of Holland, followed by a Holland mili tary expedition which was met by 40 -IWO French troops.- The report con tinues: "Thus within less than a year, after rebellion had broken out, and without waiting for evidence of the right or the military force of the Insurrection, ev ery sort of Intervention took place, diplomatic and military, joint and separate. Nor did the Intervention stop with the measur.es taken for the succor of Itelgium. "As King Wllllnm. of Holland, con tinued to reject the conditions imposed by the powers and held Antwerp as a pledge for more favorable condition:) of peace, the governments of France and England abandoning the European concert, nnnounced that they should put their naval and military forces in motion, und accordingly the lirltlsh government. November. 1S;!2. embar goed the Dutch ships und blockaded the Dutch coast, while the French army, Nov. II, formally laid siege to Ant werp." The report says that Ihe Polish re bellion of 1S.H seemed to have no value as a precedent except as far as it of fered an example of the power of Rus sia, us the Helglan Insurrection had shown In the power of England and Fiance when in union. It continues: THE QUESTION OF HUNGARY. "The next European people vvho claimed recognition us nn Independent fumlly of the nations seems to have been the Hungarians. On the Mth of April, 18-)!', the Hungarian diet formal ly declared Hungary an Independent state nnd the Hupshtirg dynasty for ever deposed from the throne. The next duy the diet elected Louis Kossuth provincial president. "The young emperor, Francis Joseph, Instantly appealed for aid to the Czar Nicholas of Russia, who instantly in tervened. The czar Issued a manifesto April 27, stating the fuels and the grounds on which his intervention was believed to lie legitimate. This paper founded the right of Intervention, not on the weakness of the belligerent, but nn his strength. Russia asserted as a principle that she must intervene, be cause If she did not Intervent, Hungary would establish her independence " 'The Insurrection In Hungary, be gan the manifesto of April 27. 1849, 'has of lete made so much progress that ' Russia cannot possibly renin lu inactive. Such a state of things endangers our dearest interests and prudence comiels us to anticipate the dltticultles it pre pares for us.' "This precedent tended to establish the right of every government to Inter vene in the atfairs of foreign states who saw taelr situation should 'tend to endanger its own safety or the polit ical equilibrium on its frontier," As fur as la known every other govern ment in the world tactlly acquiesced in the establishment of this precedent. "If any government recorded a pro test it was that of the United States, but even the United States protested only by Interference from the acts and language of the president. Secretary Clayton signed his instructions July IK, 18-4M. six weeks after the Russian troops had been ordered to enter Hungary. The language of these instructions was as emphatic and as decisive as that of the czar's circular. "Should the new government prove to be In your opinion firm and stable, you might Intimate, if you should see fit. that the president would in that event b. gratified to re ceive a diplomatic agent from Hungary to the United States by or before the next meetlns of congress, and that he entertains no doubt whatever that In case her new government should prove to be tlrm and stable her independence would be sptedllv recognized by that enlightened body.' "The Russian Intervention brought the Hungarian w ar so quickly to nn end that before October all resistance wus over, and when congress met early In December. 184U, President Taylor's an nual message could only proclaim whut would have been American policy. "To some expressions In the Instruc tions the Austrian minister was or dered to take execution. He nrotested accordingly. Denied Webster bud then become secretary of state and replied to the protest In a paper known as the Ittilseiiiann letter. In which he declared that he believed it to be the American policy nnd the law In regard to new nationalities claiming recognition. RIGHTS REGARDING INTERVFN TION. "Of course questions of prudence na turally arise In reference to new states brought by successful revolution Into the family of nations; but It Is not to be required of neulruNpowers that they should await the recognition of the new government by the parent state. "No principle of public law has been more frequently acted upon within tne last thirty years by the great powers of the world than this. Within thnt period eight or ten states have estab lished Independent governments with in the limits of the colonial dominions of Spain on this continent, and In Eu rope the same thing hus been done by Helglum and Greece. The exist ence of