%\t |Press*
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1868.
Mr. Toombs’ Tate Speech.
It is not needed that loyal men should
employ argument to show the desperate con
dition of the rebellion, pointing to the tri
umphant position of our armies, and, in con
trast, referring to the prosperity and in
creasing power of the loyal States. The '
■confession of prominent Southern men makes
-such an argument superfluous; not only the
■confession of loyal refugees, and men who
have become disgusted with the tyranny
and injustice of the Richmond authorities,
but flhal of leading rebels—men who still
■cling to the cause of treason, while
they admit facts which prove it to be
■hopeless. The speech which Robert
'Toomb's delivered, before the Legislature
■of Georgia, on the Oth of November, is a
singular recital of misfortune and misery.
ThoiigEhe spoke before Grant had achieved
his grand victory at Chattanooga, he ad
mitted the ruinous condition of the military
power of the rebellion. ‘ 1 Tennessee is over
run,” he said, “ and the Mississippi, from
the Falls of St. Anthony to the Belize, is in
the hands of the enemy, and thus cutting in
twain the great valley of the Mississippi.
The fall of Vicksburg inflicted this terrible
blow upon us, and it fell with scarce a blow
in its defence. A portion of Virginia lias
also been lost to us, our islands are lost,
our coasts are „ ravaged, and our sea
ports captured or threatened. The enemy
besiege Charleston, and recently have set
their vandal feet upon the soil of our own
State.” “Our finances,” he continued,
“havefallen into disorder; public credit has
' sunk so low that the Government avows itself
practically unable to support it, with our
military establishment, without a resort to
methods of collecting supplies inconsistent
with the fundamental law of the land, the
inalienable rights of a free people, and, in
my judgment, inconsistent with the public
safety and dangerous to our cause. Dis
content is taking the place of enthusiasm,
and distrust is supplanting confidence.”
He pictures the monstrous injustice of the
rebel system of taxation, calling it robbery,
and declaring that the armies of the South
are dependent for support on impressment,
and have often been on half-rations. In
deed, no Northern man could more forcibly
describe the tyranny of the rebel Govern
ment, and the miseries of the Southern peo
ple, than he has done in this remarkable
speech.
' Yet Mr. Toombs has the audacity to urge
patience, to advise continued resistance to
the Union, to counsel stubborn perseve
rance 1 in treason, and prefers that the South
shall be irretrievably ruined by rebel
lion rather than permanently saved by alle
giance. What motive has he that the peo
ple share ? What advantage does he offer
them as a reward for obstinacy? None.
His reasons for counselling useless resist
ance are those of the few men who began
the war, who know that with the triumph
of the Union their own fortunes are ruined.
The advantages of the war are limited en
tirely to a' small number of able, unscrupu
lous men who are in power; the people
gain nothing and lose everything by
its continuance. Mr. Toombs wants to
see the whole South turned into a cemetery
before the rebellion shall be abandoned.
What selfishness is this, which asks a peo
ple which has already proved its bravery in
a bad cause, to give up everything That a
few men may reap a doubtful benefit from
the sacrifice! To counsel such as this the
Southern people make no enthusiastic re
sponse. They are beginning: to feel JJiat
the actual tyranny of the rebellion is far
worse than the alleged tyranny of their
Government. Day after day, battle after
battle, outrage upon outrage, convince them
that; the authority of the Republic cannot
be withstood, and the confession of Mr.
Toombs can only add to their discontent,
and make them more willing to welcome
national victory as their own rescue and
salvation.
The Confederate War-Rams.
The latest news about the Confederate
steam-rams, detained at Liverpool by order
of the British Government, on the ground
that to allow them to pass over to the
- rebels would be too notorious a violation of
international law and Queen ViCTOKiA’sneu
trality proclamation, was that an Admiralty
officer had valued them at a certain amount,
that the Government had offered to purchase
them from the builders at this amount, and
that Messrs. Laird had contemptuously de
clined parting with themf except to the
parties for whom they were built, no matter
how high the price that might be offered. We
should be sorry to learn that this on till is
true. That the British Government, in
stead of meeting the question, boldly and
broadly, upon the law, should endeavor to
shift it off, by purchasing the seized war
rams, indicates combined feebleness and
fear, and seems to imply that there existed
a doubt, at headquarters, of the legality of
the seizure of these vessels of war. Such
apprehension and doubt wholly un
founded, as we here shall show.
The main provision of the Foreign Enlist
ment Act is contained in the following
clause :
“ Whereas the fitting out and equipping and arm
ing of vessels by Hia Majesty's subjects, without
Bis Majesty's license, for warlike operations in or
against the dominions, or against the ship's goods
or merchandise or any' foreign State or their sub-
Rots, may be prejudicial to or tend to endanger the
peace and weirate of this kingdom the it enacted
that if any person within any part of His Majesty’s
dominions shall attempt, endeavor, or procure to be
equipped, furnished, fitted out, or armed, or shall
knowingly aid, assist, or be concerned in the equip
ping, furnishing, fitting out, or arming of any ship or
vessel, with the intent, or in order that such ship or ves
sel shall be employed inthe service of any foreign Slate,
or of any persons exercising, or assuming to exercise,
any powers of government in or over any foreign
State or people, as atiansport orstore-Bhip, or with
intent.to oruise end commit hostilities against-any
foreign State with whom His Majesty shall not
then be at war, any such person so offending shall
. fee deemed guilty ot a misdemeanor."
Under tills clause, the Alabama, Florida,
Georgia, and other piratical vessels built
arid equipped in England for the Confede
rates might have been seized, as the Alex
andra finally was, and as the war-rams
were. Laird himself, the parliamentary
aw-malier who exults in violating the law,
must confess that he has built, equipped,
fitted out, and armed vessels of war to be
employed in the service of “ persons exer
cising or assuming to exercise powers of
government in or over” the revolted South
ern States, “ with intent to cruise and com
mit hostilities” against the United States,
The case of the war-rams is clearly stated
in a Blue Book, issued from the British
Foreign office last session, containing an
intercepted correspondence which was com.
miraicated by Mr. Adams to the English
Government, and by command of the
Queen presented to Parliament. We shall
select a few passages from the intercepted
letters. f
; In October, 1802, in a letter dated from
“ Navy Department, Richmond,” signed
“ S. B. Mallory, Secretary of the Navy,”
and addressed to Mr. Mason, mock-ambas
sador, in London, reference is made to an
enterprise which a certain Lieutenant Sin
clair had been selected to conduct, and it
ils there said: “ The completion of the con
.trad of this gentleman will place a peculiar
.class of ships, never, before conslrticled, upon
the sta in ovr service." Laird’s war-rams
are the “ peculiar” vessels never before
constructed/
Another letter, addressed to Mallory,
eulogizes the “ smartness ” of Commodore
.Forrest as well as of Lieut. Sinclair, and
says “I am satisfied that with the profes
sional knowledge of these gentlemen we
■ cannot fail to subserve our interests and
render high and important service to our
■cause, both in superintending and construct
ing the vessels built up to cut the enemy’s
commerce.” A further coifimunication, by
-the same writer, adds, “ G aureate & Co.,
■bf Scotland, and W. S. Lindsay & Co., of'
-London, are the houses with whom I had
the negotiations about the steamers. I re :
quest Captain Sinclair, of the Confederate
jtayy, to make all preliminary arrangement
for the contract by my return. See him
first; be will meet you in London, George
TnostrsojN &■ Co., Glasgow, will make pro
posals for the construction of., at least one
steamer. They have the drawing and esti
mates complete. Lindsay & Co. will ne
gotiate the naval store bonds.” Jt is worthy
of notice that W. S. Lindsay, a member of
Parliament, solemnly declared in the House
of Commons that he never had any thing to
do with the business of the Confederates!
Late m October, 1868, the rebel Congress
passed a joint secret resolution, the sub
stance of which, as communicated by letter
from Mallory to one Memminger, Secre
tary of the rebel Treasury, is that “ under
this authority contracts have been made
with Mr. George N. Sanders by this de
partment for six ships, to be paid for in cot
ton.” Now, it has long beennotorious that
Messrs. Laird had contracted to supply the
Confederates with sir. war-rams, “of a pe
culiar construction,” although, from a doubt
as to getting payment, they completed only
the two that have been seized, and remain in
’ the Mersey now, with the Queen’s “ broad
arrow ” upon them.
In reply to this letter from Mallory,
there was a communication’ from Mem
minger, approving of the shipbuilding con
tracts, and an immediate response from
Mallory, dated October 80, 18G2, com
mencing thus: “Mr. Sanders has, as you
are aware, contracted with this Depart
ment for the construction, in England, of
six iron-clad steamers, combining the ca
pacities of the freighting and the fighting
ships, in a manner which will enable them
to force the blockade of our ports. - The in
terests of the country will be much bene
fited by the prompt construction of these
vessels; and I beg leave to invoke your in
terest, not only in behalf of our enterprises
already in progress, but in behalf of this
also.” The authenticity of these inter
cepted letters has never been denied by
Mallory, Memminger, or any one else.
This correspondence supplies proof that,
on the authority of the rebel Congress, a
special mission was established, and a
special fund provided for the express and
sole purpose of “ fitting out, equipping,
and aTming vessels,” in England, without
Queen Victoria's license, “for warlike
operations against the dominions, ships and
goods of a foreign State.” Two agents—
Lieutenant Sinclair and the notorious
George N. Sanders— found their way to
England to carry out this schem.e. ’ If the
object which the rebel-Govermnent thus at
tempted to accomplish was not precisely
that which the Foreign Enlistment Act of
England was expressly passed to prohibit,
then the evidence of fact must cease to be
regarded.
There is but one question on this matter:
Were the vessels built at Liverpool, by
special contract, destined for the Confede
rate Government? If they were, which
no one Can doubt, it is certain that they are
“ equipped, furnished, and armed,” in de
fiance to the British statute. The very na
ture of these vessels “of a peculiar con
struction” carries with it evidence of their
destined purpose. The prows of the ships
themselves are more than equivalent for
belligerent purposes to a tier of guns. They
want nothing but the steam up, without a
single cqnnon or a pound of gunpowder on
board, to convert them instantly into the
most perfect and formidable instruments of
war. If they Were not intended for the
Confederate Government, for whom were
they intended? The entering them on
Laird’s books as ordered by “the Emperor
of China” is a silly attempt at evasion, and
so are the latter pretexts that the Pacha of
Egypt and the Sultan of Turkey were to
buy them. They were built for the Confe
derates, and for none else.
