%\t |Press* FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1868. Mr. Toombs’ Tate Speech. It is not needed that loyal men should employ argument to show the desperate con dition of the rebellion, pointing to the tri umphant position of our armies, and, in con trast, referring to the prosperity and in creasing power of the loyal States. The ' ■confession of prominent Southern men makes -such an argument superfluous; not only the ■confession of loyal refugees, and men who have become disgusted with the tyranny and injustice of the Richmond authorities, but flhal of leading rebels—men who still ■cling to the cause of treason, while they admit facts which prove it to be ■hopeless. The speech which Robert 'Toomb's delivered, before the Legislature ■of Georgia, on the Oth of November, is a singular recital of misfortune and misery. ThoiigEhe spoke before Grant had achieved his grand victory at Chattanooga, he ad mitted the ruinous condition of the military power of the rebellion. ‘ 1 Tennessee is over run,” he said, “ and the Mississippi, from the Falls of St. Anthony to the Belize, is in the hands of the enemy, and thus cutting in twain the great valley of the Mississippi. The fall of Vicksburg inflicted this terrible blow upon us, and it fell with scarce a blow in its defence. A portion of Virginia lias also been lost to us, our islands are lost, our coasts are „ ravaged, and our sea ports captured or threatened. The enemy besiege Charleston, and recently have set their vandal feet upon the soil of our own State.” “Our finances,” he continued, “havefallen into disorder; public credit has ' sunk so low that the Government avows itself practically unable to support it, with our military establishment, without a resort to methods of collecting supplies inconsistent with the fundamental law of the land, the inalienable rights of a free people, and, in my judgment, inconsistent with the public safety and dangerous to our cause. Dis content is taking the place of enthusiasm, and distrust is supplanting confidence.” He pictures the monstrous injustice of the rebel system of taxation, calling it robbery, and declaring that the armies of the South are dependent for support on impressment, and have often been on half-rations. In deed, no Northern man could more forcibly describe the tyranny of the rebel Govern ment, and the miseries of the Southern peo ple, than he has done in this remarkable speech. ' Yet Mr. Toombs has the audacity to urge patience, to advise continued resistance to the Union, to counsel stubborn perseve rance 1 in treason, and prefers that the South shall be irretrievably ruined by rebel lion rather than permanently saved by alle giance. What motive has he that the peo ple share ? What advantage does he offer them as a reward for obstinacy? None. His reasons for counselling useless resist ance are those of the few men who began the war, who know that with the triumph of the Union their own fortunes are ruined. The advantages of the war are limited en tirely to a' small number of able, unscrupu lous men who are in power; the people gain nothing and lose everything by its continuance. Mr. Toombs wants to see the whole South turned into a cemetery before the rebellion shall be abandoned. What selfishness is this, which asks a peo ple which has already proved its bravery in a bad cause, to give up everything That a few men may reap a doubtful benefit from the sacrifice! To counsel such as this the Southern people make no enthusiastic re sponse. They are beginning: to feel JJiat the actual tyranny of the rebellion is far worse than the alleged tyranny of their Government. Day after day, battle after battle, outrage upon outrage, convince them that; the authority of the Republic cannot be withstood, and the confession of Mr. Toombs can only add to their discontent, and make them more willing to welcome national victory as their own rescue and salvation. The Confederate War-Rams. The latest news about the Confederate steam-rams, detained at Liverpool by order of the British Government, on the ground that to allow them to pass over to the - rebels would be too notorious a violation of international law and Queen ViCTOKiA’sneu trality proclamation, was that an Admiralty officer had valued them at a certain amount, that the Government had offered to purchase them from the builders at this amount, and that Messrs. Laird had contemptuously de clined parting with themf except to the parties for whom they were built, no matter how high the price that might be offered. We should be sorry to learn that this on till is true. That the British Government, in stead of meeting the question, boldly and broadly, upon the law, should endeavor to shift it off, by purchasing the seized war rams, indicates combined feebleness and fear, and seems to imply that there existed a doubt, at headquarters, of the legality of the seizure of these vessels of war. Such apprehension and doubt wholly un founded, as we here shall show. The main provision of the Foreign Enlist ment Act is contained in the following clause : “ Whereas the fitting out and equipping and arm ing of vessels by Hia Majesty's subjects, without Bis Majesty's license, for warlike operations in or against the dominions, or against the ship's goods or merchandise or any' foreign State or their sub- Rots, may be prejudicial to or tend to endanger the peace and weirate of this kingdom the it enacted that if any person within any part of His Majesty’s dominions shall attempt, endeavor, or procure to be equipped, furnished, fitted out, or armed, or shall knowingly aid, assist, or be concerned in the equip ping, furnishing, fitting out, or arming of any ship or vessel, with the intent, or in order that such ship or ves sel shall be employed inthe service of any foreign Slate, or of any persons exercising, or assuming to exercise, any powers of government in or over any foreign State or people, as atiansport orstore-Bhip, or with intent.to oruise end commit hostilities against-any foreign State with whom His Majesty shall not then be at war, any such person so offending shall . fee deemed guilty ot a misdemeanor." Under tills clause, the Alabama, Florida, Georgia, and other piratical vessels built arid equipped in England for the Confede rates might have been seized, as the Alex andra finally was, and as the war-rams were. Laird himself, the parliamentary aw-malier who exults in violating the law, must confess that he has built, equipped, fitted out, and armed vessels of war to be employed in the service of “ persons exer cising or assuming to exercise powers of government in or over” the revolted South ern States, “ with intent to cruise and com mit hostilities” against the United States, The case of the war-rams is clearly stated in a Blue Book, issued from the British Foreign office last session, containing an intercepted correspondence which was com. miraicated by Mr. Adams to the English Government, and by command of the Queen presented to Parliament. We shall select a few passages from the intercepted letters. f ; In October, 1802, in a letter dated from “ Navy Department, Richmond,” signed “ S. B. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy,” and addressed to Mr. Mason, mock-ambas sador, in London, reference is made to an enterprise which a certain Lieutenant Sin clair had been selected to conduct, and it ils there said: “ The completion of the con .trad of this gentleman will place a peculiar .class of ships, never, before conslrticled, upon the sta in ovr service." Laird’s war-rams are the “ peculiar” vessels never before constructed/ Another letter, addressed to Mallory, eulogizes the “ smartness ” of Commodore .Forrest as well as of Lieut. Sinclair, and says “I am satisfied that with the profes sional knowledge of these gentlemen we ■ cannot fail to subserve our interests and render high and important service to our ■cause, both in superintending and construct ing the vessels built up to cut the enemy’s commerce.” A further coifimunication, by -the same writer, adds, “ G aureate & Co., ■bf Scotland, and W. S. Lindsay & Co., of' -London, are the houses with whom I had the negotiations about the steamers. I re : quest Captain Sinclair, of the Confederate jtayy, to make all preliminary arrangement for the contract by my return. See him first; be will meet you in London, George TnostrsojN &■ Co., Glasgow, will make pro posals for the construction of., at least one steamer. They have the drawing and esti mates complete. Lindsay & Co. will ne gotiate the naval store bonds.” Jt is worthy of notice that W. S. Lindsay, a member of Parliament, solemnly declared in the House of Commons that he never had any thing to do with the business of the Confederates! Late m October, 1868, the rebel Congress passed a joint secret resolution, the sub stance of which, as communicated by letter from Mallory to one Memminger, Secre tary of the rebel Treasury, is that “ under this authority contracts have been made with Mr. George N. Sanders by this de partment for six ships, to be paid for in cot ton.” Now, it has long beennotorious that Messrs. Laird had contracted to supply the Confederates with sir. war-rams, “of a pe culiar construction,” although, from a doubt as to getting payment, they completed only the two that have been seized, and remain in ’ the Mersey now, with the Queen’s “ broad arrow ” upon them. In reply to this letter from Mallory, there was a communication’ from Mem minger, approving of the shipbuilding con tracts, and an immediate response from Mallory, dated October 80, 18G2, com mencing thus: “Mr. Sanders has, as you are aware, contracted with this Depart ment for the construction, in England, of six iron-clad steamers, combining the ca pacities of the freighting and the fighting ships, in a manner which will enable them to force the blockade of our ports. - The in terests of the country will be much bene fited by the prompt construction of these vessels; and I beg leave to invoke your in terest, not only in behalf of our enterprises already in progress, but in behalf of this also.” The authenticity of these inter cepted letters has never been denied by Mallory, Memminger, or any one else. This correspondence supplies proof that, on the authority of the rebel Congress, a special mission was established, and a special fund provided for the express and sole purpose of “ fitting out, equipping, and aTming vessels,” in England, without Queen Victoria's license, “for warlike operations against the dominions, ships and goods of a foreign State.” Two agents— Lieutenant Sinclair and the notorious George N. Sanders— found their way to England to carry out this schem.e. ’ If the object which the rebel-Govermnent thus at tempted to accomplish was not precisely that which the Foreign Enlistment Act of England was expressly passed to prohibit, then the evidence of fact must cease to be regarded. There is but one question on this matter: Were the vessels built at Liverpool, by special contract, destined for the Confede rate Government? If they were, which no one Can doubt, it is certain that they are “ equipped, furnished, and armed,” in de fiance to the British statute. The very na ture of these vessels “of a peculiar con struction” carries with it evidence of their destined purpose. The prows of the ships themselves are more than equivalent for belligerent purposes to a tier of guns. They want nothing but the steam up, without a single cqnnon or a pound of gunpowder on board, to convert them instantly into the most perfect and formidable instruments of war. If they Were not intended for the Confederate Government, for whom were they intended? The entering them on Laird’s books as ordered by “the Emperor of China” is a silly attempt at evasion, and so are the latter pretexts that the Pacha of Egypt and the Sultan of Turkey were to buy them. They were built for the Confe derates, and for none else. That the British Government, by any action, should seem to indicate a doubt of the full legality of the seizure of these war rams is