ull these governments was rec ognized by some of the leading powers of Europe us well as by the United Slates before It was acknowledged by the strcs from which they hud sepa-' rated themselves. if, therefore, the United States had gone so far as formally to acknowl edge the Indepemh fc,;' oftllungary. al though, as the event has proved. It would have been a precipitate step and ore from which no benefit would have resulted to either party, it would not. nevertheless, have been an act against the l?.v of nations, provided they rook no part In her contest with Austria. "Thiif, on both sides the right to In tervene both for ond against the Hun garians seems to have been claimed and not expressly denied by either; and no power appears to have offered even so much opposition as was shown bv President Taylor to the principles or to the acta of Russia, which set tled the course of history. "Resides the four precedents of Greece, fttlgiuin. Poland und Hungary, where new national ties were In oiles tlon, a much larger number of Inter ventions occurred In Europe In the process of disruption or consolidation which has on one hand disintegrated the ancient empires of the sultan, of Spain, of Hie church, and on the other concentrated the new systems of Ger many, Russia and Italy. "Interventions have occurred most conslcuoiisly In Spuln by Frunce In is:t; in Portugal by England. In 1827; again In Spain und Portugal In is:!ti, by England and France, under what was called the quadruple treaty; In Pied mont and Naples by the Holy AlUance, in 1H2. and In so many instances since 1S4S that the mere enumeration would be Urns and dllllcult: but none of the disturbed countries claimed permanent independence, under a form of revolu tion, unless It were perhaps the states of the church of Rome, which on Feb ruary 8, 1X4!', declared the Pope to be deposed and set up a provisional gov ernment under a revolutionary trium virate. FRENCH POLICY STATED. "The French Executive, Louis Napo leon, gave another direction to the pol icy ot France. He Immediately sent a French army to Clvlta Vecchiu, which landed there on April 26, and after a bloody struggle drove the republican government out of Rome. The French entered Rome on July 3. Pope J Ills IX returned there In April, 1S50, und during the next twenty years Rome remained under the occupation of the French army. The only reason given by Frunce in this instance for Intervention was that the occupation of Rome was nec essary In order to 'maintain the po litical Influence ol France.' This was the ground taken by President Louis Napoleon In explaining his course to the chambers in l.H;,(. "The Hrillsh government acquiesced In this rule of European law or prac tice, on May n, l.xr.l. Lord Palmerston, then foreign secretary, said in parlia ment in reply to a formal inquiry that the occupation of Rome was a meas ure undertaken by France In her own discretion and In the exercise of her own judgment. The P.iitlsh government hnd been no party to this measure. France had exercised her own rights in regard to It, and It was not ot all necessary that the precious concur rence of the lirltlsh government should have been observed In this manner. The liritish government had been no party to thin aggression and could not, therefore, be said to have concurred In it. It was a matter on which they might have an opinion, but In which they hud no particular right by treaty or otherwise to Interfere' MANY INTERVRNTtONS IN TUR KEY. "Since the year 1S27 Interventions in the affairs of the Ottoman empire has been so constant ns to create a body of Jurisprudence and u long series of treaties on which the existence of oil political systems of .Southeastern Ku hope seems now to be more or less en tirely bused. Not only Greece, Mon tenegro, Roumunla, Bulgaria, Servia and Egypt have been the creations of such intervention or the objects of Its restraints, but nlso Sumos. Crete and even the Lebunons owe their legal stat us to the same iiourrce. "An authority so great must nssuine pome foundation In law, sreing that the entire world acquiesced not only in the practical exercise of the force, but also In the principle on which It rested, whatever that principle wus. "The treaty of lierltn In 1S78 was a broad assertion of the right of the Eu ropean fiowcrs to regulate the uffulrs ot the Ottoman empire, but the treaty contains no principle of jurisprudence on which the right rests. The pre amble merely declares that the powers, 'being desirous to regulate, with a view to European order, the questions raised in the East by the events of the late years and by the war terminated by the preliminary treaty of San Ktefano, hove been ununlinously of opinion that the meeting of a cor.gress would offer the best mentis of facilitating an un derstanding.' So liberal tt Use of