That the British Government, by any
action, should seem to indicate a doubt of
the full legality of the seizure of these war
rams is much to be lamented—especially as
there must now be no suspicion on the Ame
rican mind that British policy is inclined to
become relaxed in the legal position it has
at last taken,' in the Civil War which rages
here. The law of England, as bearing're
ference to this particular case, is explicit
and decisive, and the British Government
must enforce thaf law, forever lose caste
among the nations.
The Opinion of Mr. Justice Read.
The opinion of Mr. Justice Kkad,~ as it
comes to us from_the record of the courts,
and which we hasten to lay before our read
ers, is one of the finest papers that ever came
from a jurist and a scholar. We print this
document in the interest of the great profes
sion to which Mr. Justice Read belongs,
and of which he is now such a distinguished
member. It is a vindication of the laws of
the great State of Pennsylvania. The
reader will find in no word any sentiment
but that of a law-expounder expounding the
law. It is calm, temperate, and just. Judge
Read reasons from the Jaws of the State of
Pennsylvania to show that it was never in
tended to make them antagonistic to . the
laws of the country. He shows by close
reasoning that there is nothing in the con
stitutional polity of pur State to array it
against the nation in a time of national
emergency. This argument he strengthens
by a historical summary that cannot fail to
impress the judgment of those who will not
read the opinion of Mr. Justice Read for its
legal interest, but as an argument in behalf
of the loyalty of our people to the General
Government. We ask for it the earnest at
tention of the reader.
The Anti-Slavery Society.
The anti-slavery meeting yesterday looked
to the past, rather than the future, and con
sidered not so much the work which re
mained to do, but that which has already
been done. And truly, the Abolitionists
may fight their long battle of thirty years
over again with pride; they may rejoice in
their victory, remembering, too, ,with mo
desty, that it was not won by their efforts
alone, but with the very valuable assistance
of slavery itself.
Yet, though it is true that because of the
persistent efforts of the Abolitionists, and
the slaveholder’s rebellion, the North is now
so thoroughly abolitionized that the pro
slavery party is in a contemptible minority,
the victory is not complete, even in the
loyal States. Justice has been done to
slavery, but not to the class which slavery
; oppresses. The colored man of the North
has still rights which are to be recognized,
and the men who in 1883 declared the
wrongs of slavery, must now, in 1863, be
gin a new crusade for the rights of Freedom.
Mr. Beecher’s noble address at the
Academy of Music last night was a mas
terly exposition of the justice of our cause,
and an eloquent illustration of its pro
gress. The reception of Mr. Beecher by
the citizens of Philadelphia was a grand
compliment to his services to Freedom
and Union, during his triumphal tour in
England. It is rarely that such a man
meets such an audience, and the presence
of his Excellency tire Governor shows
the esteem, in which Pennsylvania holds
the eloquence and loyalty of the orator.
Mr. Gunther, the Mayor elect oi New
York, is at once claimed by the extreme
peace party, and by that peculiar class of
war Democrats who grant that the war is
just, but oppose all the measures for its
prosecution. Mr. Gunther’s actions will,
no doubt in time, demonstrate his prin
ciples ; in the meanwhile, we trust that he
will study the temper of the people. He is
a young man, unentangled by a past record,
and can make his future honorable or in
glorious, as he pleases.
General Forey and General Scott.
The statement that General Fokey, or the French
Minister, was furnished by the State Department
with General SeoTT’s military maps of Mexico, or
other information, preparatory to the Fronch inva
sion of that country, is erroneous. Neither General
Fokey nor the Frenoh Minister, nor any other per
son, was ever furnished, or, as far as is known, ever
ashed for any such information.
The address of Mr. D. McOoaaughy, of Gettys
burg, upon the incidents of the great battle of .July,
will be repeated to-night at the Musical Fund Hall,
before the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. Mr.
McConaughy’s narrative is charmingly written and
very interesting. Free admission will be given to
those applying to Mr. John A. McAllister, 728 Chest
nut street.
Sale oe Carpbtikos, Staiii Hons, Ac.—The
attention of purchasers is requested to the assort'
ment of ingrain, Venetian, list, rag, and hemp
carpets, stair rods, See., to be peremptorily sold, by
catalogue, on four months’ credit, commencing this
morning, at 10K o’clock precisely, by John B. Myers
R Go., Nos. 232 and 234 Market street.
Markets by Telegraph.
Baltimore, Dee.-3.—Flour steady. Wheatqulet.
Corn generally closed with an advancing tendency;
new white and yellow sold at $1.06@1.03, Whisky
closed Bdm f\nd buoyant, at 830 fot city.
LETTER FROM “OCCASIOKiL.”
Washtnoton, December 3, 1863,
. The most decided anti-slavery men now in
Washington are to be found among the
newly-elected Representatives from the Bor
der States—from Maryland, West Virginia,
Kentucky, an<l Missouri. Several of them
are, or have been, slaveholders; but, con
vinced that the rebellion which is now as
sailing their Government was commenced
without cause and is waged without mercy,
in utter, defiance of the obligations imposed,,
as well'by the Constitution as resulting from
the fact that the slaveholding sections have
been the spoiled children of the nation, they
have ranged themselves on the side of the
progressive element, and now insist that
the strongest and most persevering mea
sures should be adopted against all
rebels who continue' in arms, and par
; ticularly against the institution of slavery
itself. It is most interesting to hear one of
these geiitlemen speak, and to see the indig
nation he exhibits against those who have
plunged our happy, country into this ter
rible civil war. Not William Lloyd Gar
rison, who'spoke to your people on Wed
nesday evening, could be more thorough
and extreme. In one of the great speeches
of Secretary Chase, before the election in
Ohio, referring to such men as McClung
and Hood of Missouri, Anderson and Clay
Smith of Kentucky, Winter Davis and
Cresswell of Maryland, and, speaking of
the manner in which they resisted the ag
gressions and denounced the ingratitude of
the authors of this war, he asks whether
there could be any settlement of this im
portant question that would leave these men
at the mercy of their former oppressors and
the of the Republic ? I believe
that when the adjustment of our difficulties
is consummated," it will be consummated
upon such a basis as the ultra anii
slavery men of the South shall. suggest;
and I believe, also, .that they never will
recommend or agree to any plan which
does not make it a condition precedent
that the beginners of this '•'■foul rout"
shall be forever banißhed or disfranchised,
and that slavery in the rebel States shall
either be declared to be dead, or shall be
abolished by the votes and voices of the
“loyal” people of all colors and conditions
in those States. What a fate would be that,
for instance, of Col. J. A. Hamilton, and
his fellow-patriots in Texas, if Texas was
restored to the Union with all its former
rights, and the murderers of our country’s
liberties were permitted to wreak their
vengeance upon the bold and self-sacrificing
spirits, who, in the midst of war, of
bipod, and of threats, refuse to yield
to the tyrants that carried that great
State out of the Union—a State sealed
to that Union by the blood of the whole
people, and purchased by the money-of the
Federal Government ? And so, too, of
Tennessee. What would become of An
drew Johnson, William G. Brownlow, and
the rest, in the event of a patched-up com
promise, such as is now spoken of in cer
tain quarters ? It is said that “ God’s mills
grind slowly,” but in this great war there
has been a providential rapidity in the march
of events as marvellous as it is unparalleled,
j When wc look back from our present stand
■! point we can see how we have
.; gained in two short years. There are
Abolitionists . io-ctay who , in 1861, were
denouncing - the Abolitionists as- even worse
than Secessionists. In fact, the anti-slavery
pioneers may well retire and fold their arms,
! and, at least for a time, allow this great
cause to be managed by the new converts—
not to speak it disrespectfully—who, having
discovered the truth, and having found the
key that is to solve this mystery, rush to the
forefront and demand that they shall bear
a portion of the great responsibilities of the
crisis.
While, therefore, those who have seen
slavery face to face, and who have enjoyed
its peculiar advantages, now realize that it
is the great, enemy of the Republic, who take
up arms against it, and insist that it shall
die, what man in,the free States will raise
his voice against them ? Who will insist that
slavery shall he saved, when to save it is only
to save the rebels in aims? Maryland, at
this writing, is practically a free State. The
bitterest enemies of Mr. Lincoln’s emanci
pation proclamation are now discussing
among themselves how they shall get rid of
slavery, and the opposition of the traitors is
hushed in the presence of a unanimity as
signal as it is significant. In another, year
the anti-slavery party of the South will be
the controlling party of the South, and men
who have distressed themselves in regard
tor this vexatious controversy, will be sur-'
prised to find that those most earnest in op
position to slavery, and most resolute in de
manding its extinction, are men who aTe,
or have been, slaveholders.
WASHINGTON.
Special Despatches to The Press.
Washington, D. C., Deo 3.
General Meade’s-Retrograde Movement.
The despatches from'the Army of thePotomac
yesterday to the Associated Fiess failed, owing to
uncontrollable circumstances on the way, to reach
Washington until to-day, and a similar misfortune
attended the telegram from Rappahannock Station.
It appears from these despatches that it was evi
dently intended to attack the enemy’s extended
works. On Monday morning, between eight and
nine” o’clock, a cannonade was opened from our bat
teries, and the right wing of skirmishers were ad
vanced to Mine Run. It was found by them that
the enemy had built a succession of dams, which
raised the stream to the depth of from four to five,
feet; with swampy margins on our extreme right.
The enemy had also formed an abattis, several hun
dred yards in width, in' front of their works, and di
rectly under their guns.
On the left General Warren moved forward his
line, and discovered the enemy in such numbers, and
so strongly entrenched, as to make it more than
hazardous to attack them in front. He, however,
drove them back from their advanced post behind'
their works, and awaited further instructions.
These and, perhaps, other considerations Induced a
postponement of the premeditated attack. It is un
derstood that General Meade visited the entire line,
carefully noting the enemy’s Btrong positions, for
midable batteries and earthworks, and, alter con
sulting with his ofllcers, deemed it advisable to
withdraw to the north side of the Rapidan. Orders
were accordingly issued to that effect. General
Meade abandoned the campaign when it became
evident that the enemy had anticipated his advance,
and rendered our approaoh to Goidonsville and
Orange Court House an Impossibility.
The President’s Message and Department
Reports.
As the report of the Secretary of the Treasury is
much longer than heretofore, arrangements will be
made to send copies to some of the principal cities
in advance of its transmission to Oongresß, and se
with the other reports of the heads of Departments,
but it is not certain with regard to that of the Secre
tary of War. The manuioript of all the documents
is, for the most part, in the hands of the public
printer.