much to be lamented—especially as there must now be no suspicion on the Ame rican mind that British policy is inclined to become relaxed in the legal position it has at last taken,' in the Civil War which rages here. The law of England, as bearing're ference to this particular case, is explicit and decisive, and the British Government must enforce thaf law, forever lose caste among the nations. The Opinion of Mr. Justice Read. The opinion of Mr. Justice Kkad,~ as it comes to us from_the record of the courts, and which we hasten to lay before our read ers, is one of the finest papers that ever came from a jurist and a scholar. We print this document in the interest of the great profes sion to which Mr. Justice Read belongs, and of which he is now such a distinguished member. It is a vindication of the laws of the great State of Pennsylvania. The reader will find in no word any sentiment but that of a law-expounder expounding the law. It is calm, temperate, and just. Judge Read reasons from the Jaws of the State of Pennsylvania to show that it was never in tended to make them antagonistic to . the laws of the country. He shows by close reasoning that there is nothing in the con stitutional polity of pur State to array it against the nation in a time of national emergency. This argument he strengthens by a historical summary that cannot fail to impress the judgment of those who will not read the opinion of Mr. Justice Read for its legal interest, but as an argument in behalf of the loyalty of our people to the General Government. We ask for it the earnest at tention of the reader. The Anti-Slavery Society. The anti-slavery meeting yesterday looked to the past, rather than the future, and con sidered not so much the work which re mained to do, but that which has already been done. And truly, the Abolitionists may fight their long battle of thirty years over again with pride; they may rejoice in their victory, remembering, too, ,with mo desty, that it was not won by their efforts alone, but with the very valuable assistance of slavery itself. Yet, though it is true that because of the persistent efforts of the Abolitionists, and the slaveholder’s rebellion, the North is now so thoroughly abolitionized that the pro slavery party is in a contemptible minority, the victory is not complete, even in the loyal States. Justice has been done to slavery, but not to the class which slavery ; oppresses. The colored man of the North has still rights which are to be recognized, and the men who in 1883 declared the wrongs of slavery, must now, in 1863, be gin a new crusade for the rights of Freedom. Mr. Beecher’s noble address at the Academy of Music last night was a mas terly exposition of the justice of our cause, and an eloquent illustration of its pro gress. The reception of Mr. Beecher by the citizens of Philadelphia was a grand compliment to his services to Freedom and Union, during his triumphal tour in England. It is rarely that such a man meets such an audience, and the presence of his Excellency tire Governor shows the esteem, in which Pennsylvania holds the eloquence and loyalty of the orator. Mr. Gunther, the Mayor elect oi New York, is at once claimed by the extreme peace party, and by that peculiar class of war Democrats who grant that the war is just, but oppose all the measures for its prosecution. Mr. Gunther’s actions will, no doubt in time, demonstrate his prin ciples ; in the meanwhile, we trust that he will study the temper of the people. He is a young man, unentangled by a past record, and can make his future honorable or in glorious, as he pleases. General Forey and General Scott. The statement that General Fokey, or the French Minister, was furnished by the State Department with General SeoTT’s military maps of Mexico, or other information, preparatory to the Fronch inva sion of that country, is erroneous. Neither General Fokey nor the Frenoh Minister, nor any other per son, was ever furnished, or, as far as is known, ever ashed for any such information. The address of Mr. D. McOoaaughy, of Gettys burg, upon the incidents of the great battle of .July, will be repeated to-night at the Musical Fund Hall, before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Mr. McConaughy’s narrative is charmingly written and very interesting. Free admission will be given to those applying to Mr. John A. McAllister, 728 Chest nut street. Sale oe Carpbtikos, Staiii Hons, Ac.—The attention of purchasers is requested to the assort' ment of ingrain, Venetian, list, rag, and hemp carpets, stair rods, See., to be peremptorily sold, by catalogue, on four months’ credit, commencing this morning, at 10K o’clock precisely, by John B. Myers R Go., Nos. 232 and 234 Market street. Markets by Telegraph. Baltimore, Dee.-3.—Flour steady. Wheatqulet. Corn generally closed with an advancing tendency; new white and yellow sold at $1.06@1.03, Whisky closed Bdm f\nd buoyant, at 830 fot city. LETTER FROM “OCCASIOKiL.” Washtnoton, December 3, 1863, . The most decided anti-slavery men now in Washington are to be found among the newly-elected Representatives from the Bor der States—from Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, an<l Missouri. Several of them are, or have been, slaveholders; but, con vinced that the rebellion which is now as sailing their Government was commenced without cause and is waged without mercy, in utter, defiance of the obligations imposed,, as well'by the Constitution as resulting from the fact that the slaveholding sections have been the spoiled children of the nation, they have ranged themselves on the side of the progressive element, and now insist that the strongest and most persevering mea sures should be adopted against all rebels who continue' in arms, and par ; ticularly against the institution of slavery itself. It is most interesting to hear one of these geiitlemen speak, and to see the indig nation he exhibits against those who have plunged our happy, country into this ter rible civil war. Not William Lloyd Gar rison, who'spoke to your people on Wed nesday evening, could be more thorough and extreme. In one of the great speeches of Secretary Chase, before the election in Ohio, referring to such men as McClung and Hood of Missouri, Anderson and Clay Smith of Kentucky, Winter Davis and Cresswell of Maryland, and, speaking of the manner in which they resisted the ag gressions and denounced the ingratitude of the authors of this war, he asks whether there could be any settlement of this im portant question that would leave these men at the mercy of their former oppressors and the of the Republic ? I believe that when the adjustment of our difficulties is consummated," it will be consummated upon such a basis as the ultra anii slavery men of the South shall. suggest; and I believe, also, .that they never will recommend or agree to any plan which does not make it a condition precedent that the beginners of this '•'■foul rout" shall be forever banißhed or disfranchised, and that slavery in the rebel States shall either be declared to be dead, or shall be abolished by the votes and voices of the “loyal” people of all colors and conditions in those States. What a fate would be that, for instance, of Col. J. A. Hamilton, and his fellow-patriots in Texas, if Texas was restored to the Union with all its former rights, and the murderers of our country’s liberties were permitted to wreak their vengeance upon the bold and self-sacrificing spirits, who, in the midst of war, of bipod, and of threats, refuse to yield to the tyrants that carried that great State out of the Union—a State sealed to that Union by the blood of the whole people, and purchased by the money-of the Federal Government ? And so, too, of Tennessee. What would become of An drew Johnson, William G. Brownlow, and the rest, in the event of a patched-up com promise, such as is now spoken of in cer tain quarters ? It is said that “ God’s mills grind slowly,” but in this great war there has been a providential rapidity in the march of events as marvellous as it is unparalleled, j When wc look back from our present stand ■! point we can see how we have .; gained in two short years. There are Abolitionists . io-ctay who , in 1861, were denouncing - the Abolitionists as- even worse than Secessionists. In fact, the anti-slavery pioneers may well retire and fold their arms, ! and, at least for a time, allow this great cause to be managed by the new converts— not to speak it disrespectfully—who, having discovered the truth, and having found the key that is to solve this mystery, rush to the forefront and demand that they shall bear a portion of the great responsibilities of the crisis. While, therefore, those who have seen slavery face to face, and who have enjoyed its peculiar advantages, now realize that it is the great, enemy of the Republic, who take up arms against it, and insist that it shall die, what man in,the free States will raise his voice against them ? Who will insist that slavery shall he saved, when to save it is only to save the rebels in aims? Maryland, at this writing, is practically a free State. The bitterest enemies of Mr. Lincoln’s emanci pation proclamation are now discussing among themselves how they shall get rid of slavery, and the opposition of the traitors is hushed in the presence of a unanimity as signal as it is significant. In another, year the anti-slavery party of the South will be the controlling party of the South, and men who have distressed themselves in regard tor this vexatious controversy, will be sur-' prised to find that those most earnest in op position to slavery, and most resolute in de manding its extinction, are men who aTe, or have been, slaveholders. WASHINGTON. Special Despatches to The Press. Washington, D. C., Deo 3. General Meade’s-Retrograde Movement. The despatches from'the Army of thePotomac yesterday to the Associated Fiess failed, owing to uncontrollable circumstances on the way, to reach Washington until to-day, and a similar misfortune attended the telegram from Rappahannock Station. It appears from these despatches that it was evi dently intended to attack the enemy’s extended works. On Monday morning, between eight and nine” o’clock, a cannonade was opened from our bat teries, and the right wing of skirmishers were ad vanced to Mine Run. It was found by them that the enemy had built a succession of dams, which raised the stream to the depth of from four to five, feet; with swampy margins on our extreme right. The enemy had also formed an abattis, several hun dred yards in width, in' front of their works, and di rectly under their guns. On the left General Warren moved forward his line, and discovered the enemy in such numbers, and so strongly entrenched, as to make it more than hazardous to attack them in front. He, however, drove them back from their advanced post behind' their works, and awaited further instructions. These and, perhaps, other considerations Induced a postponement of the premeditated attack. It is un derstood that General Meade visited the entire line, carefully noting the enemy’s Btrong positions, for midable batteries and earthworks, and, alter con sulting with his ofllcers, deemed it advisable to withdraw to the north side of the Rapidan. Orders were accordingly issued to that effect. General Meade abandoned the campaign when it became evident that the enemy had anticipated his advance, and rendered our approaoh to Goidonsville and Orange Court House an Impossibility. The President’s Message and Department Reports. As the report of the Secretary of the Treasury is much longer than heretofore, arrangements will be made to send copies to some of the principal cities in advance of its transmission to Oongresß, and se with the other reports of the heads of Departments, but it is not certain with regard to that of the Secre tary of War. The manuioript of all the documents is, for the most part, in the hands of the public printer. The estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury, will, as usual, be laid before Congress on the day of meeting/but the financial report will not be pre> rented till several days thereafter. The President’s, message has.not yet been com pleted, owing to his sickness. It may almost cer tainly be’stated that this document will first find its ’ way to the country over the telegraph wires, as bn previous occasions, For several days past the Secretary of theTrea. sury has been devoting himself exclusively to the preparation of hiß financial report, which is not yet finished. In the meantime the Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Fibld, has been closely occu pied in the transaction and direction of ail other business of the office. Mere visits of ceremony have, therefore, to be considered at present as mat ters comparatively trivial, and give place to those of pressing public impertance. Important Decision on the Bounties Due Unlisted Men. The Secretary of War has given a deoision to Hon. E. B. Fremch, seoond auditor of the Treasury of the United States, in cases recently submitted by Messrs. .Tosevh E. Devitt Si 00., of Philadelphia: “That the nine-months volunteers of the saveral States, were called out under the first section of the act of July 17,. 