the right of intervention has reldom been made, but the principle t f jurispru dence on which It rested hc .'xjverljeen ofllelnlly declared. "These six precedents Include, as far as Is known, every Instance where a claim to Independence has been made by any people whatever, in Europe, since the close of the Naiioieonic wars in 1815. Other successful revolutions, such as those of Tuscany and the states ot the Church of 185! were the imme diate results of Intervention, and that of Naples in U60 was from first to lust perhaps the most striking example of intervention in modern times, al though Naples hardly thought it neces sary to pass through any intermediate stage of recognition as an independent authority. "The six precedents, therefore, consti tute the entire Kumpean law on the subject of intervention In regard to European people claiming Independence by right of revolution. There is no other authoritative source of the law; for the Judicial courts of Kumiie were bound to follow the political decisions; and the opinions of private persons, whether Jurists or imlltU luns, being without sain t lull could not be uccepttd as law. "From this hotly of precedent It Is clear that Europe has invariably as serted and praetici'd the right to In terfere, both collectively and separate ly, amicably and forcibly In every in stance except that of Poland, where a European people has resorted to insur rection to obtain Independence. "The right Itself has been based on various "grounds. 'impediments to commerce; burdensome measures of protection and repression; 'requests' of one or both parties 'to Interpose;' 'ef fusion of blood' und 'evils of all kinds;' 'humanity,' nnd 'the repose of Eu rope' (Greek treaty of 1827). 'A warm desire to arrest with the shortest pos sible deluy the dlsorcer a;-,d effusion of blood' tprotcK'ol of Nov. 4. lXul). In the case of Helglum); 'His own safety or the pitieal equilibrium n the fron tiers of iilsempirc' (Russian circular of April 27, IS-ltt. in the case cf Hun gary); 'to sufeguarel the Interests nnd honors' und to 'maintain the political inlluenoe' of the intervening power' (French declarations of 184!l-.riO In re gard to the stales or the church). Fin ally in the latest nnd must consider able, because absolutely unanimous, act of all Europe, simply the 'desire to regulate' (preamble tn the treuty ot lterlln in 1878, covering the recognition of Servia, Roumanla, Montenegro and Itulguriu). The report then turns to the experi ence of Asia. In regard to Asia, it says that probably all authorities agree that the entire fabric of the Eu ropean supremacy, whether In Asiatic Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, India, Slam or China, rests on the right of in tervention. PRECEDENTS IN AMERICA. The American precedents are han died exhaustively. The report says that America, both North and South, has alwuys aimed to moderate Euro pean intervention and to restrict Its exercise. It cites George Canning In u speech on the foreign enlistment act in 1823 in which he said: "We have spent much time In teach ing other powers the nature of u strict neutrality, and generally speaking we found the most reluctant scholars. If I wished for a guide in a svstein of ncutiullty, I should take ttuit laid down by America tn the days of the presidency of Washington and the sec retaryship of Jefferson." After tracing the uprisings In Mexico, Venezuela, Chile and Argentine Re public, against Spanish rule, the report suys: "The question of Intervention began in 1817. The Spanish government up penled to the united powers for Spain. The Czar openly took sides with Spuln, and when In September, 1817, the Span ish government aske-d permission to build several ships of war in the Rus sian dockyards, the Czar suggested thut Spain should buy ships of the line mid three frigutes belonging to the Russlon navy. This was done and the ships were sent to the seat of war. At the same time, In October, 1817, the Russian government Instructed the am bassador In London to press on the British government the great import ance of European intervention. AGAINST EUROPEAN MEDIATION. "President Monroe de'dded, as early as April, 1818, to discourage European mediation. In August he made a form al proposal to the Itritish and French governments for a concerted afd contemporary recognition of Rucnos Ayres, whose detucto Inde pendence, made that country the natur al object of a lirst step toward the es tablishment of a general policy. "In December he notilied both gov erments that he had patiently waited, without Interfering In the policy of the allies, but as they had not agreed upon anything and as the fact of the inde pendence of liuenos Ayres appeared established, he thought their recogni tion was necessary. In Janary. 