The estimates of the Secretary of the Treasury,
will, as usual, be laid before Congress on the day of
meeting/but the financial report will not be pre>
rented till several days thereafter.
The President’s, message has.not yet been com
pleted, owing to his sickness. It may almost cer
tainly be’stated that this document will first find its ’
way to the country over the telegraph wires, as bn
previous occasions,
For several days past the Secretary of theTrea.
sury has been devoting himself exclusively to the
preparation of hiß financial report, which is not yet
finished. In the meantime the Assistant Secretary
of the Treasury, Mr. Fibld, has been closely occu
pied in the transaction and direction of ail other
business of the office. Mere visits of ceremony
have, therefore, to be considered at present as mat
ters comparatively trivial, and give place to those
of pressing public impertance.
Important Decision on the Bounties Due
Unlisted Men.
The Secretary of War has given a deoision to Hon.
E. B. Fremch, seoond auditor of the Treasury of
the United States, in cases recently submitted by
Messrs. .Tosevh E. Devitt Si 00., of Philadelphia:
“That the nine-months volunteers of the saveral
States, were called out under the first section of the
act of July 17,. 1862, and that no troops were balled
for or accepted under the third section of the act
referred to ; therefore, these troops are not entitled
to the sum of $25, bounty and the $2 premium.”
The amount Involved in this question is several
millions of dollars, and, as the various paymasters
throughout the country have paid many of the re
giments irom Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Rhode
'lsland, and other States, they are peculiarly inte
rested. The several State military departments are
also involved, as well as"sonic thirty thousand troops
who have served for nine months.
The Second Auditor has also decided that. 11 The
twenty-five dollars advance bounty should be paid
by the mustering officer to a recruit when mustered,
as we las the premium. Satisfactory proof, there
foore, must be furnished that the soldier was not
paid thiß bounty, or the settlement oannot receive
the confirmation of the Second,Controller.” It is
probable that, at an early day In the approaching
session, Congress will take action on the whole sub
ject of bounties.
Invalid Pensions,
The number of Invalid pensions granted by the
Pension office during the month of November, just
closed, was 2jO9S, and the number or pent ions to
willows, mothers, and orphans, allowed during the
THE PRESS.—PHILADELPHIA’, FRIDAY, DECEMBER 4,1883.
tame month,wu 2,005, making a total of 4,OCT. The
number of invalid oaaea admitted cxoeeda the num
ber of uew oaaea filed for the month, bv 1,062,
Diplomatic SalariesT •
The.atatement that the State Department.haa pro
poaed in ita eatimatea an inoreaae In the aalarlea of
mlniatera and consult la erroneout. Those salaries
aro fixed by law, and the estimates of the Depart
ment are made on the basis of the existing laws.
DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI.
Bragg Said to be Reinforced by
Johnston.
DEPORTS OF A REBEL RAID.
Pesfiatcli from Gron,
GEEISr. SHERMAN UNTE-A-T*,
icisrox;vxx.x.E.v
A Rebel Attack Totally Defeated by
BURNSIDE OFFERS A TRUCE ,T 0
LONGSTREET.
DEATH OF BRECKINRIDGE.
'IMPORTANT NEWS FROM KNOXVILLE.
Cincinnati, Dec. 3.—A Chattanooga deapatch,
dated yesterday, says that reports of army move
ments are at present oontraband. .
The hospitals ate full of wounded from both
armies.
Refugees and deserters report that Bragg has been
reinforced Dear Dalton, by Joe Johnston,
There Is nothing later from Knoxville,
A despatch from General Foster’s ehier of staff,
dated Cumberland Gap, on the Ist, says nothing of
the reported capture of 5,000 prisoners at Knoxville.
Chattanooga, Dec. 2,—A despatch to the BuUetin
says : The movements of this army now going on
cannot be reported.
There are Questionable reports of a rebel raid
aoroes the Ohickamauga river at Bed House ford,
and that the families took refuge in the town.
Rumors continue to thicken of rebel doings in the
border counties of Tennessee. Reports say that
Faulkner and his men are not only conscripting all
the men, but taking all the horses, mules, cattle, and
hogs, without regard to the political sentiments of
their owners.
GEN. FOSTER REINFORCED—THE RETREAT
Washington, Dec. 3.—The military authorities
received a despatch this morning fronfeßeneral Fos
ter, who was joined at Cumberland Gap by the
forces previously sent thither from Burnside’s army
to guard that important point. The few troops un
der the former may be able to inflict some damage
on the rear of Dongstreet, who is retreating into
Virginia. General Sherman was expected to reach
the neighborhood of Knoxville to-day.
Nbw Yoke, Deo. 3.—A speoial despatch to the
Tribune contains the following highly important in
telligence:
Knoxville, Nov. 30.—During Saturday night
(Nov. 28th), the enemy made a general attack in
force on a large portion of our skirmishing line, and,
at about midnight, succeeded in driving in our pick
ets. This was intended as'a feint to conceal the real
point contemplated for assault, and oonfuse our
army.
Cannonading and skirmishing continued during
the entire night.
Earl; in the morning the enemy charged in strong
force upon Gen. Ferrior’s position, at Fort Saun.
ders. They were met midway by a murderous dis
charge of grape and canister, and a steady fire
from the rifle-pits, under which they faltered, and
finally fell back in broken fragments, leaving two
colonels, several captains, and, in all, over a hun
dred dead on the field.
A considerable force reached the port of the para
pets, where the wounded and dead were piled in an
undistinguishable mass. ..We captured 231 prison
eis, and the loss of the enemy in the assault was not
far from 700, while that on our side was less than
twenty, five.
Gen. Burnside humanely offered a truce to Gen,
Longatreet until 6 o’clock this afternoon, to afford
him an opportunity for the removal of his wounded
and the burial of the dead. The truce was accepted,
and the time subsequently extended for two hours.
The rebel wounded are being brought into our
hospitals, or conveyed in our ambulances to the
enemy’s line. -
Three stand of colors were captured from the
rebels.
On this (Monday) morning the weather is dear
withfrost. Ail is quiet around our lines.
, Chattanooga, Deo. B.—lt is reported by de
serters,-as well as by citizens ardving-here, that
Gen. John C.‘Breckinridge has died oTthewounds
he received at the fight at Ringgold. A son of
Breckinridge and one of his cousins are among the
prisoners captured in the recent engagement.
Louisville, Dec, 3—Midnight.r-A special de
spatch to the Journal of this city says that Gen. Wil
cox has telegraphed from Gen. Burnside's headquar
ters at Knoxville, on the 30th ult.,' “that at II
o’clock on the evening of the 28lh' the rebels at
tempted to surprise his force and succeeded in
driving our skirmishing line to the right wing,
which was posted on the Kingston road, and forced
it back to Fort Saunders.
“We afterwards regained our position, and had
sharp skirmishing with the enemy all night.
“On Monday morning, at 7 o’clock, the rebels
moved a foroe of three brigades against Fort Saun
ders, a portion of whioh, notwithstanding our heavy
fire, gained the ditch, but could not ascend the
parapet/.
“We took three hundred prisoners and three
stand of colors. The rebel loss in killed and wounded
was over three hundred, while our loss was abou*
twenty.
“Longstreet then accepted General Burnside’s
ofTer for a cessation of hostilities to enable the
rebels to attend to their wounded.
“The wounded soldiers were exchanged for'loyal
soldiers wounded in previous engagements, and the
rebel dead sent through our lines.
“Col. Buss, commanding the assaulting party,
Col, MoElroy, and Lieut. 001, THSmaß,of the ene
my, were killed. -
“ An assault was simultaneously made on the right
of our line, but the rebels were driven back. Our
loss on that hide was about forty, while the enemy’s
lose was much greater.
“Our supplies are ample for the present.
“ The rebels have been reinforced by one or two
regiments of Bushrod Johnson’s division.”
GUERILLA ATTACK ON A STEAMER.
Occasional.
Cincinnati, Dec. 3.—A Memphis despatch of the
30tli ult. says that the steamer Black Hawk was
fired into by guerillas near the mouth of the Bed
river, aDd several persons wounded. The boat put
back”to New Orleans.
General Sturgis has been ordered to Knoxville,
to take command of the cavalry of the Army of
Tennessee.
ARKANSAS.
Threatened Rebel Advance on Fort Smith;
Fobt Smith, Deo. 2.—General McNeil has relia
ble Information that the enemy ‘arc stretched along
the Little Missouri river. The right, under.Prlce,
is near Washington; the centre, under Marmaduke,
in the vioinity of Murfreesboro, and the left/under
Cabell, at Caddo Gap. It is thought that they are
preparing to attack cither Fort Smith or Little
Bock, . • i
Cooper is in the Bed-river valley, and Stewart in
the Creek Nation. 'Their total force is estimated
at 22,000, but this is no doubt exaggerated. General
Blunt has arrived here.
Cincinnati, Dec. 3,—A despatch to the
says: The Kentucky Legislature will
day next. It 1b believed that llev..Dr. Breckinridge
will be elected to succeed Lazarus W. Fowelf-ia.tfie
United States Senate. , :« v
Six deserters from New Hampshire
tucky regiments have been sentenced to be shot by
oourt-maitial. Gen. Burnside has approved’ the
findings and sentences. . - . ■
Several hundred East Tennessee refugees have
reached Covington. They are in a terribly destitute
condition. - ■
Coal has again advanced in Cincinnati to -10' and
45 cents per bushel. . .
QBEDEL ATTACK ON MOUNT STERLING.
Louisville, Dec. 3.— C01. Truoe, of the SBth
Kentucky Regiment, reports.that his pickets were
driven in at Mount Sterling, Kentucky, by a force
of 700 rebels, but it is supposed at headquarters that
the number of the enemy is greatly exaggerated. ;
Foetbess Monkob, Dec. I.—Ex-Governor Pratt,
of Maryland, and Colonel Nieholson, arrived here
this morning, on steamer Adelaide, from Baltimore,
as political prisoners, in charge of Lieut. .Tames, oft
the 10th Maryland Begiment.
The steamer New York arrived from City Points
with one political prisoner from Bichmond—Andy
Johnson, Jr.—in charge of Major Mulford, truce
officer. ■ ,
> Eleven thousand dollars’worth of provisions and
clothing arrived to-day from J. F. Panooast, of .the
Christian'Commission; also, provisions from the
Baltimore Belief Fund for Union prisoners in
“Dixie.”