1862, and that no troops were balled for or accepted under the third section of the act referred to ; therefore, these troops are not entitled to the sum of $25, bounty and the $2 premium.” The amount Involved in this question is several millions of dollars, and, as the various paymasters throughout the country have paid many of the re giments irom Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Rhode 'lsland, and other States, they are peculiarly inte rested. The several State military departments are also involved, as well as"sonic thirty thousand troops who have served for nine months. The Second Auditor has also decided that. 11 The twenty-five dollars advance bounty should be paid by the mustering officer to a recruit when mustered, as we las the premium. Satisfactory proof, there foore, must be furnished that the soldier was not paid thiß bounty, or the settlement oannot receive the confirmation of the Second,Controller.” It is probable that, at an early day In the approaching session, Congress will take action on the whole sub ject of bounties. Invalid Pensions, The number of Invalid pensions granted by the Pension office during the month of November, just closed, was 2jO9S, and the number or pent ions to willows, mothers, and orphans, allowed during the THE PRESS.—PHILADELPHIA’, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4,1883. tame month,wu 2,005, making a total of 4,OCT. The number of invalid oaaea admitted cxoeeda the num ber of uew oaaea filed for the month, bv 1,062, Diplomatic SalariesT • The.atatement that the State Department.haa pro poaed in ita eatimatea an inoreaae In the aalarlea of mlniatera and consult la erroneout. Those salaries aro fixed by law, and the estimates of the Depart ment are made on the basis of the existing laws. DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI. Bragg Said to be Reinforced by Johnston. DEPORTS OF A REBEL RAID. Pesfiatcli from Gron, GEEISr. SHERMAN UNTE-A-T*, icisrox;vxx.x.E.v A Rebel Attack Totally Defeated by BURNSIDE OFFERS A TRUCE ,T 0 LONGSTREET. DEATH OF BRECKINRIDGE. 'IMPORTANT NEWS FROM KNOXVILLE. Cincinnati, Dec. 3.—A Chattanooga deapatch, dated yesterday, says that reports of army move ments are at present oontraband. . The hospitals ate full of wounded from both armies. Refugees and deserters report that Bragg has been reinforced Dear Dalton, by Joe Johnston, There Is nothing later from Knoxville, A despatch from General Foster’s ehier of staff, dated Cumberland Gap, on the Ist, says nothing of the reported capture of 5,000 prisoners at Knoxville. Chattanooga, Dec. 2,—A despatch to the BuUetin says : The movements of this army now going on cannot be reported. There are Questionable reports of a rebel raid aoroes the Ohickamauga river at Bed House ford, and that the families took refuge in the town. Rumors continue to thicken of rebel doings in the border counties of Tennessee. Reports say that Faulkner and his men are not only conscripting all the men, but taking all the horses, mules, cattle, and hogs, without regard to the political sentiments of their owners. GEN. FOSTER REINFORCED—THE RETREAT Washington, Dec. 3.—The military authorities received a despatch this morning fronfeßeneral Fos ter, who was joined at Cumberland Gap by the forces previously sent thither from Burnside’s army to guard that important point. The few troops un der the former may be able to inflict some damage on the rear of Dongstreet, who is retreating into Virginia. General Sherman was expected to reach the neighborhood of Knoxville to-day. Nbw Yoke, Deo. 3.—A speoial despatch to the Tribune contains the following highly important in telligence: Knoxville, Nov. 30.—During Saturday night (Nov. 28th), the enemy made a general attack in force on a large portion of our skirmishing line, and, at about midnight, succeeded in driving in our pick ets. This was intended as'a feint to conceal the real point contemplated for assault, and oonfuse our army. Cannonading and skirmishing continued during the entire night. Earl; in the morning the enemy charged in strong force upon Gen. Ferrior’s position, at Fort Saun. ders. They were met midway by a murderous dis charge of grape and canister, and a steady fire from the rifle-pits, under which they faltered, and finally fell back in broken fragments, leaving two colonels, several captains, and, in all, over a hun dred dead on the field. A considerable force reached the port of the para pets, where the wounded and dead were piled in an undistinguishable mass. ..We captured 231 prison eis, and the loss of the enemy in the assault was not far from 700, while that on our side was less than twenty, five. Gen. Burnside humanely offered a truce to Gen, Longatreet until 6 o’clock this afternoon, to afford him an opportunity for the removal of his wounded and the burial of the dead. The truce was accepted, and the time subsequently extended for two hours. The rebel wounded are being brought into our hospitals, or conveyed in our ambulances to the enemy’s line. - Three stand of colors were captured from the rebels. On this (Monday) morning the weather is dear withfrost. Ail is quiet around our lines. , Chattanooga, Deo. B.—lt is reported by de serters,-as well as by citizens ardving-here, that Gen. John C.‘Breckinridge has died oTthewounds he received at the fight at Ringgold. A son of Breckinridge and one of his cousins are among the prisoners captured in the recent engagement. Louisville, Dec, 3—Midnight.r-A special de spatch to the Journal of this city says that Gen. Wil cox has telegraphed from Gen. Burnside's headquar ters at Knoxville, on the 30th ult.,' “that at II o’clock on the evening of the 28lh' the rebels at tempted to surprise his force and succeeded in driving our skirmishing line to the right wing, which was posted on the Kingston road, and forced it back to Fort Saunders. “We afterwards regained our position, and had sharp skirmishing with the enemy all night. “On Monday morning, at 7 o’clock, the rebels moved a foroe of three brigades against Fort Saun ders, a portion of whioh, notwithstanding our heavy fire, gained the ditch, but could not ascend the parapet/. “We took three hundred prisoners and three stand of colors. The rebel loss in killed and wounded was over three hundred, while our loss was abou* twenty. “Longstreet then accepted General Burnside’s ofTer for a cessation of hostilities to enable the rebels to attend to their wounded. “The wounded soldiers were exchanged for'loyal soldiers wounded in previous engagements, and the rebel dead sent through our lines. “Col. Buss, commanding the assaulting party, Col, MoElroy, and Lieut. 001, THSmaß,of the ene my, were killed. - “ An assault was simultaneously made on the right of our line, but the rebels were driven back. Our loss on that hide was about forty, while the enemy’s lose was much greater. “Our supplies are ample for the present. “ The rebels have been reinforced by one or two regiments of Bushrod Johnson’s division.” GUERILLA ATTACK ON A STEAMER. Occasional. Cincinnati, Dec. 3.—A Memphis despatch of the 30tli ult. says that the steamer Black Hawk was fired into by guerillas near the mouth of the Bed river, aDd several persons wounded. The boat put back”to New Orleans. General Sturgis has been ordered to Knoxville, to take command of the cavalry of the Army of Tennessee. ARKANSAS. Threatened Rebel Advance on Fort Smith; Fobt Smith, Deo. 2.—General McNeil has relia ble Information that the enemy ‘arc stretched along the Little Missouri river. The right, under.Prlce, is near Washington; the centre, under Marmaduke, in the vioinity of Murfreesboro, and the left/under Cabell, at Caddo Gap. It is thought that they are preparing to attack cither Fort Smith or Little Bock, . • i Cooper is in the Bed-river valley, and Stewart in the Creek Nation. 'Their total force is estimated at 22,000, but this is no doubt exaggerated. General Blunt has arrived here. Cincinnati, Dec. 3,—A despatch to the says: The Kentucky Legislature will day next. It 1b believed that llev..Dr. Breckinridge will be elected to succeed Lazarus W. Fowelf-ia.tfie United States Senate. , :« v Six deserters from New Hampshire tucky regiments have been sentenced to be shot by oourt-maitial. Gen. Burnside has approved’ the findings and sentences. . - . ■ Several hundred East Tennessee refugees have reached Covington. They are in a terribly destitute condition. - ■ Coal has again advanced in Cincinnati to -10' and 45 cents per bushel. . . QBEDEL ATTACK ON MOUNT STERLING. Louisville, Dec. 3.— C01. Truoe, of the SBth Kentucky Regiment, reports.that his pickets were driven in at Mount Sterling, Kentucky, by a force of 700 rebels, but it is supposed at headquarters that the number of the enemy is greatly exaggerated. ; Foetbess Monkob, Dec. I.—Ex-Governor Pratt, of Maryland, and Colonel Nieholson, arrived here this morning, on steamer Adelaide, from Baltimore, as political prisoners, in charge of Lieut. .Tames, oft the 10th Maryland Begiment. The steamer New York arrived from City Points with one political prisoner from Bichmond—Andy Johnson, Jr.—in charge of Major Mulford, truce officer. ■ , > Eleven thousand dollars’worth of provisions and clothing arrived to-day from J. F. Panooast, of .the Christian'Commission; also, provisions from the Baltimore Belief Fund for Union prisoners in “Dixie.” ' Cairo, Deo. 3 —The steamer Perry arrived here, to-day from Memphis, en route to St. Louis, with' one hundred and forty bales of cotton, and twenty more bales were added to her cargo at this point. Seyenty*6even rebel prisoners, from. Columbus, Kentucky, passed through this city to-day for In dianapolis. . Beports prevail that a rebel force threateno Co lumbus, Mo. Sixty tons of goods were shipped, by the Sanitary Commission of Illinois-to-day, for the army at Chat tanooga. The Memphis papers-of the Ist report tho cotton as languishing. A hundred and eighty bales bad been sold on the 30tlr ult., at prices ranging, from 40 to 78 cents. ' .New YoBKj-Dec. 3. —The steamer Farkenßburg arrived at this port this morning; haying left New: Orleans on the 93d ult. The New Orleans Fra publishes a report from Vera- Crus, received by the- arrival of a,schooner from- that place, of the recapture of Puebla by the Mexicans. ■. There is no other news. [Thia repoit'ia moit probably untrue, as New Or leani report! from Mexico generally are. Advioea from VeraOruz to Novi 3d have been received at Washington, which Vay nothing of the oapture of Fuebla.— Eis, Bulletin,] Foster. Burnside. GEORGIA AND TENNESSEE. OF LONGSTREET. KENTUCKY. FORTRESS MONROE. The Richmond. Prisoners* From Cairo. MEXICO. Reported Recapture of PuoWa. department of the gulf. Progress oftlie Fleet and Army • ill Texas. IMPORTANT FROM TEXAS. Cincinnati, Dec. 3.