181!), he announced to them that he was actually considering the measure. "Thus all parties had agreed as early as 1817 and 1S18 upon the propriety of Intervention between Spuln and her colonies, lioth the United States and Europe asserted that the time had come; they disagreed only as to the mode. When Lord Custlereagh, at the congress in Aix-la-Chupelle in Octo ber, 1818, proposed to the four other powers to Intervene In the war between Spain and her American colonies bv uddre'ssing offers of mediation to the two belligerents,' Russia energetically opposed und rejected the scheme, not because it was Intervention, and to thnt exieni recognized riglits in the In surgents. S "When President Mom 'OP tntmtirtao,l his tint that no interference could be countenanced by him except on the bas is of independence, he declared In ad vnnce the only mode of intervention which he meant to permit. If he wait ed before carrying it out, It was only because, in the actual balance of Euro pean power, he felt that Isolated action might injure the cause he had deter mined to help. He walte'd In vain. MONROE ADVISED RECOGNITION. "Neither England nor any other pow er moved again. After a delay of four years from the time when he began his polity the Creek revolt In Europe and the military successes of Holivar ond Iturhide In America gave the desired opportunity, and Monroe sent the con gress his celebrated message of March 8. 122, recommending the- recognition of till the revolted colonies of Spain Mexico, Colombia, Chill and J menus Ayivs. "These countries asked no more. They based their claim on their independence defacto, und Monroe admitted Its force. " 'The province's,' he said, 'whic h have dec lared their Independence and ure in the enjoyment of It. ought to be recog nized.' He added 'the measure Is pro posed under a thorough conviction that It Is In strict accord with the ln'.v of nations.' "In realty It created the law, so far as Its action went, and Its legality wus recognized, by no European power Nevertheless Monroe's net, which ex tinguished the last hopes of the Holy Alliance In America, produced the deep est sensation among European conser vatives and cave to the United States extraordinary consideration. England used It as a weapon at the congress of Vcroonu to threaten the other powers when they decided on Intervention In Spain. Slowly Canning came over wholly to tin! side of Monroe, us France and Austria forced bis hands In Spain. "The principle thus avowed by Can ning added 11 tt 1;? to the European law of intervention; but the principle avowed by Monroo creuted an entire body of American jurisprudence. As an Isolated act It meant little, but in Mon roe'n view It wus not nn isolated uct. , MONROE DOCTRINE FOLLOWED. "It was part of a t-ystem altogether jiow and wholly American. Monroe lost no time In doubts or hesitation. In his annual messnue of December, 1823, he announced the principle (the Monroe Doctrine) that the new nations which his act alone- had recognized as Inde pendent were by that act placed outside of the European system, and that the United States would regard any at tempt tp extend that system among them as unfriendly to the United States. From that day to this the American people have always and unanimously supported and approved the Monroe doctrine. They needed no reasoning to prove thut it was vital to their safety. "Within that range President Monroe attempted to build up an American system. He disclaimed the right or the intention to interfere with actual European possessions In America so Ions; as these communities were con tented to remain European, but he claimed and exercised under the broad est principle the right to Intervene tn favor of communities thnt plainly dis played their wish and their power to be American, and. what was vital to the exercise of his claim, he asserted and used In its fullest extent the right to Judge for himself and finally both as to "time and mode.' both when and how any particular community had proved its will and its rlsht to claim admis sion Into the American system. Against the opposition or all Europe and at the lisk of many and serious embarrassments, Monroe took and successfully held ground which his successors have struggled, with varying fortune to maintain." THE CASE OF TEXAS. In the case or the recognition or Tex as, the report eiuotes from a report made on June 18. 