' Cairo, Deo. 3 —The steamer Perry arrived here,
to-day from Memphis, en route to St. Louis, with'
one hundred and forty bales of cotton, and twenty
more bales were added to her cargo at this point.
Seyenty*6even rebel prisoners, from. Columbus,
Kentucky, passed through this city to-day for In
dianapolis. .
Beports prevail that a rebel force threateno Co
lumbus, Mo.
Sixty tons of goods were shipped, by the Sanitary
Commission of Illinois-to-day, for the army at Chat
tanooga.
The Memphis papers-of the Ist report tho cotton
as languishing. A hundred and eighty bales bad
been sold on the 30tlr ult., at prices ranging, from 40
to 78 cents. '
.New YoBKj-Dec. 3. —The steamer Farkenßburg
arrived at this port this morning; haying left New:
Orleans on the 93d ult.
The New Orleans Fra publishes a report from
Vera- Crus, received by the- arrival of a,schooner
from- that place, of the recapture of Puebla by the
Mexicans. ■.
There is no other news.
[Thia repoit'ia moit probably untrue, as New Or
leani report! from Mexico generally are. Advioea
from VeraOruz to Novi 3d have been received at
Washington, which Vay nothing of the oapture of
Fuebla.— Eis, Bulletin,]
Foster.
Burnside.
GEORGIA AND TENNESSEE.
OF LONGSTREET.
KENTUCKY.
FORTRESS MONROE.
The Richmond. Prisoners*
From Cairo.
MEXICO.
Reported Recapture of PuoWa.
department of the gulf.
Progress oftlie Fleet and Army
• ill Texas.
IMPORTANT FROM TEXAS.
Cincinnati, Dec. 3.—A despatoh to the BiUtdin
says: The Memphis Argus has just received from
its special correspondent with the Brazos Santiago
expedition the following news:
The fleet left Brazos Santiago Pass on the eve
ning of November 17th. The following afternoon
several regiments were landed on Mustang Island,
and marched nearly ail night, reaching the vicinity
of the rebel works about daylight. Slight skirmishing
took place between our advance, which was thrown
aorosa the island, so that no one might eaoape, while
the gunboat Monongahela threw a number of 11-
inch shells among the rebels,'which immediately
caused a panio.
A half hourlater, when GeneraVß&nsom came up
with two regiments in line of battle, the rebels
threw a white shirt on the point of a bayonet, and
made an unconditional surrenderor their fort, troops,
and munitions of war.
This capture of a company of artillery and a
equadroa of cavalry was effected without the loss of
a man, We now possess, and will continue to hold,
Brazoß Santiago Island, Point Isabel, Brownsville,
Fort Brown, and Mustang Island. Ere the month
is ended the flag of the Union will float over several
other points on the coast of Texas.
CALIFORNIA.
The Vigilance Committee—lnteresting De-
cislon.
SAN Francisco, Dec. 2.—The money in the mar*
ket is adequate to the demand, but there is no sur.
plus. Capital is well employed.
The Atlantic currenoy exchange is 38@4l premium
for gold in New York.
Sterling Exchange, at 60 dayß, t4B@l4B>£.
The jobbing trade is good, with a slightly increased
demand from importers,
The weather here is rainy.
An unsuccessful attempt was made to pump out
the ship Aquilla yesterday. Fears are entertained
that it will be impossible for the diverß to make her
tight enough to allow the pumps to free her. In
case of failure on the next trial the underwriters
will advertise for proposals to raise her on some
plan to be proposed. "
Legal-tender notes are 67>£.
San Francisco, Deo. 3.—The steamer Orizaba
sailed from this port to-day, carrying fifty passen
gers, $819,000 in treasure for England, and $250,000
for New York. '
In the courts, yesterday, a decision was rendered
by judge Hoffman finding $4,000 damages against
Captain R. H. Pearson, in favor of Charles P. Du
ane. The latter was exiled by the Vigilanoe Com
mittee in 1666, and Captain Pearson subsequently
forced him to leave the steamer after he came on
board at Acapulco, with the intention to return him
to this city—in which event he would undoubtedly
have been hung, Duane having been banished under
the'penally of death. An appeal has been made
from the deolsion of the court, on the ground of its
imposing excessive damages.
The Peuobßcot Kiver closed by Ice*
Bangor, Deo. 3.— The Penobscot is closed by ice
here, •
HENRY WARD BEECHER
At tli© Academy of Miisic.
SPEECH OF GOVERNOR CURTIN.
The Academy of Mimic was crowded last evening
by a large and brilliant audience, to bear Rev.
Henry Ward Beecher’s address in behalf of, the
United State's Sanitary Commission. Mr. Beecher
made his appearance upon the Btage about eight
o’clock, accompanied by his Exoellenoy Clover
nor Curtin, Bishop Potter, Judge Read, Horace
Binney, Jr., Charles J. Stilld, and numerous other
gentlemen of note. Hlb appearance was, of oourse;
hailed with the loudest applause, which continued
for several minutes. When it lulled, Gov. Curtin,
upon whom the oeremony of introducing Mr.
Beecher to hU audience devolved, stepped to the
front of the Btage to make the following speech.
Immediately the applause was renewed, but the
Governor succeeded in making himself heard:
Ladibs akd Gbktlbmeh : The inspiration which
the distinguished orator who is so iooa to address
you will gather, not only from the associations of
the past and the present, but also from this bright,
■ intelligent, and crowded assemblage, would seem to
render any introductory remarks^on my part entirely
unnecessary; but I know I will be pardoned for
Baying that we meet for a holy . purpose. We meet
amid the comforts of home and the enjoyments of
civilized ana peaceful life to aid a great association
for the beneficent objeot of following the sol
dier of the Republic, sick or dying—of being with
him after every battle, to bind his wounds, slake his
fevered thirst, and pour into his ears, as life ebbs,
the consolations of religion; and, if no other good
can be done, to bear bis lifeless remains back to
those to whom in life he had been nearest and dear
est. Audit is a just subject of congratulation to this
audience that they have assembled at Buoh an hour
in our country’s history, in such a cause: and whilst
I am lully sensible to the generosity of this true and
loyal community, I know that they will, to-night,
inaugurate in Pennsylvania a system of wide-spread
benevolence and charity on behalf of the soldiers of
the Republic which will be in keeping with the im
mensity of their means and their never-failing libe
rality. •, • , , ,
Hear that we have not done what we ought for
the comparatively uncared-for, who have been left
at home by the gallant fellows who have gone for
ward. I assured thousands of them, as I committed
to their care the sacred charge of guarding our
country’s flag and honor, and in their nands
the national ensign, that those of us who remained
1 at home would guard, protect, and cherish the house
holds they left behind them. I fear that we have
not done out whole duty in this particular; that out
of our abundance we have failed to reader a jußt
share to the surviving relatives of the slain, and to
the families of those who, maimed and wounded,
' have become helpless. Indeed, I am certain that
the orphan and widow have not been cared for as
the priceless treasure of a' life surrendered for
the country, should have demanded. Coming, as
these clsimsnts upon our patriotism and benevo
lence usually do, from the humbler walks of life,
their Jnodest , and unpretending wants are hardly
recognized amid the clamor and excitement of the.
times, and the soldier’s widow turns with a natural
pride from what might be considered the position of
a mendicant or the recipient of acharity. Slyfriends,
let us no longer fail in the performanceof our solemn
duty,but let us make the position of these an honora
ble one, and not one of degradation. Let the widow
and her dependent offspring become, in faot and in
truth, the children of the State, and let the mighty
people of this great Commonwealth nurture and
maintain them. Let this not be a mere spasmodic
effort, but let us now at once lay the foundation of
a systematic and continons work, which will enable
the defender of the Constitution to, know, as he
paces his weary vigil upon the cheerless picket,
that, living, his family at home is cared for, and
that, dying, the juttice, not the charity, of the
country has provided for the helpless survivors."
The fight which dawns upon our troubled Repub
lic renders this a proper time for such suggestions.
The advancing column of the historic Army of the
Potomac, as it moves towards the-fated city of Rich
mond, and, aB I pray to heaven, to the speedy libera
tion of the prisoners in Libby Prison—Libby Prison,
the brutalities and atrooities of winch flave, by their
enormity, startled--the civilized world, and have
covered the already infamous with double infamy,
add whilst, too, the armies in the West are hourly
following viotory with victory, as they close gradu
ally but certainly around the rebel horde—the time,
I say, which is marked by these auspicious events
is eminently a proper one.
I have alluded to the advance of our army to the
relief of the prisoners at Riokmond. If its prowess
should be delayed, then I trust that the President
will call upon the people to rise in their might, and
by one great effort, go there to liberate these men,
our fellow-citizens, and bring them back out of their
sufferings, to the enjoyment of those, privileges to
which they haveheen accustomed, and of which they
are so inhumanly deprived.
At this instant an admiring wprld gazes with
wonder and delight upon the brilliant achievements
of our armies, and cannot fail to bef moved by the
moral sublimity which, attaches to the display of
that courage which has been exhibited by the Ame
rican citizen who will address you to-night, and who
would have at any time attracted, by his known
powers of oratory and great learning, an audience
in this city. If he had come unheralded and unan
nounced thousands would have thronged to hear him;
but long and conspicuously known before the world as
a loyal and devoted friend to the country, and coming
as he now does, after having in a foreign.land, and
before a prejudiced people, borne aloft the bannerol
that country, and there battled as a brave man
should for.the Right, destroying in England the false
impressions so. cunningly and diligently, made in
that country, awakening the masses to the truth,
and uttering sentiments which were echoed hack
from our shores by the plaudits of a grateful people:
it is-for this that you tender him this great ovation,
and I cordially congratulate the audience, the ora--
tor, arid-the cause of this meeting, that it is bs. I
have the honor, ladies and gentlemen, to introduce
Henry Ward Beeohgr.
The Governor having thus concluded, Mr. Beecher
arose, amid loud and long-continued cheering, and
spoke as follows:
I anvfaotaltogether a stranger in this city. I have
received familiar occasions, your cor
dial greeting before, but never before with more
pleasure. [Applause.] No man standing in the face
of hostile audiences oan speak upon the great con
troverted themeioof national home polioy without a
natural and reasonable anxiety, that his words
should be corroborated, and that his statements
should be authenticated by his friends at home. It was
not while I was abroad that the tidings of your favor
and approbation reached me. There was not time
enough. And it was only on my arrival in Boston
that I learned, for the first time, that imy country
men Approved of my endeavors to serve their inte
rests in England. [Applause.] It is a great plea
sure to me that your favor has mounted to such a
degree of kindheßß, that I may avail myself of it to
contribute - to the funds and the influence of one of
the most humane of all our national institutions—
that of the Sanitary Commission. [Applause.]