—A despatoh to the BiUtdin says: The Memphis Argus has just received from its special correspondent with the Brazos Santiago expedition the following news: The fleet left Brazos Santiago Pass on the eve ning of November 17th. The following afternoon several regiments were landed on Mustang Island, and marched nearly ail night, reaching the vicinity of the rebel works about daylight. Slight skirmishing took place between our advance, which was thrown aorosa the island, so that no one might eaoape, while the gunboat Monongahela threw a number of 11- inch shells among the rebels,'which immediately caused a panio. A half hourlater, when GeneraVß&nsom came up with two regiments in line of battle, the rebels threw a white shirt on the point of a bayonet, and made an unconditional surrenderor their fort, troops, and munitions of war. This capture of a company of artillery and a equadroa of cavalry was effected without the loss of a man, We now possess, and will continue to hold, Brazoß Santiago Island, Point Isabel, Brownsville, Fort Brown, and Mustang Island. Ere the month is ended the flag of the Union will float over several other points on the coast of Texas. CALIFORNIA. The Vigilance Committee—lnteresting De- cislon. SAN Francisco, Dec. 2.—The money in the mar* ket is adequate to the demand, but there is no sur. plus. Capital is well employed. The Atlantic currenoy exchange is 38@4l premium for gold in New York. Sterling Exchange, at 60 dayß, t4B@l4B>£. The jobbing trade is good, with a slightly increased demand from importers, The weather here is rainy. An unsuccessful attempt was made to pump out the ship Aquilla yesterday. Fears are entertained that it will be impossible for the diverß to make her tight enough to allow the pumps to free her. In case of failure on the next trial the underwriters will advertise for proposals to raise her on some plan to be proposed. " Legal-tender notes are 67>£. San Francisco, Deo. 3.—The steamer Orizaba sailed from this port to-day, carrying fifty passen gers, $819,000 in treasure for England, and $250,000 for New York. ' In the courts, yesterday, a decision was rendered by judge Hoffman finding $4,000 damages against Captain R. H. Pearson, in favor of Charles P. Du ane. The latter was exiled by the Vigilanoe Com mittee in 1666, and Captain Pearson subsequently forced him to leave the steamer after he came on board at Acapulco, with the intention to return him to this city—in which event he would undoubtedly have been hung, Duane having been banished under the'penally of death. An appeal has been made from the deolsion of the court, on the ground of its imposing excessive damages. The Peuobßcot Kiver closed by Ice* Bangor, Deo. 3.— The Penobscot is closed by ice here, • HENRY WARD BEECHER At tli© Academy of Miisic. SPEECH OF GOVERNOR CURTIN. The Academy of Mimic was crowded last evening by a large and brilliant audience, to bear Rev. Henry Ward Beecher’s address in behalf of, the United State's Sanitary Commission. Mr. Beecher made his appearance upon the Btage about eight o’clock, accompanied by his Exoellenoy Clover nor Curtin, Bishop Potter, Judge Read, Horace Binney, Jr., Charles J. Stilld, and numerous other gentlemen of note. Hlb appearance was, of oourse; hailed with the loudest applause, which continued for several minutes. When it lulled, Gov. Curtin, upon whom the oeremony of introducing Mr. Beecher to hU audience devolved, stepped to the front of the Btage to make the following speech. Immediately the applause was renewed, but the Governor succeeded in making himself heard: Ladibs akd Gbktlbmeh : The inspiration which the distinguished orator who is so iooa to address you will gather, not only from the associations of the past and the present, but also from this bright, ■ intelligent, and crowded assemblage, would seem to render any introductory remarks^on my part entirely unnecessary; but I know I will be pardoned for Baying that we meet for a holy . purpose. We meet amid the comforts of home and the enjoyments of civilized ana peaceful life to aid a great association for the beneficent objeot of following the sol dier of the Republic, sick or dying—of being with him after every battle, to bind his wounds, slake his fevered thirst, and pour into his ears, as life ebbs, the consolations of religion; and, if no other good can be done, to bear bis lifeless remains back to those to whom in life he had been nearest and dear est. Audit is a just subject of congratulation to this audience that they have assembled at Buoh an hour in our country’s history, in such a cause: and whilst I am lully sensible to the generosity of this true and loyal community, I know that they will, to-night, inaugurate in Pennsylvania a system of wide-spread benevolence and charity on behalf of the soldiers of the Republic which will be in keeping with the im mensity of their means and their never-failing libe rality. •, • , , , Hear that we have not done what we ought for the comparatively uncared-for, who have been left at home by the gallant fellows who have gone for ward. I assured thousands of them, as I committed to their care the sacred charge of guarding our country’s flag and honor, and in their nands the national ensign, that those of us who remained 1 at home would guard, protect, and cherish the house holds they left behind them. I fear that we have not done out whole duty in this particular; that out of our abundance we have failed to reader a jußt share to the surviving relatives of the slain, and to the families of those who, maimed and wounded, ' have become helpless. Indeed, I am certain that the orphan and widow have not been cared for as the priceless treasure of a' life surrendered for the country, should have demanded. Coming, as these clsimsnts upon our patriotism and benevo lence usually do, from the humbler walks of life, their Jnodest , and unpretending wants are hardly recognized amid the clamor and excitement of the. times, and the soldier’s widow turns with a natural pride from what might be considered the position of a mendicant or the recipient of acharity. Slyfriends, let us no longer fail in the performanceof our solemn duty,but let us make the position of these an honora ble one, and not one of degradation. Let the widow and her dependent offspring become, in faot and in truth, the children of the State, and let the mighty people of this great Commonwealth nurture and maintain them. Let this not be a mere spasmodic effort, but let us now at once lay the foundation of a systematic and continons work, which will enable the defender of the Constitution to, know, as he paces his weary vigil upon the cheerless picket, that, living, his family at home is cared for, and that, dying, the juttice, not the charity, of the country has provided for the helpless survivors." The fight which dawns upon our troubled Repub lic renders this a proper time for such suggestions. The advancing column of the historic Army of the Potomac, as it moves towards the-fated city of Rich mond, and, aB I pray to heaven, to the speedy libera tion of the prisoners in Libby Prison—Libby Prison, the brutalities and atrooities of winch flave, by their enormity, startled--the civilized world, and have covered the already infamous with double infamy, add whilst, too, the armies in the West are hourly following viotory with victory, as they close gradu ally but certainly around the rebel horde—the time, I say, which is marked by these auspicious events is eminently a proper one. I have alluded to the advance of our army to the relief of the prisoners at Riokmond. If its prowess should be delayed, then I trust that the President will call upon the people to rise in their might, and by one great effort, go there to liberate these men, our fellow-citizens, and bring them back out of their sufferings, to the enjoyment of those, privileges to which they haveheen accustomed, and of which they are so inhumanly deprived. At this instant an admiring wprld gazes with wonder and delight upon the brilliant achievements of our armies, and cannot fail to bef moved by the moral sublimity which, attaches to the display of that courage which has been exhibited by the Ame rican citizen who will address you to-night, and who would have at any time attracted, by his known powers of oratory and great learning, an audience in this city. If he had come unheralded and unan nounced thousands would have thronged to hear him; but long and conspicuously known before the world as a loyal and devoted friend to the country, and coming as he now does, after having in a foreign.land, and before a prejudiced people, borne aloft the bannerol that country, and there battled as a brave man should for.the Right, destroying in England the false impressions so. cunningly and diligently, made in that country, awakening the masses to the truth, and uttering sentiments which were echoed hack from our shores by the plaudits of a grateful people: it is-for this that you tender him this great ovation, and I cordially congratulate the audience, the ora-- tor, arid-the cause of this meeting, that it is bs. I have the honor, ladies and gentlemen, to introduce Henry Ward Beeohgr. The Governor having thus concluded, Mr. Beecher arose, amid loud and long-continued cheering, and spoke as follows: I anvfaotaltogether a stranger in this city. I have received familiar occasions, your cor dial greeting before, but never before with more pleasure. [Applause.] No man standing in the face of hostile audiences oan speak upon the great con troverted themeioof national home polioy without a natural and reasonable anxiety, that his words should be corroborated, and that his statements should be authenticated by his friends at home. It was not while I was abroad that the tidings of your favor and approbation reached me. There was not time enough. And it was only on my arrival in Boston that I learned, for the first time, that imy country men Approved of my endeavors to serve their inte rests in England. [Applause.] It is a great plea sure to me that your favor has mounted to such a degree of kindheßß, that I may avail myself of it to contribute - to the funds and the influence of one of the most humane of all our national institutions— that of the Sanitary Commission. [Applause.] Through that ohsnnel, I pay but a part of the debt that I owe to those brave men who have not count ’ed their lives dear unto themselves. Younger than I, they have taken their arms and. gone for me and for you, and for us all,’ into .the field. And if they suffer hardships, if they suffer wounds, I demand as a privilege—l will riot wait thaiit should be urged upon me aca duty—to follow the steps of their suf fering, and to alleviate it just so far. as the circum stances of war will permit any alleviation of their suffering. [Applause.] ' „ I have been asked by the committee of invitation, at whose instanoe I am here to-night, to speak to you with some reference to my observations and ex perience of American affairs abroad. And I purpose to open before you some thoughts to-night not dis connected from their relatione to our home affairs; but, if I may say so, to present them to you pri marily in the light of English opinion, as looked at from that stand point; for I assure you that when a man stands disconnected from parties, from local in stitutions, from old incitements, in a foreign lsnd, it changes a great many things. Minor differences that have counted much are here quite lost out of ijdght ; things that we were disposed to insist upon at homo we drop entirely there; and when another nation, or any considerable part of it, are . op posed to your nation, you are tempted to stretch your conscience a little, and defend things even not delensible, because they are of your country. [Laughter and applause.] But there was less temp tation to me on the occasion of my late visit, be cause the field was so large, and the topics were so many, about which there was almost undivided sentiment among the loyal population in the North. Ii the representations I made were acceptable to your consoierice, if the views presented of American principles and American policies were acceptable to you, as I trust they were, it will, give them ■ great weight abroad to have them authenticated by the ’ audiences of the principal cities which I have ad ’ dressed, or shall address, at home. For you to say here, 11 we hold these views, and what he said with i out authentication for us, he so spoke the truth that i we ratify his words spoken” that will give to it in England almost natlonabauthority. [Applause.] V : Nothing' is wiser in the psst of our American po ; Hoy than that deliberate and anxious separation of ! ourselves'from the political entanglements of Eu rope. It was the anxiety of Washington, and a part of his lost Counsels, that we should scrupulously avoid all entangling alliances of a political charac ter.