18:i. by Mr. Clay, from the senate committee on foreign relations, which says: "The recognition of Texas as an In dependent power mny be made by the United States in various ways; tirst, by tre'aty; second. lr the. passing of a luw regulating e-oi.TTierclul Intercourse between the two powers; third, by bonding a diplomatic agent to Texas with the usual credentials: or, lastly, by the executive, receiving and ac crediting a diplomatic representative fiom Texas, which would be a recog nition as far as the executive only is competent to make It. "In the tlrst nnd third modes the concurrence of the senate In Its ex ecutive character would be necessary, and In the second in Its legislative character. The senate alone, without the co-operatlem of some other branch ot the government, is not competent to recognize the existence of any power. "The president or the United States by the constitution hus the charge of their' foreign Intercourse. Regularly he ought to take the initiative in the acknowledgment of the Independence of any new power, but In this case he has not yet done it. for rensons which he, without doubt, deems sufficient. If in any Instance the president should be lards he may be ciulckened In the ex ercise of his power by the expression of the opinion or by other acts, of one or both branches of congress, as" was done lrt relation to the republic formed out of Spanish America. "But the cummittee do not think that on this occasion any tardiness Is Justly Imputable to the executive. About three months only have elapsed since the establishment of nn Independent government in Texas, and It is not un reasonable to wait a short time to see what rts operation will be, and espe cially whether it will afford those guar antees .which foreign powers have a right to expect before they Institute relations with It. "Tuklng this view of the whole mat ter, the committee conclude by com mending to the senate the adoption of the following resolution: " 'Resolved. That the Independence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the United States whenever satisfac tory Information shnll be received that it has In successful operation a civil government cupable of performing the duties and fulfilling the obligations of an independent power. PRESIDENT JACKSON'S VIEWS, The report then quoted from Presi dent Andrew Jackson In his Texas mes sage of December 21, lSllti. as follows: " 'In the preamble to the re-solution of the house of representatives It is dls tlnctly Intimated that the exiediency of recognizing the independence of Tex as should be felt to the decision ot congress. In this view, on the ground of expediency, I am disposed to concur; and do not therefore consider it neces sary to express my opinion as to the strict constitutional right of the execu tive either apart from or In conjunction with the senute over the subject. It is to be presumed thut on no future oc casion will a dispute arise, as none has heretofore occurred, between the exe cutive und the legislature in the exer cise of the power of rcognition. " 'It will always be considered con sistent with the spirit of the constltu tion, and most safe, that it should be exercised, -when probably leading to war, with a previous understanding with that body, by whom war can alone be declared and by wliom all the pro visions for sustaining Its perils must be furnished. Its submission to con gress, which represents in one of its branches the states of this union and in the other there may be reasonable ground to apprehend so grave a conse quence, would certainly afford the full est satisfaction to our own country and a perfect guarantee to all other nations of the Justice nnd prudence of the measures which mlMht be adopted.' " The report suys that the Initiative thus asserted by congress and conced ed by President Jackson to congress tn the case of the recognition of Texas, was followed In the case of Hungary by President Taylor, which caused his agent to Invite the revolutionary gov ernment of Hungary to Bend to the Uni ted Slates a diplomatic representative, since the president entertained no doubt In such case at the next meeting of congress "her independence would be speedily recognized by that enlightened body." The report continues: "Until now no further question has been raised in regard to the powers of congress. So much space has been tak en by this historical summary that the case of Texas must be passed over without further notice, and the cases of Haytl and Santo Domingo may be set aside as governed by peculiar Influ ences. The record shows thnt in every Instance except Poland, down to 18.i0, where any people have claimed Inde pendence by right of revolt, the right of intervention has been exercised against the will of one or the other party to the dispute. In every in stance the only question that has dis turbed the Intervening powers hus re garded neither the right nor the policy so much as the 'time and mode' of ac tion. RECOGNITION OF THE CONFED ERACY. "The only difference between the Eu ropean and American practice wus that the United States aimed at moderating or restricting the extreme license of Eu ropean Intervention, and this was the difference which brought the United States necrlv Into the collision with Europe In 18(11 and 18IU. "Lords Palmerston and Russell, as well a.