Through that ohsnnel, I pay but a part of the debt
that I owe to those brave men who have not count
’ed their lives dear unto themselves. Younger than
I, they have taken their arms and. gone for me and
for you, and for us all,’ into .the field. And if they
suffer hardships, if they suffer wounds, I demand as
a privilege—l will riot wait thaiit should be urged
upon me aca duty—to follow the steps of their suf
fering, and to alleviate it just so far. as the circum
stances of war will permit any alleviation of their
suffering. [Applause.] ' „
I have been asked by the committee of invitation,
at whose instanoe I am here to-night, to speak to
you with some reference to my observations and ex
perience of American affairs abroad. And I purpose
to open before you some thoughts to-night not dis
connected from their relatione to our home affairs;
but, if I may say so, to present them to you pri
marily in the light of English opinion, as looked at
from that stand point; for I assure you that when a
man stands disconnected from parties, from local in
stitutions, from old incitements, in a foreign lsnd,
it changes a great many things. Minor differences
that have counted much are here quite lost out of
ijdght ; things that we were disposed to insist upon
at homo we drop entirely there; and when another
nation, or any considerable part of it, are . op
posed to your nation, you are tempted to stretch
your conscience a little, and defend things even
not delensible, because they are of your country.
[Laughter and applause.] But there was less temp
tation to me on the occasion of my late visit, be
cause the field was so large, and the topics were so
many, about which there was almost undivided
sentiment among the loyal population in the North.
Ii the representations I made were acceptable to
your consoierice, if the views presented of American
principles and American policies were acceptable to
you, as I trust they were, it will, give them ■ great
weight abroad to have them authenticated by the
’ audiences of the principal cities which I have ad
’ dressed, or shall address, at home. For you to say
here, 11 we hold these views, and what he said with
i out authentication for us, he so spoke the truth that
i we ratify his words spoken” that will give to it
in England almost natlonabauthority. [Applause.]
V : Nothing' is wiser in the psst of our American po
; Hoy than that deliberate and anxious separation of
! ourselves'from the political entanglements of Eu
rope. It was the anxiety of Washington, and a part
of his lost Counsels, that we should scrupulously
avoid all entangling alliances of a political charac
ter.-' And it was a part also of that famous Monroe
Doetrine. It is the end and’ object of that dootrine
by the aveidanoe of all political entanglements to
maintain not only peace between nations, hut to
■ maintain in this land an .opportunity of developing
our peculiar destiny, the realisation of our princi
ples and of our] ideas without let or hindrance. It
has sometimes been supposed when we so anxiously,
disjoined ourselves from the nations of Europe, that
- we were lacking in a proper moral sympathy; that
we, in some sense, took ourselves oat from the des
tiny oi nation*. Hot at all, Our American ideas
are radically different from European ones, and what
is called the Monroe Doctrine is slrapiy an assertion'
and an Implication. We say to them: You shall
not meddle with the solution of our questions on
this continent, and in return we will no* meddle
with the eolation of your questions, on yoi*r conti
nent. Yoh shall have Europe, and we wantTAme*
rita. [Applause. J We will have America, an 4 you
shall not meddle.” [Loud applause. J It is not v© be
supposed that we deny to any people, acting in tLieir
own right, the privilege of any such government»a.
they choose to decide upon. If Mexico, inspired by
Mexisana, chooses a monarchy, a monarchy she
shall have. [Applause.J But if Mexico is the
branch which Europe grafts, to’ drop apples of So
dom over into our borderslwe say it shall not be!
[Loud applause.] It is simply the assertion of our
right to •* try on Atnerioan principles on this con
tinent; and, unmolested, unimpeded by foreign in
terference, to settle the experiment, ouce* and for
ever, whether a people can govern themselves—
whether the government of the people is wisest, is
best.
While, then, we maintain this greAt dootrine that
we shall be free, in the time of our experiment,
from political interference, not in an unfriendly
spirit, but for the very sake of peace, and* of the
maintenance of kindly relations with foreign na
tions, we do not undertake to say that thisls to ex
tend beyond politics. Morally we will accept in
fluence, and morally we will exert influence; for it
is impossible, when you look upon so large a sphere
as that of Europe, and witness the spectacle-of na
tions governed by aristocracies And governed by
monarchies, with very various degrees of justice
and injustice—it is impossible that we, looking
upon mat spectacle, should not reflect;, and
that reflections should not lead to judgments
and calculations.' On the other hand, it is impossible
that America should read what is written on the
upheaved sides of this continent, and that Europe
should not also read what is written. [Applause.]
All the common people of all the nations of the
globe oan read the golden letters that spell out
prosperity to the common people. [Applause.]
All Europe knows the meaning of a hundred
years of continued, and unremitting, and in
cieosing prosperity under democratic institutions.
You cannot help the moral influence of your
example. r -
There is not a people in Europe that doesjiot know
American history, and there is not a people in Europe
that does not divide by it—one part siding with the
Government and the rulers, and the other part
siding with the governed, with the commeu people;
and it is just there that the history of America for
the last fifty years; it is just there that the Ameri
can struggle at this time strikes our European
friends. The part that are in sympathy with
strong government are against us, and the part
that are in sympathy with the common people
arc for us, because our example and all our na
tional experience are a perpetual declaration
that the common people do not need despotism
to govern them! [Loud applause.]' There are very
plain reasons why kiDga and princes, and nobles,
should Bide against us; for if we come victoriously
1 out of this struggle—perhaps now in course of solu
tion—if it can be Bhown in addition to our wisdom
of legislation and obedience to law, that we have
power in foreign ware, power in civil and home
wars, and in the midst of these, power also to settle
the most intricate "and difficult Question ever sub
mitted to a people, the effect of our example will be
irresistible upon Europe. [Applause.] For sake
of our friends, let us be forbearing. In regard to our
enemies, let usrefleot that humau nature is the same
in Europe as here; and as you scarely ever expect
men to rise above their class and circumstances, so
you ought not expeot that thOße men who have been
educated in'the faith of the governing classes should
rise above their influence. They are acting badly,
but it is very natural for men to act just so in the
same circumstances. Bad acting in this case is na
tural. [Laughter and applause.]
The moral influence; then, you oannot help, you
should not help if you could. We are a Govern
ment dependent upon public opinion ourselves.
All -nations are more or less dependent upon
public opinion. It is neither wise nor patriotic,
nor creditable, for us to .undertake to say to
the thinking classes of Europe, “we do not care
for your opinions.” You care for the opinion, of
men at home ~and ought to care for the opinion of
men abroad. It belongs to -democratic civilization
to have a proper and salutary care for the opinion
of other nations. We undertake to govern by brains,
'and not by bone and mUsotes [applause]. That is
not all. We ought to regard the influence we are to
exert in that wonderful future that is opening up to
us—the reactionary influence of it—the reflex in
fluence upon other nations. If you are not only in
telligent but virtuous; if you are not only politically
governed, but if you are searched to the core, and
the heart itself is trained; if you are a sober, in
dustrious, homMoving people,desiring justice among
yourselves, and with those abroad, it is to the interest
of every nation on the globe to know it— -for you
have not that reputation! LLaughter and applause.]
It is conceded that you are powerful; audit is ar
gued, therefore, vain. You have the reputation of
being vain. [Laughter.] It did me great good to
deny it belore Englishmen; that is to say, I said to
them, “If you are humble, then weare.” [Laughter.]
• And it is a part of the nature of a true Briton that
he is a model man, and that Britain is a model na
tion. [Laughter.] They could not deny.that they
were sufficiently humble, and I insisted that so also
were we. Still, we have not that reputation.
We are supposed to be boastful and vain ; and
you cannot tell the simple truth about America
without seeming vain. [Laughter.] If you value
your reputation, you should not tell the truth. You
cannot atfbrd to speak of the miles of railway we
have; you should not tell the amount of taxes we
pay; you should not speak or the circulation of
our newspapers: the action of our free ohurches
in distinction from state churches j the extent of our
population and its Intelligence, and the hundred
other characteristics of our nation. [L aughter. ] If
you get hold of a sane man you may whisper these
things, but do not mention them to Englishmen, or
you will be called a boaster. They measure things
there by the standard of the island on which they Uve.
They are a sturdy people. They are an admirable
stock. You may tell that by the children they have.
[Applauie.] They have faults, I suppose, without a
doubt, but they have great excellences and great
viitues. Indeed, I was kept angry all the time be
cause I liked them so well, and I thought it my duty,
from patriotic reasons, not to like them, [Laughter ]
NevertbelestfJsyou cannot go up and down the land
every day without seeing hundreds of thing* that
please you, and thousands of things that displease
you. But, after all, it is not to be expected
that an insular people should be able to judge
the proportions of-continental affairs. And without
being irritated by the injustice that comes from con
flicting interests, we ought to understand'that not
alone England, but the other nations of Europe,
have had some reasons to be afraid of the growth
and prorperity of America. If your affairs have
had that taint which comes from the exercise of too
much power; if you have permitted filibustering,
and national boasting and national threats, begin
ning in wrong, ending in wrong, and - touching
wrong all through, you can scarcely complain
if foreign nations nave come to regard you
with something of fear and something more
of jealousy. It wsb my mission to say to
them, that what I preach is essentially national,
not Northern. [Applause.] It is the tendency of
intelligence and religion; it i 3 the tendency of intelli
gence even in America under democratic institutions
to make the people powerful at home, and to make
them respect the rights of other people abroad. It
is tbe tendency or slave institutions to make men
overbearing on the plantation, overbearing towards
their neighboring States, overbearing towards na
tions ; and it is the overbearing of slaveocracy, and
not of democracy, that has given offence to Europe.
[Applause.] There were many questions that were
propounded to me on every side; some of whloh
may, perhaps, be permitted me to-night to relate to
you, together with the views presented not only in
speeches, but in sooial conversations as well l for,
beside the public meetings at which I spoke, it was
my privilege to meet a great many breakfast circles
and soirees, both before I went to the Continent and
after I returned. One of the questions earnestly
propounded, was this: Can a people consent to be
governed who have the whole power of government
in their own hands 1 Does not democracy tend to
lawlessneaSj to insecurity of life and of property,
and the abolishment of moral restraint! . That is
the opinion, I may say, of English aristocracy.