-' And it was a part also of that famous Monroe Doetrine. It is the end and’ object of that dootrine by the aveidanoe of all political entanglements to maintain not only peace between nations, hut to ■ maintain in this land an .opportunity of developing our peculiar destiny, the realisation of our princi ples and of our] ideas without let or hindrance. It has sometimes been supposed when we so anxiously, disjoined ourselves from the nations of Europe, that - we were lacking in a proper moral sympathy; that we, in some sense, took ourselves oat from the des tiny oi nation*. Hot at all, Our American ideas are radically different from European ones, and what is called the Monroe Doctrine is slrapiy an assertion' and an Implication. We say to them: You shall not meddle with the solution of our questions on this continent, and in return we will no* meddle with the eolation of your questions, on yoi*r conti nent. Yoh shall have Europe, and we wantTAme* rita. [Applause. J We will have America, an 4 you shall not meddle.” [Loud applause. J It is not v© be supposed that we deny to any people, acting in tLieir own right, the privilege of any such government»a. they choose to decide upon. If Mexico, inspired by Mexisana, chooses a monarchy, a monarchy she shall have. [Applause.J But if Mexico is the branch which Europe grafts, to’ drop apples of So dom over into our borderslwe say it shall not be! [Loud applause.] It is simply the assertion of our right to •* try on Atnerioan principles on this con tinent; and, unmolested, unimpeded by foreign in terference, to settle the experiment, ouce* and for ever, whether a people can govern themselves— whether the government of the people is wisest, is best. While, then, we maintain this greAt dootrine that we shall be free, in the time of our experiment, from political interference, not in an unfriendly spirit, but for the very sake of peace, and* of the maintenance of kindly relations with foreign na tions, we do not undertake to say that thisls to ex tend beyond politics. Morally we will accept in fluence, and morally we will exert influence; for it is impossible, when you look upon so large a sphere as that of Europe, and witness the spectacle-of na tions governed by aristocracies And governed by monarchies, with very various degrees of justice and injustice—it is impossible that we, looking upon mat spectacle, should not reflect;, and that reflections should not lead to judgments and calculations.' On the other hand, it is impossible that America should read what is written on the upheaved sides of this continent, and that Europe should not also read what is written. [Applause.] All the common people of all the nations of the globe oan read the golden letters that spell out prosperity to the common people. [Applause.] All Europe knows the meaning of a hundred years of continued, and unremitting, and in cieosing prosperity under democratic institutions. You cannot help the moral influence of your example. r - There is not a people in Europe that doesjiot know American history, and there is not a people in Europe that does not divide by it—one part siding with the Government and the rulers, and the other part siding with the governed, with the commeu people; and it is just there that the history of America for the last fifty years; it is just there that the Ameri can struggle at this time strikes our European friends. The part that are in sympathy with strong government are against us, and the part that are in sympathy with the common people arc for us, because our example and all our na tional experience are a perpetual declaration that the common people do not need despotism to govern them! [Loud applause.]' There are very plain reasons why kiDga and princes, and nobles, should Bide against us; for if we come victoriously 1 out of this struggle—perhaps now in course of solu tion—if it can be Bhown in addition to our wisdom of legislation and obedience to law, that we have power in foreign ware, power in civil and home wars, and in the midst of these, power also to settle the most intricate "and difficult Question ever sub mitted to a people, the effect of our example will be irresistible upon Europe. [Applause.] For sake of our friends, let us be forbearing. In regard to our enemies, let usrefleot that humau nature is the same in Europe as here; and as you scarely ever expect men to rise above their class and circumstances, so you ought not expeot that thOße men who have been educated in'the faith of the governing classes should rise above their influence. They are acting badly, but it is very natural for men to act just so in the same circumstances. Bad acting in this case is na tural. [Laughter and applause.] The moral influence; then, you oannot help, you should not help if you could. We are a Govern ment dependent upon public opinion ourselves. All -nations are more or less dependent upon public opinion. It is neither wise nor patriotic, nor creditable, for us to .undertake to say to the thinking classes of Europe, “we do not care for your opinions.” You care for the opinion, of men at home ~and ought to care for the opinion of men abroad. It belongs to -democratic civilization to have a proper and salutary care for the opinion of other nations. We undertake to govern by brains, 'and not by bone and mUsotes [applause]. That is not all. We ought to regard the influence we are to exert in that wonderful future that is opening up to us—the reactionary influence of it—the reflex in fluence upon other nations. If you are not only in telligent but virtuous; if you are not only politically governed, but if you are searched to the core, and the heart itself is trained; if you are a sober, in dustrious, homMoving people,desiring justice among yourselves, and with those abroad, it is to the interest of every nation on the globe to know it— -for you have not that reputation! LLaughter and applause.] It is conceded that you are powerful; audit is ar gued, therefore, vain. You have the reputation of being vain. [Laughter.] It did me great good to deny it belore Englishmen; that is to say, I said to them, “If you are humble, then weare.” [Laughter.] • And it is a part of the nature of a true Briton that he is a model man, and that Britain is a model na tion. [Laughter.] They could not deny.that they were sufficiently humble, and I insisted that so also were we. Still, we have not that reputation. We are supposed to be boastful and vain ; and you cannot tell the simple truth about America without seeming vain. [Laughter.] If you value your reputation, you should not tell the truth. You cannot atfbrd to speak of the miles of railway we have; you should not tell the amount of taxes we pay; you should not speak or the circulation of our newspapers: the action of our free ohurches in distinction from state churches j the extent of our population and its Intelligence, and the hundred other characteristics of our nation. [L aughter. ] If you get hold of a sane man you may whisper these things, but do not mention them to Englishmen, or you will be called a boaster. They measure things there by the standard of the island on which they Uve. They are a sturdy people. They are an admirable stock. You may tell that by the children they have. [Applauie.] They have faults, I suppose, without a doubt, but they have great excellences and great viitues. Indeed, I was kept angry all the time be cause I liked them so well, and I thought it my duty, from patriotic reasons, not to like them, [Laughter ] NevertbelestfJsyou cannot go up and down the land every day without seeing hundreds of thing* that please you, and thousands of things that displease you. But, after all, it is not to be expected that an insular people should be able to judge the proportions of-continental affairs. And without being irritated by the injustice that comes from con flicting interests, we ought to understand'that not alone England, but the other nations of Europe, have had some reasons to be afraid of the growth and prorperity of America. If your affairs have had that taint which comes from the exercise of too much power; if you have permitted filibustering, and national boasting and national threats, begin ning in wrong, ending in wrong, and - touching wrong all through, you can scarcely complain if foreign nations nave come to regard you with something of fear and something more of jealousy. It wsb my mission to say to them, that what I preach is essentially national, not Northern. [Applause.] It is the tendency of intelligence and religion; it i 3 the tendency of intelli gence even in America under democratic institutions to make the people powerful at home, and to make them respect the rights of other people abroad. It is tbe tendency or slave institutions to make men overbearing on the plantation, overbearing towards their neighboring States, overbearing towards na tions ; and it is the overbearing of slaveocracy, and not of democracy, that has given offence to Europe. [Applause.] There were many questions that were propounded to me on every side; some of whloh may, perhaps, be permitted me to-night to relate to you, together with the views presented not only in speeches, but in sooial conversations as well l for, beside the public meetings at which I spoke, it was my privilege to meet a great many breakfast circles and soirees, both before I went to the Continent and after I returned. One of the questions earnestly propounded, was this: Can a people consent to be governed who have the whole power of government in their own hands 1 Does not democracy tend to lawlessneaSj to insecurity of life and of property, and the abolishment of moral restraint! . That is the opinion, I may say, of English aristocracy. They do not believe* there can be a government that shall maintain good morals, that is not what they de nominate a strong-government. And it was my privi lege/in accordance with my deepest- convictions, to maintain that there is no Government so strong as the democratic government of a free, intelligent, • and moral people. [Applause.] , No people need bo much education as a free peo ple, and that education of self-government is the moßt thorough, lasting, and efficient of any govern ment. Therefore, no people in the world are natu rally so conservative as our people. There is no people so revolutionary as the European people. They have no vote; they have duties. “ Obedience” . is the word whicfrriims up theduty of the common people oT Europe, but not in America. Our people are tbe factors oflaw. They make rulers; they make and unmake magistrates; they make and Tunmake judges; they make and unmake courts; they make and unmake national government. [Applause ] They have the responsibility of society in its whole integrity, and there is not-a man, clear down to the bottom of society, who, looking on the little house he owns, does not have some weight in shaping national policy. There is nothing that makes a man so conservative as to bring to bear upon him the re sponsibility of American citizenship. [Applause ] The conduct of the American people during this un paralleled trial will hereafter be cited as an instance of the soundnes of the principles of democratic govern ment, bated upon good morAls. The patriotism of this people is