- the Emperor Nupoleon and his ministers, entertulned no doubt to in tervene even before our Civil war had aetunlly commenced, and accordingly recognized the Insurgent states us bel ligerents in May. 18H1. nlthough no legal question had been raised requiring such a decision. The United Slates govern ment never cease' to protest with the utmost energy agulnst the act as pre mature mid uniust. nnd this last and mot serious case of Interference In which the United Ktntes were concern ed as an object of European Interven tion reveuled the vital necessity of their American system at the same time that it revealed the Imminent danger of Its destruction." The report then glvos the circum stances under which the Southern Con federacy wus recognlzAl, tracing In de tull the diplomatic correspond ence, OUR REbjjTlONS TO CURA. Taking up the direct subject of Cu ba. It continues: "Into this American svstem. thus created by Monroe In 1S22-23,and em bracing them, besides the United States, only Huenos Ayres, Chill, Co lombia and Mexico, various other com munities have since claimed, and In most caseB have received, admission, until it now Includes all Sou til Ameri ca except the lirltlsh colony of Hon duras, and the two black republics of Spanish Santo Domingo and Haytl in the Antilles. No serious question was again raised with any European power in regard to the insurrection or inde pendence of their American posses sions until in 1869 a rebellion broke out In Cuba, and the insurgents, after or ganising a government and declaring their independence, claimed recognition from the United States. "The government of the United States hus always regarded Cuba as within the sphere of its most active and serious Interest. As early as 1825. 'when the newly recognized states of Colombia and Mexico were supposed to be preparing an expedition to revo lutionize Cuba and Porto Rico, the United States government interposed Its friendly offices with those govern ments to request their forbearance. "The actual condition of Spain seemed to make her retention of Cuba Impossible, in which e-ase the United States would have been -obliged, for their own safety, to prevent the Island from falling Into the hands or a strong er power in Europe. That this emerg ency did not occur may have been part ly due to the energy with which Mon roe announced 'our right and our power to prevent It,' and his determination to use all the means within his com petency 'to guard against and rorefend it." OUR RIGHT TO INTERVENE. "This right ot Intervention In mat ters relating to the external relations of Cuba, asserted and exercised seven ty years ago, has been asserted and exercised at every crisis in which the Island has been Involved. When the Cuban Insurgents In 186t appealed to the United States ror recognition. President Grant admitted the Justice of the claim and directed the minister of the United States at Madrid to In terpose our good unices with the Span ish government in order to obtain by a friendly arrangement the independ ence of the Island. "The story of that intervention Is familiar to every member of the sen ate, and was the basis of Its resolution last session request ins the president once more 'to iiitertsise his friendly otllces with the Spanish government for the recognition of the independence of Cuba.' The resolution then adopted by congress was perfectly understood to carry with it all the consequences, which necessarily would follow the re jection by Spain of friendly- otllces. On this point the situation needs no fur ther comment. The action taken by congress in the lust session was taken 'on great consideration and Just prin ciples, on a right of intervention exer cised seventy years ago, and after a patient delay, unexampled in history. The Interval of nine months which has elapsed since that action of con gress hus proved the necessity of car rying it out to completion. In tin words of the president's annual mes sage: 'The stability two years' dura- lion nns given to the Insurrection; the ieasumity or Its Indefinite nrolonuu tlon In the nature of things, and as snown uy past experience; the utter anci imminent ruin of the island unless tne present strife is speedily composed, are, in our opinion, conclusive evidence mat tne inability of Spain to deal sue cessruiiy wiin the Insurrection has oecome manliest, und It Is demonstrat ed that her sovereignity Is extinct in Culm for all purposes of Its rightful existence.' "A hopeless strusrule for Its rn.natult. lishment has degenerated Into a strife which means nothlne more than the useless sacrifice of human life and trie utter destruction or the very BUbJect, matter or conflict. DISAGREE WITH PRESIDENT. "Although the president nnnears to have reached a dlfferetnt conclusion from ours, we believe this to be the