They do not believe* there can be a government that
shall maintain good morals, that is not what they de
nominate a strong-government. And it was my privi
lege/in accordance with my deepest- convictions, to
maintain that there is no Government so strong as
the democratic government of a free, intelligent,
• and moral people. [Applause.] ,
No people need bo much education as a free peo
ple, and that education of self-government is the
moßt thorough, lasting, and efficient of any govern
ment. Therefore, no people in the world are natu
rally so conservative as our people. There is no
people so revolutionary as the European people.
They have no vote; they have duties. “ Obedience”
. is the word whicfrriims up theduty of the common
people oT Europe, but not in America. Our people
are tbe factors oflaw. They make rulers; they make
and unmake magistrates; they make and Tunmake
judges; they make and unmake courts; they make
and unmake national government. [Applause ]
They have the responsibility of society in its whole
integrity, and there is not-a man, clear down to the
bottom of society, who, looking on the little house
he owns, does not have some weight in shaping
national policy. There is nothing that makes a man
so conservative as to bring to bear upon him the re
sponsibility of American citizenship. [Applause ]
The conduct of the American people during this un
paralleled trial will hereafter be cited as an instance of
the soundnes of the principles of democratic govern
ment, bated upon good morAls. The patriotism of this
people is unparalleled. It is B&id there oan be no
patriotism without a king. Let the glorious up
rising of this people, when Fort Sumpter was fired
upon, be the' answer to any such lie as that. [Ap
plause.] Its patriotism does not depend upon the
mere fact that there is a solitary symbol of autho
rity in the State. Is there no love of home, no love.
of law, no lova of country! It exists nowhere so
deeply as in the boßomof a Belfgoverniug people,
and the only need you have is-some danger to draw
it out. Look at the enthusiasm of this people at
the outbreak of the war, and throughout its con
tinuance ! The fire which was tit has not gone out
yet. If we have not the flames, we have yet the
liviDg coals. [Applause.] Our refusal of revolu
tion, our unwavering faith in Government and our
own national institutions; the great contributions
of this generous people, their unparalleled demand
for taxation-point me to another case, where a Go
vernment has scruples to take power, and twenty
millions of fiee people blame it, and say, “ Take
power in our name, and use it.” [Great applause.]
Where • can you find people bl amiug their rulers be*
cause they did not tax them! Yet that is the history
our people. The proof of their sincerity in this work
is evinced by volunteering. When the history of
the war is written, it will illustrate the great princi
ple of self-government for all people. Until within
a few months, it waß my privilege to say that not
one of the million men of our army and navy was
there by any other .way than by volunteering. A
year and a half ago there was not a mania the
Southern army that was a volunteer. To-day they
aie all there by foroe of military necessity, and, with
the exception of , a handful of dratted men; there is hot
one manUn our army, who did not go there by his
own free will. Yes, and Europe knows it, and when
they threw it up to me in England, that the draft was.
resisted, I replied there were two reasons for that
resistance where it occurred. We had been accus
tomed to hear, through the newspapers and other
sources of . public information, that the people
would not bear tne The great er
ror was that we did not educate the peo
ple to endure a draft when it came, and snow
them how it could be borne with no disadvantage to
the national cause. If that had been done there
would have been no trouble at all, [Applause.]
How when drafting falls volunteering begins again,
and we say to our army ”we need your service to
till up the quota again.” They are now answering
this request. These are the citizens a free govern
ment makes. [Applause.] The quality of our men
as soldiers North and aouth, their quickness to
learn ,]their submission to discipline, their heroic suf
fering, their unflinching death —all these are so many
lessons to Europe. They tell what free institutions
do for an Intelligent people. Think of the lives of
the heroic young men slain in this wart I think
there might be volumes written of the only sons
that have given up their lives upon thehfccouatry’s
altar. Young men who have gone out irom oulture
and reflnement, who have taken up hardship and
suffering, their lives will be an encyclopedia of
endurance. The memorials of their heroism should
be preserved in every household for the education
of another generation of brave and patriotic youth.
■While they have done their duty, it oannot be said
that the men at home have been neglectful. On the
other hand, the cause of the national struggle has
been buoyed up by the spirit of the common people.
We have carried the Government as the ocean car
ries the ship of war. It lies upon our bosom, and
is rooked by our waves. [Applause-.] The people
have discarded old issues and old politicians. They
perfectly understand nationality and liberty. : They
hear for themselves without waiting for any leader;
and during this long period of three years, when
fundamental policies were to be adopted, and new
modifications made of existing customs and laws,
our people have been patient and not faultfinding.
Nay, when factions began to undermine, and trea
son to'-bnrrow in our midst, there has been found
Eower enough to carry on the war on the one
and, with a million of soldiere, and on the
other to scotch the serpents that remain at
home. [Loud applause.] And while wo have
been doing: that gigantic work, we have not been
unmindful of foreign foes. We have held them baok
too, and to England and France have said, iff-em
phatic tones, - l Vou Bhall not meddle with our
affairs.” [Applause.]
Peace is our desire, andwe will sacrifice every
thing but national honor to maintain a good under
standing, and to preserve peace with foreign Powers.
We will go to war with them if neoessary. [Applause.]
You do not fear war as muoh as they do in London
and Manchester, and I told them this. [Laughter.]
The EngUsh people have pluek themselves, and they
admire it in their children: You have always heard
that monarchy had advantages in some respeots
over republican governments; that In times of
peace a republican government might do, but in
time of war tbe ftttong baud of monarchy is better
than republicanism. I you to bear witness that a
republican government is better than a monarchy. It
is said that despotism or monarchy is more ready
to use, and is more sudden and active in cases of emer
gency. It has more ready power to concentrate the
national forces, while a republic is feeble and di
vided. iThat is not a necessity of republican go
vernment. This nation is an example for ail time.
Our power of consolidating the resources of the
Government has been such that it hsa excited the
admiration of Europe. They have been 1 filled with
wonder at the ease with which v the Government or
ganized itself for the war; how it maintained suoh
an army, and suoh a navy, and carried ft forward
with such energy and success. [ Applause.] : The
republican ( form of government has been shown
to be quite as efficient ab the monarchical, and more
00, says somebody. I say “ more so” too. [ Laugh
ter and applause.]- It is not the monarchy, but the
monarch that makes despotism strong, whereas a
republic is inherently strong.
Abraham Lincoln may be a-great deal less testy
and wilful than Andrew Jackson was, but, in a long
race v I do not know but that he will be equal to him.
[Long-continued applause.] Ido not know how he
will interpret this testimony—whether he will con
sider it as a testimony of your approbation of the
past, or of your purpose for the future. [Laughter
and applause ] Another question proposed by Eu
rope is thiß: “Dojyour American people, after all,
care for their own principles; are they not just as
indifferent to justice-And to right for other people,
not for themselves, as any other nationality? You
boast of your free institutions, and your love of
liberty : do you mean anything other than this, that
you love your own liberty?” Well,Sty rants love
their liberty; I never saw anybody that did not love
his own liberty. And if it is with you a selfishness,
instead of a moral sentiment, you may as well admit
the correctness of the criticisms of European philan
thropist*. How is it?I)o Americans love their own
piinriples with a large and Christian benevolenoe,
ADd do they take all those within their Bcope who
are too weak to help themselves? The reports of
riots, and every kind of. reports of crimes, are
brought into service against us abroad. And
I took the liberty to say that there was
no place in the world where riots were
less frequent, and so little dangerous, and
that, for the most part, they are inoculations.
[Applause.] They are not caused by our owq peo
ple. A man with a'house on his heel cannot run
fast into the streets to riot; but a man who owns
nothing, who is not of a nationality, and is not
learned in language or law, who comes just as tyran
ny made him into our midst—hemay,for a little while,
be a rioter. But we will quell even him, and civil
ize him. [Laughter and applause.] And I declare
it with no inconsiderable pride that the riots of New
York were Dublin riots, not; American riots. They
were imported—most dangerous luxuries,, that don’t -
pay tariff when they come in. [Laughter.] Who
would suppose that that most monstrous of all poli
tical inconsistencies, slavery, defended by the South
and permitted by the North, even nourished and
favored by the dominant politicians in whose hands
the Government has been for so many years, would
be held up for you to approve? The worst part of
our slavery has been that it has been not merely the
imbruiting of the Afrioan, andjßtill more his master,
but it has been a club in the bands of European ty
rants with which to break the necks oFtheirowa sub
jects. But it is my business to say that slavery
had entrenched itself behind the barriers of State
sovereignty ; but I contend that it wao also control
ling the policy of State government—that it was
shaping the Government at home and* moulding the"
Government abroad. From, the beginning, and now,
however, I declare that if it were possible to put the
question of Bln-very on its own merits, nine-tenths
of the people North, of all parties and of all sects,
would go against slavery in and of itself; that the
peculiarity of the struggle of thirty years past was
to get at slavery; it being the aim of political ma
nagers to interpose party questions—the question of
State rights, or the question of the love of Union
and nationality—and thus to prevent the people
from voting directly as to their liking or
disliking of slavery in and of itself. I
have said that although we have suffered great
public corruption, the heart of the great people of
this nation is against slavery to-day, as much
against it as it was at the time the Declaration
of Independence was read. The people have been
wronged. Yet, when all abatement is made for
social motives, the considerations .of political con
nection with the South, and political and comme>
cial selfishness, it oannot be denied that the North,
by an immense majority, has refrained from med
dling with the slavery question from patriotic mo
tives, and I take the liberty to say that they
were acting with a view to the public good.
They had evinced more than, justice for
the South. They had shown extreme desire not
to wrong the South; a desire so extreme, that
they had almost sacrificed their convictions of right
and duty, rather than intrude upon the rights of the
Southern States. Now, all. these restraints and
barriers have been taken away, the great mass
of the people stand fair and square, throughout the
North and West, on unquestionably anti-slavery
ground; Ido not say that we might not, if the ques
tions were narrowed down, and questions of policy
be propounded, be divided among ourselves; but I
do say that the mass of the people in the North
stand on anti-Blavery ground. [Applause.] We
have been to school, and not a common school
either. It was a very uncommon one. [Laughter.]
We have learned a great many lessons. Let me
tell you something we have learned. This Northern
people have learned that slavery corrupts white men
more than it corrupts black men. [Applause.]