unparalleled. It is B&id there oan be no patriotism without a king. Let the glorious up rising of this people, when Fort Sumpter was fired upon, be the' answer to any such lie as that. [Ap plause.] Its patriotism does not depend upon the mere fact that there is a solitary symbol of autho rity in the State. Is there no love of home, no love. of law, no lova of country! It exists nowhere so deeply as in the boßomof a Belfgoverniug people, and the only need you have is-some danger to draw it out. Look at the enthusiasm of this people at the outbreak of the war, and throughout its con tinuance ! The fire which was tit has not gone out yet. If we have not the flames, we have yet the liviDg coals. [Applause.] Our refusal of revolu tion, our unwavering faith in Government and our own national institutions; the great contributions of this generous people, their unparalleled demand for taxation-point me to another case, where a Go vernment has scruples to take power, and twenty millions of fiee people blame it, and say, “ Take power in our name, and use it.” [Great applause.] Where • can you find people bl amiug their rulers be* cause they did not tax them! Yet that is the history our people. The proof of their sincerity in this work is evinced by volunteering. When the history of the war is written, it will illustrate the great princi ple of self-government for all people. Until within a few months, it waß my privilege to say that not one of the million men of our army and navy was there by any other .way than by volunteering. A year and a half ago there was not a mania the Southern army that was a volunteer. To-day they aie all there by foroe of military necessity, and, with the exception of , a handful of dratted men; there is hot one manUn our army, who did not go there by his own free will. Yes, and Europe knows it, and when they threw it up to me in England, that the draft was. resisted, I replied there were two reasons for that resistance where it occurred. We had been accus tomed to hear, through the newspapers and other sources of . public information, that the people would not bear tne The great er ror was that we did not educate the peo ple to endure a draft when it came, and snow them how it could be borne with no disadvantage to the national cause. If that had been done there would have been no trouble at all, [Applause.] How when drafting falls volunteering begins again, and we say to our army ”we need your service to till up the quota again.” They are now answering this request. These are the citizens a free govern ment makes. [Applause.] The quality of our men as soldiers North and aouth, their quickness to learn ,]their submission to discipline, their heroic suf fering, their unflinching death —all these are so many lessons to Europe. They tell what free institutions do for an Intelligent people. Think of the lives of the heroic young men slain in this wart I think there might be volumes written of the only sons that have given up their lives upon thehfccouatry’s altar. Young men who have gone out irom oulture and reflnement, who have taken up hardship and suffering, their lives will be an encyclopedia of endurance. The memorials of their heroism should be preserved in every household for the education of another generation of brave and patriotic youth. ■While they have done their duty, it oannot be said that the men at home have been neglectful. On the other hand, the cause of the national struggle has been buoyed up by the spirit of the common people. We have carried the Government as the ocean car ries the ship of war. It lies upon our bosom, and is rooked by our waves. [Applause-.] The people have discarded old issues and old politicians. They perfectly understand nationality and liberty. : They hear for themselves without waiting for any leader; and during this long period of three years, when fundamental policies were to be adopted, and new modifications made of existing customs and laws, our people have been patient and not faultfinding. Nay, when factions began to undermine, and trea son to'-bnrrow in our midst, there has been found Eower enough to carry on the war on the one and, with a million of soldiere, and on the other to scotch the serpents that remain at home. [Loud applause.] And while wo have been doing: that gigantic work, we have not been unmindful of foreign foes. We have held them baok too, and to England and France have said, iff-em phatic tones, - l Vou Bhall not meddle with our affairs.” [Applause.] Peace is our desire, andwe will sacrifice every thing but national honor to maintain a good under standing, and to preserve peace with foreign Powers. We will go to war with them if neoessary. [Applause.] You do not fear war as muoh as they do in London and Manchester, and I told them this. [Laughter.] The EngUsh people have pluek themselves, and they admire it in their children: You have always heard that monarchy had advantages in some respeots over republican governments; that In times of peace a republican government might do, but in time of war tbe ftttong baud of monarchy is better than republicanism. I you to bear witness that a republican government is better than a monarchy. It is said that despotism or monarchy is more ready to use, and is more sudden and active in cases of emer gency. It has more ready power to concentrate the national forces, while a republic is feeble and di vided. iThat is not a necessity of republican go vernment. This nation is an example for ail time. Our power of consolidating the resources of the Government has been such that it hsa excited the admiration of Europe. They have been 1 filled with wonder at the ease with which v the Government or ganized itself for the war; how it maintained suoh an army, and suoh a navy, and carried ft forward with such energy and success. [ Applause.] : The republican ( form of government has been shown to be quite as efficient ab the monarchical, and more 00, says somebody. I say “ more so” too. [ Laugh ter and applause.]- It is not the monarchy, but the monarch that makes despotism strong, whereas a republic is inherently strong. Abraham Lincoln may be a-great deal less testy and wilful than Andrew Jackson was, but, in a long race v I do not know but that he will be equal to him. [Long-continued applause.] Ido not know how he will interpret this testimony—whether he will con sider it as a testimony of your approbation of the past, or of your purpose for the future. [Laughter and applause ] Another question proposed by Eu rope is thiß: “Dojyour American people, after all, care for their own principles; are they not just as indifferent to justice-And to right for other people, not for themselves, as any other nationality? You boast of your free institutions, and your love of liberty : do you mean anything other than this, that you love your own liberty?” Well,Sty rants love their liberty; I never saw anybody that did not love his own liberty. And if it is with you a selfishness, instead of a moral sentiment, you may as well admit the correctness of the criticisms of European philan thropist*. How is it?I)o Americans love their own piinriples with a large and Christian benevolenoe, ADd do they take all those within their Bcope who are too weak to help themselves? The reports of riots, and every kind of. reports of crimes, are brought into service against us abroad. And I took the liberty to say that there was no place in the world where riots were less frequent, and so little dangerous, and that, for the most part, they are inoculations. [Applause.] They are not caused by our owq peo ple. A man with a'house on his heel cannot run fast into the streets to riot; but a man who owns nothing, who is not of a nationality, and is not learned in language or law, who comes just as tyran ny made him into our midst—hemay,for a little while, be a rioter. But we will quell even him, and civil ize him. [Laughter and applause.] And I declare it with no inconsiderable pride that the riots of New York were Dublin riots, not; American riots. They were imported—most dangerous luxuries,, that don’t - pay tariff when they come in. [Laughter.] Who would suppose that that most monstrous of all poli tical inconsistencies, slavery, defended by the South and permitted by the North, even nourished and favored by the dominant politicians in whose hands the Government has been for so many years, would be held up for you to approve? The worst part of our slavery has been that it has been not merely the imbruiting of the Afrioan, andjßtill more his master, but it has been a club in the bands of European ty rants with which to break the necks oFtheirowa sub jects. But it is my business to say that slavery had entrenched itself behind the barriers of State sovereignty ; but I contend that it wao also control ling the policy of State government—that it was shaping the Government at home and* moulding the" Government abroad. From, the beginning, and now, however, I declare that if it were possible to put the question of Bln-very on its own merits, nine-tenths of the people North, of all parties and of all sects, would go against slavery in and of itself; that the peculiarity of the struggle of thirty years past was to get at slavery; it being the aim of political ma nagers to interpose party questions—the question of State rights, or the question of the love of Union and nationality—and thus to prevent the people from voting directly as to their liking or disliking of slavery in and of itself. I have said that although we have suffered great public corruption, the heart of the great people of this nation is against slavery to-day, as much against it as it was at the time the Declaration of Independence was read. The people have been wronged. Yet, when all abatement is made for social motives, the considerations .of political con nection with the South, and political and comme> cial selfishness, it oannot be denied that the North, by an immense majority, has refrained from med dling with the slavery question from patriotic mo tives, and I take the liberty to say that they were acting with a view to the public good. They had evinced more than, justice for the South. They had shown extreme desire not to wrong the South; a desire so extreme, that they had almost sacrificed their convictions of right and duty, rather than intrude upon the rights of the Southern States. Now, all. these restraints and barriers have been taken away, the great mass of the people stand fair and square, throughout the North and West, on unquestionably anti-slavery ground; Ido not say that we might not, if the ques tions were narrowed down, and questions of policy be propounded, be divided among ourselves; but I do say that the mass of the people in the North stand on anti-Blavery ground. [Applause.] We have been to school, and not a common school either. It was a very uncommon one. [Laughter.] We have learned a great many lessons. Let me tell you something we have learned. This Northern people have learned that slavery corrupts white men more than it corrupts black men. [Applause.] .They have learned that one slave is enough to con ♦taminate and corrupt a State. How many rats does it take to make a cistern stink? But one rat, and one slave is enough to corrupt a State. You can mark the lineß of this rebellion in either of two ways. Take a spelling book, go round the country and find in how many localities the people have learned to read and write, and you will obtain some idea of the strength of rebellion or loyalty; or take your charcoal and chalk, ana where you mark black there will be rebellion, and where you mark white there will be nationality. Now, we have found that out. We have found out more than that. We have found out that they have found it out. We now know that Andy Johnßon, ol Tennessee, and all who are with him, have come to a conclusion much more intense than ours, as the dangers under which they found it were more imminent and threat ening, that there is no such thing as Union and nationality where there iB slavery. They