ac tuul situation of Cuba, and, being un able to see that further deluv could lead to any action other than that which the president anticipated, we agree; with the conclusion of the mes sage that, In such case, our obligations to the sovereignity oC Souin are 'su perceded by higher obligations,' which he can hardly hesitate to recognize and discharge. "Following closely the net Ion of Pres ident Monroe In 1818, congress has al ready declared In effect Its opinion thnt there can be no rational Interference except on the basis of independence. In 1822. us now, but with more force, it was objected as wo have shown, that 2,000,000 BARRELS Made and Sold In Six Months, ending flarch 1, 1896, Total Product of 1 I 1 II The A Mill Alone produced 1,000,000 Barrels, Largest Run on Record. Washburn, Crosby's Superlative is sold everywhere from th Pacific Coast to St. John's, New Foundland, and in England, Ireland and Scotland very largely, and la recognized as the best flour in th world. MEGARGEL & GONNELL WHOLESALE AGENTS. HAVE YOUR HORSE SHOD WITH THi Removable, Self-Sharpen Neverslio Toa GENERAL AGENTS, And a full line of iron and steel Blacksmiths' and Wag onmakers' supplies. BITTENBENDER & CO. SCRANTON, PA. THE DICKSON MANUFACTURING CO SCRANTON AND Wl LKES-BAR R E, PA Manufaotwror of Locomotives, Stationary Engines, Boilers, HOISTING AND PUEIPING MACHINERY. the revolted states had no government to recognise. Divisions and civil war existed anions the insurgents them selves. "Among the Cubans no such difficult ty I known to exist. In September. 1SU3. as we know by official documents printed on the spot, the insurgent gov ernment was regularly organized, a constitution adopted, a president elect eel, and in due course the various branches of administration set in mo tion. Since then, so far as we are In formed, this government has continued to perform Its functions undisturbed. "On th military side, as we officially know, they have organized, equipped, and maintained In the field sufficient forces to battle the exertions of 200.000 Spanish soldiers. On the civil side they have organized their system of admin istration In every province, for. ns we know, officially, they 'roam at will over at least two-thirds of the Inland, coun try." Diplomatically they have main tained a regularly accredited represen tative In the United States fer the past year, who lias never ceased to ask rec ognition and to offer all possible infor mation. "There is r.n reason to suppose that any portion or the Cuban people would lie dissatisfied by our recognizing their representatives in this country, or that they disagree In the earnest wish tor their recognition. The same thing could hardly be said ot all the countries recog nlred by Monroe In 1822? Greece had no such stability when It w.ib recognized by England, Russia and France. Rel- ' glum had nothing of the sort when she was recognized by all the powers in 1830. Of the states recognized by the treaty of P.erlin in 1878. we need hardly say more tlinn that they were the cre atures or intervention. THE MODE OF ACTION. "The only question that properly re mains tor coiigress to consider Is the mode which should be adopted for the step which congress is pledged next to take. The government or the United States entertains none but the friendli est reelings ror Spain. Its most anxi ous wish Is to avoid even the appeur ance or an unfriendliness which is wholly foreign in Its thought. "For more thun a hundred years, amid divergent or clashing Interests, nd under frequent and severe strains, the two governments have succeeded In avoiding collision, and there Is no friendly office which Spain could ask which the United States, within the limits of their established principles and policy, would not be glad to ex tend. In the present Instance, they are actuated by an enrnest wish to avoid the dnnger ot seeming to provoke a conflict. "The practice of Europe In regard to Intervention, ns to Instances cited, has been almost invariably harsh and op pressive. The practice of the United States has been almost Invariably mild and forbearing. Among the precedents which have been so numerously cited, , there can be no doubt as to the choice. "The most moderate Is the best. Among these, the attitude taken by President Monroe In 1822 Is the only attitude which can properly be regard ed as obligatory for a similar situation toduy. The course pursued by the United Stutes in the recognition of Co lombia Is the only course which con gress can consistently adopt." Copyright, 1S3C, by Mitchell & Miller. "What's the matter, Alphonse? You'r getting awfully thin." "Punctured my pneumatic." .HMD OTEEL CENTERED If Your Horse is Shod with "NEVERSLIPS" He Positively Cannot Slip UaaeralOttkai SCRANTON, PA. - .L .v-1
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