.They have learned that one slave is enough to con
♦taminate and corrupt a State. How many rats does
it take to make a cistern stink? But one rat, and
one slave is enough to corrupt a State. You can
mark the lineß of this rebellion in either of two
ways. Take a spelling book, go round the country
and find in how many localities the people have
learned to read and write, and you will obtain some
idea of the strength of rebellion or loyalty; or take
your charcoal and chalk, ana where you mark black
there will be rebellion, and where you mark white
there will be nationality. Now, we have found that
out. We have found out more than that. We have
found out that they have found it out. We now
know that Andy Johnßon, ol Tennessee, and all who
are with him, have come to a conclusion much more
intense than ours, as the dangers under which
they found it were more imminent and threat
ening, that there is no such thing as Union
and nationality where there iB slavery. They
have come to Washington and laid at the Pre
sident’s feet their petitions that there shall be no
State brought back again except on the basis of a
free Constitution. Everywhere throughout the
States of Louisiana, Kentucky, and Tennessee, it
is coming to be understood that slavery and rebel
lion go together, for the nature of slave institutions
is to educate men to believe that they cannot belong
to the whole nation and stick to their own institu
tions. There are many noble exceptions, but the great
middle class are so controlled by slavery that it is
impossible to make patriots out of them. That we
have learned. We have learned it by fire and sword.
Ob, wbat a terrible schoolmaster is war! You have
learned, through blood that slavery is inconsistent
with nationality and patriotism. - It has been told in
New York, ever since I can remember, and ever since
you oan remember (I do not knowhow it iB in Phila
delphia), that the prosperity of the North depended
upon the South. Every plough has been made to be
lieve that it could not work in the furrow unless
the South said “run.” Everyauvil has been told to
ring out“ cotton, cotton, cottonthough the oxen
and the anvil did not understand it, they embraced
the doctrine. Every ship has bemi told that its
mission to trade and make money defends on cotton.
Every manufacturer has heard his loom saying
to him “ cotton mill,” “ cotton mill.” Every banker
in the North has been made to hear each dollar as
it clicked over his counter, cry out“ cotton,” u cot
ton,” “ cotton,” until at last the North has come to
believe that it depended entirely for its prosperity
upon the South, and would go to ruin if the South
ever attempted to oarry into, execution these terri
ble threats, which every once in the while, it made
to our fears.
And that 1b not all. The South become so con
vinced of this herself that she declared that cotton
was king, and that Europe herself was dependent
upon the staple. And it was rapidly
coming to pass that nothing on this earth had any
vital power except those things that cotton said
should live. And we were prepared for a new as
tronomy, and expected ere long to see the sun.
moon, and stars wheeling their circuits around
the universal bale of cotton. [Laughter.] Now,
with this unparalleled war on -our hands, rais
ing and supporting a million men in the field
and on the sea, building more than six hun
dred ships such as no nation ever maintained or
dreamed of maintaining, with an expenditure of
money and an exhibition of national power greater
than was ever exhibited in any European war, under
the circumstances, with a'fiaance to be entirely crea
ted in it e departmental relations, the North has done
what? We have conquered secession. [Applause.]
We are prosperous in almost every direction. I
ask, do you sell as much as you used to ? I ask the.
bookseller, are books too expensive for the people
to purchase? “the common books don’t go, but ex
pensive bookß do.” I ask the merchant, and he
says that goods are not made fast enough. I ask
the mechanic, “do you live as well "as formerly ?”
“Never so well.” Wages are high, and work is
plenty. Even the ground cries out, “ what ails the
people, that they torment me so 1” Every Bhip says
what is the matter with industry, that it perse
cutes me with such pertinacity? The war has
effectually cured us of one mistaken idea, that
we were dependent for our prosperity upon the
South. [Applause.] \pe have learned stiu more;
that slavery deßtroys the market, for the money
making manufacturer., It is against the interests of
every merchant and every manufacturer in the land,
with the exception of one here and there, to'have a
slave population on this continent. A slave may
well be compared to what ia called on steamboats
and railroads a dead-head; and we have been carry
' ins four millions of dead-heads.in this great steam
ship Republic. They don’t pay their passagej for
the simple reason that they do not live high enough
to buy anything that you manufacture. [Laughter
and applause.] Free labor only develops customers,
and the want of the world is not cotton, But cus
tomers. The speaker then referred to a converse
tion between’himself and an intelligent Frenchman,
whom he-met at Liverpool. He was speaking of
the condition of the French slave colonies, and said
that the statistics proved that, during the five years
succeeding emancipation in those colonies, the in
: creaße of importation was 400 per cent, oyer the five
3 ears preceding emancipation—and this in the face
of the fact that the first five years are the most try
ing. We must give' emancipation an opportunity.
We must remember that we change suddenly
from an old to a new system. We must
give it time. When we transplant trees we wait
until the roots have grown before we inquire about
their fruit ard growth. And so it is with emancipa
tion. The roots have not struck. With the glori
ous territory which comprise <1 the Southern States,
bw dened with four million “ dead-heads,” their in
dustry would receive a very seriouß check. If
the slaves were freed, the world would rejoice
not only for reasons for humanity and religion,
but from less nobler motives of trade and profit.
The people of the North have learned another les
son m connection with the war. The Southern
master bad contended that the slaves were satisfied
with their condition, but the falsity of the assertion
had been clearly proven. It had been very singularly
stated also that the doctrines of anti-slavery men in
the North would produce insurrection and murder,
and the most horrible revolution throughout the
South. They told us the slaves were so happy
and contented that they could not be persuaded to
run away ; if anything was said to them about run
ning away, they would murder their masters, whom
it was alleged they greatly loved. . [Cheers and de
risive laughter.] It was charged by the london
Times that we in the North were not sincere; that
we did not aare about the liberty of the black man;
vet when the emancipation proclamation wasissued,
it was charged by thesame devil-poßßeagednewspaper
that the United States Government was thereby
guilty of inciting to murder, rapine, and insurrec
tion. The proclamation had been issued and our
armies had reclaimed two-thirds of all the territory
originally held by the rebellion. To-day, three mil
lions slave were legally freej.though but half a mil
lion were in actual’ possession of that freedom.
There was not, however, south of Mason and
Dixon’s line, a single slave who did not
know that the tendency of Northern success was to
wards their liberation; there was not a slave who
did not know that the proclamation had been issued,
and not even a -good old plantation saint, who,
when he went to bea, but did devoutly pray for old
- masßA Lincoln. [Cheers.] The speaker referred
to the comparatively temperate and. merciful
manner- in which this war had been carried
on as one indication of the humanity of the
black man; for, had he had the disposition, he
could have magnified the horrors of the present
war beyond anvthing of which the world had ever
heard. It had also been asserted that we could not
make soldiers of black men, but the number of them
and the character of their , services in the army and
navy had vindicated him from this unjust asper
sion. It was declared that emancipation would
make the land flow with blood; we have learned
not to believe this. But it was also said that the
slaves were the most arrant cowards, good for no
thing but to be whipped, and that you could not
make soldiers of them. Now, there are more than
1,000 men in the navy who came there willingly; and,
at a rope or gun, it makes no difference which, they
are unsurpassed by many of our oldest sailors, [Ap
plause.] In the army the negro proved his bravery
at Port Hudson and Fort Wagner, and many other
bloody fields. [Applause.] when the day comes
for you to decide whether -the black man shall be
"free or remanded into slavery, there will come kneel
ing before you one hundred thousand men who will
say, u We have poured out our blood for our liber
ty and your liberty.” You have got to answer that
prayer before God and the nations. [Applause.] in
the meanwhile it does me good to Btand up in tnu
place and bear my testimony as to the false witness
of the South against the worth. It waa declared
that the negroes would not work without a master.
[Laughter.] I knew before that they would not
work without a motive, and :without I
knew they would work better than with one,
[Cheers, and cries or “That’s so.”] We have seen
by this war that the oolored man is not only indus
trious. but. under the influence of proper motives,
he oan not only earn money but »»ve ltjudloiou^y.
We have brought before the Committee for the Re*
Ucf of Freedmen. awembled yesterday at
Washington. a few fae** eoing to show that the
.blackman is not only Im‘’ u, “ r * t>Uß * but that be has
also the power to save his j^oney—a habit which so
commends itself to every m of the Anglo-
Saxon stock. [Laughter.] Ana « thepower to earn
money, or the money instinct, isvirtue, we may he
sure the Africans are virtuous. But regard to the
of the South that the bi.\°* i* lazy,
I may say, “/ would be lazy, too, ii - 1 was not to
have thebentfitof anything Learned.” [Applause.]
If it were another man’s wife, and not I'uine, that is
clothed by the sweat of my brow; if thefe was ao
hope for me to rise, no honor, no manhood, nohom*,
no children, nothing but black work, I fv’Jrald he
lazy. [Laughter and great applause.]
Nothing but lash! nor that should bring wor-fcout
of my musoles. Give them motive, let them tiavs
their own land, and their houses; their own
and children; their own hope of making their con
dition better, and no better work will be found
the face of the earth than that performed by tfte
hlAck man. [Cheers.] It ]s a pleasure for me to’
state these things. 1 feel that we owe a great
debt to that people. They are as yet children,
as it were, in our hands. This war has taugfit us
many things, and although it has been a hard school*
master, yet we have been taught lessons that I
think we could not have learned in any other way.