have come to Washington and laid at the Pre sident’s feet their petitions that there shall be no State brought back again except on the basis of a free Constitution. Everywhere throughout the States of Louisiana, Kentucky, and Tennessee, it is coming to be understood that slavery and rebel lion go together, for the nature of slave institutions is to educate men to believe that they cannot belong to the whole nation and stick to their own institu tions. There are many noble exceptions, but the great middle class are so controlled by slavery that it is impossible to make patriots out of them. That we have learned. We have learned it by fire and sword. Ob, wbat a terrible schoolmaster is war! You have learned, through blood that slavery is inconsistent with nationality and patriotism. - It has been told in New York, ever since I can remember, and ever since you oan remember (I do not knowhow it iB in Phila delphia), that the prosperity of the North depended upon the South. Every plough has been made to be lieve that it could not work in the furrow unless the South said “run.” Everyauvil has been told to ring out“ cotton, cotton, cottonthough the oxen and the anvil did not understand it, they embraced the doctrine. Every ship has bemi told that its mission to trade and make money defends on cotton. Every manufacturer has heard his loom saying to him “ cotton mill,” “ cotton mill.” Every banker in the North has been made to hear each dollar as it clicked over his counter, cry out“ cotton,” u cot ton,” “ cotton,” until at last the North has come to believe that it depended entirely for its prosperity upon the South, and would go to ruin if the South ever attempted to oarry into, execution these terri ble threats, which every once in the while, it made to our fears. And that 1b not all. The South become so con vinced of this herself that she declared that cotton was king, and that Europe herself was dependent upon the staple. And it was rapidly coming to pass that nothing on this earth had any vital power except those things that cotton said should live. And we were prepared for a new as tronomy, and expected ere long to see the sun. moon, and stars wheeling their circuits around the universal bale of cotton. [Laughter.] Now, with this unparalleled war on -our hands, rais ing and supporting a million men in the field and on the sea, building more than six hun dred ships such as no nation ever maintained or dreamed of maintaining, with an expenditure of money and an exhibition of national power greater than was ever exhibited in any European war, under the circumstances, with a'fiaance to be entirely crea ted in it e departmental relations, the North has done what? We have conquered secession. [Applause.] We are prosperous in almost every direction. I ask, do you sell as much as you used to ? I ask the. bookseller, are books too expensive for the people to purchase? “the common books don’t go, but ex pensive bookß do.” I ask the merchant, and he says that goods are not made fast enough. I ask the mechanic, “do you live as well "as formerly ?” “Never so well.” Wages are high, and work is plenty. Even the ground cries out, “ what ails the people, that they torment me so 1” Every Bhip says what is the matter with industry, that it perse cutes me with such pertinacity? The war has effectually cured us of one mistaken idea, that we were dependent for our prosperity upon the South. [Applause.] \pe have learned stiu more; that slavery deßtroys the market, for the money making manufacturer., It is against the interests of every merchant and every manufacturer in the land, with the exception of one here and there, to'have a slave population on this continent. A slave may well be compared to what ia called on steamboats and railroads a dead-head; and we have been carry ' ins four millions of dead-heads.in this great steam ship Republic. They don’t pay their passagej for the simple reason that they do not live high enough to buy anything that you manufacture. [Laughter and applause.] Free labor only develops customers, and the want of the world is not cotton, But cus tomers. The speaker then referred to a converse tion between’himself and an intelligent Frenchman, whom he-met at Liverpool. He was speaking of the condition of the French slave colonies, and said that the statistics proved that, during the five years succeeding emancipation in those colonies, the in : creaße of importation was 400 per cent, oyer the five 3 ears preceding emancipation—and this in the face of the fact that the first five years are the most try ing. We must give' emancipation an opportunity. We must remember that we change suddenly from an old to a new system. We must give it time. When we transplant trees we wait until the roots have grown before we inquire about their fruit ard growth. And so it is with emancipa tion. The roots have not struck. With the glori ous territory which comprise <1 the Southern States, bw dened with four million “ dead-heads,” their in dustry would receive a very seriouß check. If the slaves were freed, the world would rejoice not only for reasons for humanity and religion, but from less nobler motives of trade and profit. The people of the North have learned another les son m connection with the war. The Southern master bad contended that the slaves were satisfied with their condition, but the falsity of the assertion had been clearly proven. It had been very singularly stated also that the doctrines of anti-slavery men in the North would produce insurrection and murder, and the most horrible revolution throughout the South. They told us the slaves were so happy and contented that they could not be persuaded to run away ; if anything was said to them about run ning away, they would murder their masters, whom it was alleged they greatly loved. . [Cheers and de risive laughter.] It was charged by the london Times that we in the North were not sincere; that we did not aare about the liberty of the black man; vet when the emancipation proclamation wasissued, it was charged by thesame devil-poßßeagednewspaper that the United States Government was thereby guilty of inciting to murder, rapine, and insurrec tion. The proclamation had been issued and our armies had reclaimed two-thirds of all the territory originally held by the rebellion. To-day, three mil lions slave were legally freej.though but half a mil lion were in actual’ possession of that freedom. There was not, however, south of Mason and Dixon’s line, a single slave who did not know that the tendency of Northern success was to wards their liberation; there was not a slave who did not know that the proclamation had been issued, and not even a -good old plantation saint, who, when he went to bea, but did devoutly pray for old - masßA Lincoln. [Cheers.] The speaker referred to the comparatively temperate and. merciful manner- in which this war had been carried on as one indication of the humanity of the black man; for, had he had the disposition, he could have magnified the horrors of the present war beyond anvthing of which the world had ever heard. It had also been asserted that we could not make soldiers of black men, but the number of them and the character of their , services in the army and navy had vindicated him from this unjust asper sion. It was declared that emancipation would make the land flow with blood; we have learned not to believe this. But it was also said that the slaves were the most arrant cowards, good for no thing but to be whipped, and that you could not make soldiers of them. Now, there are more than 1,000 men in the navy who came there willingly; and, at a rope or gun, it makes no difference which, they are unsurpassed by many of our oldest sailors, [Ap plause.] In the army the negro proved his bravery at Port Hudson and Fort Wagner, and many other bloody fields. [Applause.] when the day comes for you to decide whether -the black man shall be "free or remanded into slavery, there will come kneel ing before you one hundred thousand men who will say, u We have poured out our blood for our liber ty and your liberty.” You have got to answer that prayer before God and the nations. [Applause.] in the meanwhile it does me good to Btand up in tnu place and bear my testimony as to the false witness of the South against the worth. It waa declared that the negroes would not work without a master. [Laughter.] I knew before that they would not work without a motive, and :without I knew they would work better than with one, [Cheers, and cries or “That’s so.”] We have seen by this war that the oolored man is not only indus trious. but. under the influence of proper motives, he oan not only earn money but »»ve ltjudloiou^y. We have brought before the Committee for the Re* Ucf of Freedmen. awembled yesterday at Washington. a few fae** eoing to show that the .blackman is not only Im‘’ u, “ r * t>Uß * but that be has also the power to save his j^oney—a habit which so commends itself to every m of the Anglo- Saxon stock. [Laughter.] Ana « thepower to earn money, or the money instinct, isvirtue, we may he sure the Africans are virtuous. But regard to the of the South that the bi.\°* i* lazy, I may say, “/ would be lazy, too, ii - 1 was not to have thebentfitof anything Learned.” [Applause.] If it were another man’s wife, and not I'uine, that is clothed by the sweat of my brow; if thefe was ao hope for me to rise, no honor, no manhood, nohom*, no children, nothing but black work, I fv’Jrald he lazy. [Laughter and great applause.] Nothing but lash! nor that should bring wor-fcout of my musoles. Give them motive, let them tiavs their own land, and their houses; their own and children; their own hope of making their con dition better, and no better work will be found the face of the earth than that performed by tfte hlAck man. [Cheers.] It ]s a pleasure for me to’ state these things. 1 feel that we owe a great debt to that people. They are as yet children, as it were, in our hands. This war has taugfit us many things, and although it has been a hard school* master, yet we have been taught lessons that I think we could not have learned in any other way. [Applause.] Bo not Jet us forget what we have learned. Another question submitted to me was this: “Can you harmonize your population With your political principles? For instance, it was said that youf doctrine of political equality in this country was all very well, but you could not carry it out amoDg the people ; th&t Buch were the-prqjU' dices among you that you could not make the black man participant inyourrights and privileges. Sfocy, the educated class would bring reason and moral sentiment to this question, but a great mob of peo ple would bring only their passions to its solution.’