[Applause.] Bo not Jet us forget what we have
learned. Another question submitted to me was
this: “Can you harmonize your population With
your political principles? For instance, it was said
that youf doctrine of political equality in this
country was all very well, but you could not carry
it out amoDg the people ; th&t Buch were the-prqjU'
dices among you that you could not make the black
man participant inyourrights and privileges. Sfocy,
the educated class would bring reason and moral
sentiment to this question, but a great mob of peo
ple would bring only their passions to its solution.’*
My reply was this: What a great people can do
on such a question, you must judge in part from
what they have already done. The American
people have received hundreds and thou*
ssDds of foreigners amoDg them, very largely
without education, ignorant of our laws aad
customs —the very material for political corruption*
thousands of them speaking a strange language*
We have had sufficient faith in our own principle*
to apply to this great mass the American doctrine;
and what has been the result? Saving a few politic
cal disturbances, the result has proven a blessing to
us. Our foreign population has become an element
of strength and of wealth. [Applause.] We felt
thedangerß that threatened our institutions and
our laws in ihe possibility of their being disturbed
by ignorant foreigners. Nevertheless, it was felt
to be more dangerous to have such a large
number of men amoDg us without their feel
*ing the responsibility of law-abiding citizens*
We have now come to a point where ourfo
reign population ii a benefit tb us. In com*
mercial centres there are occasional disturbances,
which bubble up above the.surface, but taking our
agricultural and mechanical statistics generally,
we owe much to our foreign population. We
granted to them the privileges of citizenship
when it was thought dangerous for us to do
so, and we have stood by until now the
experiment has justified. In this war they have
Eroven patriotic. Now the Amerioan people can
srmonize their policy with their principles. They
have done it once, and can do it again. They mean
to do it; and as soon as a just conception of what
is due at, their hands is laid before our people they
will give to the black population all the rights to
which they are entitled, and they will say that every
slave on this continent shall be emancipated* It
iB not meant, however, that in being emanci
pated our black population may be lawless and
vagabond, but they shall be subject like all other
classes to the laws of the land, and such other Bpeoial
laws for their government as their peouliar condi
tion may require fbr their protection and the pro
tection of society about them. We do not propose
to open the doors to slavery; to let the blacks rush
forth promiscuously. We propose to make them sub
ject to the power of the law; they shall stand
neither equal to you nor me, but they shall stand
just where their merits will allow them to stand.
We need not receive the black man into our fami
lies any more than we receive the Irishman. I will
take either of them if. they behave themselves.
I propose going on the broad, common-sense Ameri
can doctrine, that a'man is what he can prove him
self to be, and that when a man has proven himself
to be worth something, you are bound to acknow
ledge he is worth juet that. 1 [Applause.] If the
black man, after having had the chance, does not
educate bim&elf; if, after having had opportunities
to employ himself, he is lazy, he must take the
penalty. If, after having had a chance to es
tablish himself among us with-the natural force
to do it, he fails in the effort, he must take
the penalty of that also. We do not propose te
bolster him up* All we say is: “God made him;
we will respect him.” We will shower the bless
ings of education upon him; and then we say:
“There 1b the land, there iB society; now show
What .you can do.” That is all. That is all he
asks. He does not want any odds cr favors. He
says :“Take off the yoke; take off the Bhaokles;
do not let education be contraband. 11 [Applause.]
Is not that fair and right? I do not believe
that amoDg the sober and just-minded people
of tbis country, there can be any practical diffi
culty about it whatever. I do not believe you
are going to build many ships to carry this people
off at a time when France is breaking het treaties
for the sake of importing laborers into the West
Indies; when England is doing very little better,
and when you youraelveß need everything except
principle to carry you through this contest, Ido
not believe that, at such a time, you are going to
appropriate - millions to carry your laborers our of
the country. [Applause.] i have unbounded faith
! in the great American doctrines and ideas, t
: know not what-God has in reserve for us in
: the future, but I believe* that the essen
tial principles of our Government "are based on
the truths of Christianity, Coming home from Eng
land, I did not fear, when upon the mighty deep the
ship was tossed about, with no land in sight, and.
nothing to steer by but .the little hand in the binna
cle. But by means of that little hand the ship was
steered through the huge waves by which it Beemed
to be submerged. At iaßt it reached the land, with
its living freight, in safety. And so with our Con
stitution. [Applause.] Let the waves break around
it; I am not airaid, so long as the man at the helm
looks at the compass and Bteers by that. It may be
a very rough voyage, and though we may be sea
sick, we will be very healthy afterwards. [Laughter
and applause.]'
Now liberate the slaves, then treat the men you
have emancipated just as you treat everybody else*
[Cheers.] Give them .privileges, and let them be
i-put upon their good conduct. [Applause ] But it
is said we cannot give emancipation without vio
lating State rights. I beg your pardon, it is juat the
other way. The war power has given you authority
to emancipate, andyouhavedoheit, [Loudcheers J
The edict is pronounced, and the flat has gone forth*
[Renewed cheers.] Now, I say, naving called that
war power into requisition for the purpose of sub
duing rebellion, you have no right to lay it down
until you have made it certain that there can
be no more wars springing up on tbpt subject.
[Loud and long-continued cheering.] If you
have used the war power to determine this ques
tion you have no right to undetermine it. If
you furl your, banner and leave this question un
solved, you betray your country, and leave the hand
writing still upon the wall. [Applause.] If the
safety of the nation required you to take up that
war power, then the safety of the nation requires
that you should not lay it down, until that safety is
established peradventure, [Cheers ] I
am one who believes in -an overruling Providence*
The God that brought our fathers here is yet our
Gcd. Although we have offended Him, He has not
forsaken us, but hears our cry, and is bringing his
children hack again to the fold of bur fathers whom
He. placed in the wilderness* Now, X believe we
are destined, after all our trials and experiments, to
ring in again the second dawn of liberty on this
continent. If, my friends, bv this war we work out
emancipation and universal liberty for succeeding
generations, men will look back to it as the farmer
looks at the thunder-storm that, rolling heavily over
the sky, for the moment is terrible, but, when it is
gone, leaves the earth in peace and gladness. I
have the right to bring before you the blood Of
every man who,has fallen in this war. and to plead
for the sake of that blood that it be not spilt in vain.
I would like to bring before you every family that
has lost some cherished one in this strife, and have
them say to you: “Let us not have given our fa
thers, and brothers, and sons for nothing. Console
us in our bereavement by assuring us that our rela
tives have sot died uselessly.” I plead for the sake
of your own selves—for the sake of generations yet
to come—and, turning to the nations of Europe, I
Elead for every poor and oppressed people that may
e seeking to be free. I plead that you do this na
tional work—that you follow it up, and harmonize
American,principles with American policy. And.
let this nation, at last enfranchised, disen
thralled, exorcised, I may say, stand up and
say to the ’nations that the earth shall be
governed by liberty and popular equality—
that we shall be free in the liberty which Christ
gives, and be powerful over men and devils.
[Cheers.] This is.our work. My friends, let the
cry of fire begin to sound along the street, and there
area thouEand men in Philadelphia who, at that
cry* will rush to the burning house, and while the
flames are sweeping up, they set to work their
mighty engines to subdue the fire. But suppose they
subdue it on the roof and leave it still smouldering
7 in the partitions, and walls, and rafters? And sup
pose some moderate man should say, “JTou have
done enough, let it be* 31 and thus succeed in drawing
them away ? But, my friends, the flame is just put
ou t-_the fire is smouldering still. It is iu the chim
ney, under the floor, creeping between the ceiling and
the roof. It will not be another hour before ano
ther fire will break out, and the next 'houße will
be devoured, andthe next house to that will
be consumed. Cursed be that company who
leave the fire before they put it out. We have
put out the must put out the fire. [Laugh
ter and cheers.] If fire, let alone, puts out fire, then
slavery, let alone, will put out slavery. Cursed be
those who, at the fire, would stop in their work as
long as there is a spark left. When you put outthe
flame, extinguish the brand. When you extinguish
the brand, smother the coals. When you smother
the coals, wet the embers. Then cover it up deep
with water. Don’t touch It. [Applause.] But
Blavery is bo insidious, and so full of the devil, it is
unsafe to let it alone. Take it as the boy took the
snake—first smash its head, then its tail, then cut it
in two in the middle. [Cheers.] The old serpent
Vmust&e braised at both ends, then cut in two in
_lhe middle, and then it is worth while to watch it.
[Great applause.]
I thank y oufor the reception you give me to night,
I shall send word back to Richard Cobden £ap
plauße] and his friends in England, who said to me
that I represented not the North, but only a section
of the North—a rapidly increasing section, he ad
mitted, but still only a section —I shall; write back
to him and say: “You were right a year ago, but
you have not read the nor kept up with
the progress of American sentiment,” When F
spoke in England I represented not a section, but
an immense majority of the American people, who
are determined bo to establish liberty in this nation
that it shall ever be a light and a guide to the im
mense majority of the civilized world*
At the conclusion of Mr. Beecher’s lecture, after
the applause had subsided, Mr. Binney, on behalf of
the Sanitary Commission, offered a resolution of
thanks for ills eloquent address, after which the
multitude dispersed*
Opening of the Through Railroad between
New York and Washington—The Ex
cursionists at the Capital*
[SpecialDespatch to The Frees.]
Washington, Dec. 3.
The excursion party, from New York to Washing
ton, arrived here this evening at twenty minutes past
six o’clock. The most princely arrangement had
been made by the gentlemen having the affair in
charge. The excursionists, upon the arrival of the
train, were taken in carriages to Willard’s Hotel,
where a splendid banquet was prepared for them.
The happy company sat down to a well-filled and
handsomely-decorated table after seven. The ban
queting room was brilliantly illuminated from
the five large chandeliers pending from the
ceiling. Candelabra, with red, white, and blue
lights, interspersed with ornamental bouquets
of natural flowers, were arranged along the table*
Ridhard Wallaeh, Mayor of Washington, presided.
W. Prescott Smith, master of transportation of the
Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, had a position af the
other end of the table. Among the distinguished
gentlemen present were H. C. Kennedy, Superin
tendent of Census; Hon. Mr. Hubbard, of Con
necticut; Colonel D. C. McCallum, superintendent
of United States military railroads, and quite &
number of members of Congress. The press waa
largely represented from moat of the principal citie&of
the North—Boßton, New York, Pittsburg, Cincin
nati, Trenton, Baltimore, Wilmington, and other
places. The cloth having been removed, Mayor
Wallaeh delivered a short-address, in which he con
gratulated the company on the establishment of a
through line from New York to the capital city of
the nation. He concluded his remarks by intro
ducing W. Prescott Smith, who delivered an off
hand °and appropriate speech, in which he alluded
to the great national route, in the establishment.of
which an amount of money has been expended that
ought to command respect. He felt a patriotic
pride in the progress of this great work, and hgg
would say, that had it not been for this cruel vM
which caused a scarcity in laborers, a double
wouldhave been laid before this. And even thoujM
we have had a war, there would have been adoublS
track road between Baltimore and Washington
eighteen months since, but for the raids of Stone-1
wall Jackson. -Yet the good work progressesandl
in a very short time there will be no oocasion tol
change a car or seat between Washington and New ]
York. This he considered a source for national]
congratulation. Washington will remain the cap!-’
tal of this country, still to be greater yet. War or
no war, Washington will always be the capital.
[Great applause.] It is destined to become a far
greater city than ever. Mr. Smith concluded has
"remai ka by.offering a sentiment on the prospective
growth of Washington city. This brought Mayor
wallaeh to his leet, and he delivered a
speech that was frequently applauded.