* My reply was this: What a great people can do on such a question, you must judge in part from what they have already done. The American people have received hundreds and thou* ssDds of foreigners amoDg them, very largely without education, ignorant of our laws aad customs —the very material for political corruption* thousands of them speaking a strange language* We have had sufficient faith in our own principle* to apply to this great mass the American doctrine; and what has been the result? Saving a few politic cal disturbances, the result has proven a blessing to us. Our foreign population has become an element of strength and of wealth. [Applause.] We felt thedangerß that threatened our institutions and our laws in ihe possibility of their being disturbed by ignorant foreigners. Nevertheless, it was felt to be more dangerous to have such a large number of men amoDg us without their feel *ing the responsibility of law-abiding citizens* We have now come to a point where ourfo reign population ii a benefit tb us. In com* mercial centres there are occasional disturbances, which bubble up above the.surface, but taking our agricultural and mechanical statistics generally, we owe much to our foreign population. We granted to them the privileges of citizenship when it was thought dangerous for us to do so, and we have stood by until now the experiment has justified. In this war they have Eroven patriotic. Now the Amerioan people can srmonize their policy with their principles. They have done it once, and can do it again. They mean to do it; and as soon as a just conception of what is due at, their hands is laid before our people they will give to the black population all the rights to which they are entitled, and they will say that every slave on this continent shall be emancipated* It iB not meant, however, that in being emanci pated our black population may be lawless and vagabond, but they shall be subject like all other classes to the laws of the land, and such other Bpeoial laws for their government as their peouliar condi tion may require fbr their protection and the pro tection of society about them. We do not propose to open the doors to slavery; to let the blacks rush forth promiscuously. We propose to make them sub ject to the power of the law; they shall stand neither equal to you nor me, but they shall stand just where their merits will allow them to stand. We need not receive the black man into our fami lies any more than we receive the Irishman. I will take either of them if. they behave themselves. I propose going on the broad, common-sense Ameri can doctrine, that a'man is what he can prove him self to be, and that when a man has proven himself to be worth something, you are bound to acknow ledge he is worth juet that. 1 [Applause.] If the black man, after having had the chance, does not educate bim&elf; if, after having had opportunities to employ himself, he is lazy, he must take the penalty. If, after having had a chance to es tablish himself among us with-the natural force to do it, he fails in the effort, he must take the penalty of that also. We do not propose te bolster him up* All we say is: “God made him; we will respect him.” We will shower the bless ings of education upon him; and then we say: “There 1b the land, there iB society; now show What .you can do.” That is all. That is all he asks. He does not want any odds cr favors. He says :“Take off the yoke; take off the Bhaokles; do not let education be contraband. 11 [Applause.] Is not that fair and right? I do not believe that amoDg the sober and just-minded people of tbis country, there can be any practical diffi culty about it whatever. I do not believe you are going to build many ships to carry this people off at a time when France is breaking het treaties for the sake of importing laborers into the West Indies; when England is doing very little better, and when you youraelveß need everything except principle to carry you through this contest, Ido not believe that, at such a time, you are going to appropriate - millions to carry your laborers our of the country. [Applause.] i have unbounded faith ! in the great American doctrines and ideas, t : know not what-God has in reserve for us in : the future, but I believe* that the essen tial principles of our Government "are based on the truths of Christianity, Coming home from Eng land, I did not fear, when upon the mighty deep the ship was tossed about, with no land in sight, and. nothing to steer by but .the little hand in the binna cle. But by means of that little hand the ship was steered through the huge waves by which it Beemed to be submerged. At iaßt it reached the land, with its living freight, in safety. And so with our Con stitution. [Applause.] Let the waves break around it; I am not airaid, so long as the man at the helm looks at the compass and Bteers by that. It may be a very rough voyage, and though we may be sea sick, we will be very healthy afterwards. [Laughter and applause.]' Now liberate the slaves, then treat the men you have emancipated just as you treat everybody else* [Cheers.] Give them .privileges, and let them be i-put upon their good conduct. [Applause ] But it is said we cannot give emancipation without vio lating State rights. I beg your pardon, it is juat the other way. The war power has given you authority to emancipate, andyouhavedoheit, [Loudcheers J The edict is pronounced, and the flat has gone forth* [Renewed cheers.] Now, I say, naving called that war power into requisition for the purpose of sub duing rebellion, you have no right to lay it down until you have made it certain that there can be no more wars springing up on tbpt subject. [Loud and long-continued cheering.] If you have used the war power to determine this ques tion you have no right to undetermine it. If you furl your, banner and leave this question un solved, you betray your country, and leave the hand writing still upon the wall. [Applause.] If the safety of the nation required you to take up that war power, then the safety of the nation requires that you should not lay it down, until that safety is established peradventure, [Cheers ] I am one who believes in -an overruling Providence* The God that brought our fathers here is yet our Gcd. Although we have offended Him, He has not forsaken us, but hears our cry, and is bringing his children hack again to the fold of bur fathers whom He. placed in the wilderness* Now, X believe we are destined, after all our trials and experiments, to ring in again the second dawn of liberty on this continent. If, my friends, bv this war we work out emancipation and universal liberty for succeeding generations, men will look back to it as the farmer looks at the thunder-storm that, rolling heavily over the sky, for the moment is terrible, but, when it is gone, leaves the earth in peace and gladness. I have the right to bring before you the blood Of every man who,has fallen in this war. and to plead for the sake of that blood that it be not spilt in vain. I would like to bring before you every family that has lost some cherished one in this strife, and have them say to you: “Let us not have given our fa thers, and brothers, and sons for nothing. Console us in our bereavement by assuring us that our rela tives have sot died uselessly.” I plead for the sake of your own selves—for the sake of generations yet to come—and, turning to the nations of Europe, I Elead for every poor and oppressed people that may e seeking to be free. I plead that you do this na tional work—that you follow it up, and harmonize American,principles with American policy. And. let this nation, at last enfranchised, disen thralled, exorcised, I may say, stand up and say to the ’nations that the earth shall be governed by liberty and popular equality— that we shall be free in the liberty which Christ gives, and be powerful over men and devils. [Cheers.] This is.our work. My friends, let the cry of fire begin to sound along the street, and there area thouEand men in Philadelphia who, at that cry* will rush to the burning house, and while the flames are sweeping up, they set to work their mighty engines to subdue the fire. But suppose they subdue it on the roof and leave it still smouldering 7 in the partitions, and walls, and rafters? And sup pose some moderate man should say, “JTou have done enough, let it be* 31 and thus succeed in drawing them away ? But, my friends, the flame is just put ou t-_the fire is smouldering still. It is iu the chim ney, under the floor, creeping between the ceiling and the roof. It will not be another hour before ano ther fire will break out, and the next 'houße will be devoured, andthe next house to that will be consumed. Cursed be that company who leave the fire before they put it out. We have put out the must put out the fire. [Laugh ter and cheers.] If fire, let alone, puts out fire, then slavery, let alone, will put out slavery. Cursed be those who, at the fire, would stop in their work as long as there is a spark left. When you put outthe flame, extinguish the brand. When you extinguish the brand, smother the coals. When you smother the coals, wet the embers. Then cover it up deep with water. Don’t touch It. [Applause.] But Blavery is bo insidious, and so full of the devil, it is unsafe to let it alone. Take it as the boy took the snake—first smash its head, then its tail, then cut it in two in the middle. [Cheers.] The old serpent Vmust&e braised at both ends, then cut in two in _lhe middle, and then it is worth while to watch it. [Great applause.] I thank y oufor the reception you give me to night, I shall send word back to Richard Cobden £ap plauße] and his friends in England, who said to me that I represented not the North, but only a section of the North—a rapidly increasing section, he ad mitted, but still only a section —I shall; write back to him and say: “You were right a year ago, but you have not read the nor kept up with the progress of American sentiment,” When F spoke in England I represented not a section, but an immense majority of the American people, who are determined bo to establish liberty in this nation that it shall ever be a light and a guide to the im mense majority of the civilized world* At the conclusion of Mr. Beecher’s lecture, after the applause had subsided, Mr. Binney, on behalf of the Sanitary Commission, offered a resolution of thanks for ills eloquent address, after which the multitude dispersed* Opening of the Through Railroad between New York and Washington—The Ex cursionists at the Capital* [SpecialDespatch to The Frees.] Washington, Dec. 3. The excursion party, from New York to Washing ton, arrived here this evening at twenty minutes past six o’clock. The most princely arrangement had been made by the gentlemen having the affair in charge. The excursionists, upon the arrival of the train, were taken in carriages to Willard’s Hotel, where a splendid banquet was prepared for them. The happy company sat down to a well-filled and handsomely-decorated table after seven. The ban queting room was brilliantly illuminated from the five large chandeliers pending from the ceiling. Candelabra, with red, white, and blue lights, interspersed with ornamental bouquets of natural flowers, were arranged along the table* Ridhard Wallaeh, Mayor of Washington, presided. W. Prescott Smith, master of transportation of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, had a position af the other end of the table. Among the distinguished gentlemen present were H. C. Kennedy, Superin tendent of Census; Hon. Mr. Hubbard, of Con necticut; Colonel D. C. McCallum, superintendent of United States military railroads, and quite & number of members of Congress. The press waa largely represented from moat of the principal citie&of the North—Boßton, New York, Pittsburg, Cincin nati, Trenton, Baltimore, Wilmington, and other places. The cloth having been removed, Mayor Wallaeh delivered a short-address, in which he con gratulated the company on the establishment of a through line from New York to the capital city of the nation. He concluded his remarks by intro ducing W. Prescott Smith, who delivered an off hand °and appropriate speech, in which he alluded to the great national route, in the establishment.of which an amount of money has been expended that ought to command respect. He felt a patriotic pride in the progress of this great work, and hgg would say, that had it not been for this cruel vM which caused a scarcity in laborers, a double wouldhave been laid before this. And even thoujM we have had a war, there would have been adoublS track road between Baltimore and Washington eighteen months since, but for the raids of Stone-1 wall Jackson. -Yet the good work progressesandl in a very short time there will be no oocasion tol change a car or seat between Washington and New ] York. This he considered a source for national] congratulation. Washington will remain the cap!-’ tal of this country, still to be greater yet. War or no war, Washington will always be the capital. [Great applause.] It is destined to become a far greater city than ever. Mr. Smith concluded has "remai ka by.offering a sentiment on the prospective growth of Washington city. This brought Mayor wallaeh to his leet, and he delivered a speech that was frequently applauded.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers