gi j t 4rt55. WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 24. 1862 The Attitude of New York. • It is impossible to resist the conviction that a bold effort is about to be made to place the State of New York in a position of apparent antagonism to the Federal au thority. The Democratic journals abound with hints and allusions for the apparent purpose of testing the public mind. A few days ago we had occasion to comment upon the declaration of the Lieutenant Governor elect of New York, DAVID R. FLOYD JONES, in which he professed to give a synopsis of the forthcoming message of Governor REY idouß. The tone of his allusions was in har mony with the general idea now pervading the Democratic press. The • Democratic organs of New York city are more emphatic than the Lieutenant Governor. They bold ly declare it to be the purpose of Governor SEYMOUR to precipitate a conflict with the President. The Brorld, in its wild rhetoric, speaks of "raising a tempest," while the uncouth and rude Expresa abounds in large capitals, and emphasized sentences, and re peats the cant phrase : " Either the Ad ministration dies, or the Government dies." A correspondent of the Baltimore Sun as serts that " Governor SEYMOITR will allow of no more arbitrary:arrests. Upon that point and some others, be is deeply pledged," The New York correspondent of the Phila delphia Ledger confirms this state ment, and adds tluA Governor SEY MOUR will declare a determination to " permit no draft in the State of New York, unless the Federal Adminis tration recedes from its emancipation po-. lley." "Mr. SEvatou - n's Idea," continues this correspondent, after vouching for his authority "as reliable as that of the Go vernor himself," " is, that it is not within the strict line of his duty to his constituents, nor to the country at large, to permit white men to be taken from their families-here to free negroes Sotith." This last statement is the most explicit declaration we have yet seen as to the intentions of Gov. SEYMOUR, and as Its author is known to be an em ployee of the New York Erpresa, we aceept his declaration as authoritative. As to any disposition on the part of Go vernor SEYMOUR to array himself against the President in his new station as Governor of New 'York, we are not prepared to express an opinion. We do not trust him as a poli tician, and we have no reason to trust him as a Governor. Were ho a truer man than his record has proved him to be, we should have little faith in his ability to sustain the Government, for he is in the hands of bad men. It is a remarkable fact that since the beginning of this rebellion not one of the leading friends of Governor Suvarpun has taken any active part in favor of the Ad ministration. They left that duty to loyal Democrats like General Drs and Jews WADSWORTH, and to the Republican party. Mr. FERNANDO WOOD, with his vast influ ence over a New York mob—Mr. KERET -OA2C, with his sad record as a soldier—Mr. CHARLES O'Corton, with his notorious sym pathies for the South—the New York hotel clique and its newly-purchased organ, The World—have all been silent in the hour of danger. They clamored earnestly against coercion until the clamor was hushed by the roar of Fort Sumpter's cannon. They are now active and persistent in opposition to the Government, because they hope to pro fit by its embarrassment and ; seize the reins of power. If Governor SEYMOUR can be driven to consent, the effort will be tried. The more closely we examine the course of these men, the more thoroughly we are convinced of the justice of our suspicion: It might have been done more effectively had a popular general been induced to take the lead, and we have no hesitation in de claring that nothing but the moral purpose, the virtue and the patriotism of General McCLF.I.I.AN, kept him from bei t ng their in strument and victim. There has a hope that General Bunlismu might be available, but the high tone and courage of that re markable man, as manifested in the report we printed yesterday, and in the evidence we print this morning, shows that he is made in the mould of CINCINNA TUI3 and WASIUNGTON, and is far above their cabals. Governor SuvAroun is their last selection, and he is to open the counter revolution by denying the right to execute the draft in New York, unless the President surrenders his policy and annuls his procla mation of Emancipation! • With a patriotic army and a patriotic people, and a Government of their choice and affection, we can well afford to laugh to scorn the efforts and intrigues of these ambi tious bad men. It will be sad thing for our sister State of New York, if she is to be de livered to the mercies of a State Government that goes into power as the antagonist of the General Government. We may be doing wrong to anticipate any such • contin gency, but this matter has been threatened so frequently, and with so much earnestness and passion, that we might as well look it in the face. . The course of the Administra tion in arresting traitors will be governed by the circumstances that controlledit in other times. If the danger should again demand the summary arrest of traitors in New York, they will be arrested. If the Pre sident deems it proper to order a draft, the draft will be made ; and if Governor SEY moult dares to oppose it on any pretext, he will be held to a strict and unrelenting ac countability. The time has passed when any State, or the authorities of any State, can threaten the General Government; and the time will never come, when an ambitious and unfriendly Governor will be allowed to assail the Supreme Executive with impunity. This may as well be understood. We Omit that Governor SEYMOUR will act as the Go vernor of a great, good, loyal, and devoted State should act in his dealings with the Ad ministration; that he will disappoint the men who are seeking to make him an instrument of sedition and mischief. It will be well for himself and his fame if he heeds the advirn thus frankly given. Broad Street. It seems that the speculators and opera tors, who are interested in the building of the freight railroad on Broad street, have entered into a nice with the Court of Com. mon Pleas, and are determined to have the road built berme the honorable members of that Court rendez' their decision. Broad street has suddenly become a sort of ex tended lumber yard, and along its inhabited length we see piles of logs. The next step will be to tear np the stones, and accompany the logs with heaps of gravel. Then we shall have gangs of busy laborers working night and day, and in a few days the new railroad. The rails once on the earth, it will be a difficult and tedious matter to tear them out; and the prospect is, that we shall be inflicted for another generation with hourly processions of coal teams, freight cars, and locomotives. Broad street will then become a choked and unsightly avenue of trade—a thoroughfare for butchers, dray men, coal-heavers, and mules. For every pleasant and beneficial purpose, it will be ruined, and Philadelphia will be compelled to do without an avenue worthy of its taste and fame until two or three generations bring the Schuylkill into the heart of the city. Honor the Brave. Mr. HVTCnINS, of Ohio, ha% introduced a resolution into the House to give fine gold niedals to the brave volunteers who crossed the Rappahannock as the advance guard. We are glad to record this action on the part of the Representative from Ohio. Congress should do something in acknowledgment of their bravery, and it is of little moment whether It takes the form of medals or not. But there are other and more material me thodsr of acknowledging the devotion of these tnnve men, and thit is to promote tam to higher positlous. Merit •should be tie cause for advimeenicut, and Who have befri more meritorious than the gallant four hop tired k1..A1E...a1.r, I .) 6 U e■ A 1 I . 2 ..)h fi e . I I Special Despatches to 44 The Press." Wasmatvrent, December 23, 1882. • The Ministerial Troubles. There are no facts, or even rumors, concerning the Cabinet worth repeating, and the late excitement has quite subsided. A Memorial from Tenneseee about the Proclamation. Hon. EMERSON ETHER/DOE this morning pre sented to the President a memorial signed by Gov. Aramsw JOHNSON, Ex-Governor Wst. B. CAMP BELL, WM. B. STOKES, Colonel of the let Middle Tennessee Cavalry, ALLEN A. HALL, Judge BET E\, JORDAN STOKES, A. V. S. LINDSLEY, Postmaster at Nashville, and other prominent Tennesseans, urg ing the President, for reasons therein specified, to ex empt Tennessee from the operation of any proclama tion which he may hereafter issue - declaring all slaves in certain rebellions districts free. It is un derstood that the memorialists do not object to Its application to the cotton States of the South, or, in deed, any other rebellious State. Unpublished Correspondence. The Secretary of State has communicated to Con gress unpublished correspondence between the State Department and the minister to Russia, r.clative to the telegraphic line from Moscow eastward to the Amoor river and the Asiatic coast, and thence, by the joint effort of Russia and the United States, to San Francisco. Portions of the line In the Russian empire have already been completed. Mr. BAYARD TAYLOR writes that our agent, Mr. COLLINS, is awaiting the answer of the Emperor to the propo sition to extend the line eastward from the Amoor river. The McDowell Court of Inquiry. General Sigel was cross-examined to-day. This examination had reference more particularly to the causes of the prejudice which he might be supposed to have against General McDowell, in connection with the remark that officer is alleged to have made to one of his (Sigel's) staff. The witness acknowledges this remark to be his chief reason of complaint, but there were others, it being a personal dispute which he did not wish to mention. One was, that having sent an aid-de camp to General McDowell, during the march from Gainesville to Manassas, to make a report and in quire the cause of a thing heard on their left, the officer was grossly insulted by him, in presence . 0r his (McDowell's) staff, hut he (Sigel) did not so much regard this as an affront to himself as to a member of his staff. General Sigel next recounted, in the order of date, the movements wherein he thought General Mc- Dowell had been tardy in co-operating—for instance, when Jackson was allowed to overcome Shields, escape Fremont, and to rejoin the main army of the rebels contending against McClellan near Richmond. He. also accused McDowell of leaving Banks 'at the battle of Cedar Mountain with only 9,000 men,to withstand, alone, 25,000 of the enemy, even after both McDowell and Pope had been advised of their approach. The court then adjourned. The Porter court did not meet to-day. Indian Annuities. It i* ascertained that $38,100 of the annuity of the Miami Indiana for 1854 and 1855 was carried to the surplus fund, and has not been paid. BATTLE OF FREDERICKSBURG. Special Report of the Congressional Com mittee on the Conduct of the War—Depo pitfalls of Gene. Halleck, Burnside, Helga, Hooker, Sumner Franklin, Woodbury, and Ilnupt —An Itsportniat Official History of the Present Campaign In Northern Vir ginia. WASHINGTON, Dec. 23.—The Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War to-day made a report in answer to a resolution of the Senate, passed on the 18th inst., calling on that committee to inquire into the facts relating to the recent battle at Fredericks burg, Vo., and particularly as to what officer or offi cers are responsible for the assault. They say that they proceeded to the headquarters of the Army of the Potomac and took the depositions of Major Generals Burnside, Sumner, Franklin, and Hooker, and Brigadier Generals Woodbury and Haupt, and, on the return to Washington, those of Major General ialleck and Brigadier General Meigs. All the facts relating to the movements of the army under General Burnside, the forwarding of pontoons and supplies, and the recent battle at Fre dericksburg, are so fully and clearly stated in deposi tions herewith submitted, that the committee report the testimony without comment : Testimony of General Burnside. major General Ambrose E. Burnside was sworn by the chairman : Q. You have Been the resolution of the Senate under which the committee are now acting. Will you now go on, and in your own way, without questioning, give such account of the matters em braced in that resolution as you may consider neces sary and proper. A. In order that the whole matter may be entirely understood, it may be well to go back a little. Q. Very well—make your statement in your own way. A. When, after the battle of Antietam, General 'McClellan decided to cross the Potomac, I said to him that, in my opinion, he would never be able to take this army on that route beyond the Rappa hannock unless he succeeded in fighting the enemy at some place on this side ; that if he proposed to go to Richmond by land he would have to go by the way of Fredericksburg, and in that he partially agreed with me. After we had started, we had another conversation on that subject, and several other officers were present. On the 6th of November, after the conversation, General McClellan gave an order to Captain Drum, his chief engineer, to have all the pontoon bridges at Berlin, and in that neigh borbood, that could be spafed,taken up and sent down to Washington with a view of getting them down to this town, in case he decided to go by way of Fredericksburg. The letter conveying that order was written on the 6thof November, but, as I under stand, was not received until the 12th of November. On the 7th or Bth of November I 'received an order from the President of the United States, directing me to take command of the Army of the Potomac, and also a copy of the order relieving General Mc- Clellan from that command. This order was con veyed to me by General Buckingham, who was ate tached to the War Department. After getting over my surprise, the shock, &c., I told General Bucking ham that it was a matter that required my serious thought; that I did not want the command; that it had been offered to me twice before, and I did not feel that I could take it. I counseled with two of my staff officers in regard to it, for, I should think, an hour and a half. They urged upon me that I had no right, as a soldier, to disobey the order, and that I had already expressed to the Government niy un willingness to take the command. I told them what my views were, with reference to my ability to ex-' ercise such a command, which views were those I had always, universally expressed, that I was not competent to command such a large army as this. X bad said the same over and over again, to the Presi dent and Secretary of 'War; and also, that if mat ters could be satisfactorily arranged with General Mcialelltue I thought he could command the Army of the Potomac better than any other general in it. But they had studied the subject more than I had, and knew more about their objections to General McClellan than I did. There had been some conver sation with regard to this removal of Gen. McClel lan when he was bringing his army from before Rich- Mond. The first of these conversations with the President and Secretary of War occurred at that time ; and then, after Gen. McClellan had got back to Washington, and before the commencement of the Maryland campaign, there was another conversation of the same kind, and on both of these occasions I expressed to the President the opinion that 1 did not think there was any one who could do as much with that army as Gen. McClellan could, if matters could be so arranged as to remove their objections to him. After I had conversed with my staff officers, I went to see Gen. McClellan himself, and agreed with them that this was an order which I, lulls soldier, had to obey. He said that he could not retain the com mand, for he, as a soldier, would have to obey the order directing him to give up that command. It was in the midst of a violent snow storm, with the army in a position that' I knew but little of. I had previ ously commendee,but one corps upon the extreme right in the advance, since the campaign had begun. I probably knew less than any other corps-com mander of the positions and relative strength of the several corps of the army. General McClellan remained some two or three days to Arrange his affairs, and came with are as far as Warrenton, and then left, having given me all the information he could in reference to the army. General lialleck came down to see are on the 11th of November. On the 9th, I made out a plan of operations, In accordance with the order of General Helleck, which directed me not only to take com mand, but also to state what I proposed to do with it. That Arlan I wrote on the morning of the 9th of November, and sent it by special messenger to Washington. 1 can furnish the committee a copy of that plan, if they desire it. I do not have it here now. Q. State the substance of it, if you please ; that may do as well. A. I 'stated, in substance, that I thought it advise.- We to concentrate the army in the neighborhood of Warrenton, to make a small movement across the Rappahannock as a feint, with a view to divert the attention of the enemy, and lead them to believe we were going to move in the direction of Gordonsville, and then to make a rapid movement of the whole army to Fredericksburg on this side of the Reppa- I hannock. As my reasons for that, I stated that the further we got into the interior of Virginia, the longer would be our line of communication, AM! the greater would be the difficulty we would have in keeping them open, as the enemy had upon our right flank a corps that almost at any time could, by a rapid movement, seriously embarrass us. If we were caught by the elements so far from our base of sup plies, and, at the same time, in the enemy's country, Where they had means of getting information that We had not, it might, I thought, prove disaatrous to the army, as we had but one line of railway by which to supply it. 1n moving upon Fredericksburg we would all the time • be as near Washington as would the enemy, sad after arriving at Fredericksburg we would be at a point nearer to Richmond than we would be even if we should take Gordonsville. On the Gordons ville lice the enemy, in our opinion, would not give us a decisive battle at any placethis side of Rich mond. They would defend Gordonsville until such time as they felt they had given us a'elteek, and then, with so many lines of railroad open to them, they would move upon Richmond or upon Lynchburg, and in either case the difficulty of following them would he very great. In connection with this move ment, I requested that barges filled with provisions and forego should be floated to Acquia creek, where they cuitki easily be landed ; that materials be col lected for the reconstruction of the wharves there, and that all the wagons in Washington that could possibly he spered should be Riled with hard bread and small Commissary stores, and, with a large noel ; her of beef cattle, started down to Fredericksburg on the road by way of Dumfries . ; and thatthis wagon train and load of cattle should be preceded by a pontoon train large enough to span the Rappahannock twice. I stated that this wagon train could move in perfect safety, because it would be all the time between our army and the Potomac ; or, In other words, our army would be all the time between the enemy and that train. But at the same time, I said that if a cavalry escort could not be fur nished from Washington,l would send some of my cavalry to guard the trai. On the morning of the 14th of November,feeling uneasy with reference to the pontoons , as Ihad mat heard of their starting, I directed my.obief engineer to telegraph again in reference" to them. (t. To whom did he telegraph? A. Ile telegraphed to. Gan, Woodbury or.to Makes Spaulding. It subsequently appeared that ttukt weethe tint they ever had heard of any wish totteVathe pen THE FBESS.--PHILADELPFILA.. WEDNESDAY. DECEMBER 24. 1862. toontrain started down to Fredericksburg, although thetauthorities in Washington had had my piano sent tot hem on the ath of November; and it had also been discovered by Gen lialleek and Gen. Meigs, at my headquarters, on the night of the 11th and 12th of November ; and after discovering it fully there, they sat down and sent telegrams to Wtuihington, which, as I supposed, fully covered the case, and would secure the starting of the pontoon trains at once. I supposed, of course, that those portions of the plan, which required to be attended to in iVashington, would be carried out there at once. I could hinve sent °Meer& of my own there to attend to those matters, and perhaps made a mistake in not ic doings°, ns General Ballet afterwards told me thatl ought to have trusted to them in Washington for the de tails. In reply to the telegram I had ordered to be sent, General Woodbury telegraphed back that the pontoon train would start on Sunday morning, pro bably, and certainly' on Monday morning, which would have been on the 16th or 17th of November, and would have been in time. They did not, how ever, start until the 19th, and on that day it com menced raining, which delayed them so much, and the roads became so bad, that when they got to Dum fries they floated the pontoons off the wagons. We then . sent to Washington for a steamer, and' carried them down to Acquia creek by water, sending the wagons around by land. The pontoons did not get here until the 22d or Wad of November. On the 16th of November I started the column down the road to Fredericksburg, not knowing anything about the delay in the starting of the pontoons, be cause the telegram announcing the delay did not reach Warrenton Junction until I had left to come down here with the troops ; and that telegram did not reach me until I arrived here, on the morning of the 18th, when it was handed to me by an orderly who had brought it down to Warrenton Junction. After reaching here, I saw at once that there was no chance for crossing the Rappahannock with the army at that time. it commenced raining, and the river began to raise, not to any great extent, but I did not know how much it might rise. There were no means of crossing except by going up to the fords, and it would be impossible to do that, because of the inability to supply the troops after they should cross. General Sumner, with hie command, arrived here in advance. He sent to me asking if he should cross the river. He was very much tempted to take his own men across, to Fredericksburg, by a ford near Falmouth, as there was no enemy there except 'a very small force. I did not think it advisable that he should cross at that time. The plan I had in contemplation was, if the stores and those bridges bad come here as I expected, to throw Sumner's Whole corps across,the Rappahannock, fill the wagons with as many small stores as we could, and, having beef cattle along for meat, then to make a rapid movement down in the direction of Richmond, and try to meet the enemy and fight a battle before Jackson could make a junction there. We knew that :Jackson was in the valley, and felt confident that there was force enough on the Upper Rappa hannock to take care of him. We felt certain that as soon as the enemy knew of our crossing down here, the force of Jackson would be recalled, and we wanted to meet this force and beat it before Jackson could comedown on our flank, and perhaps cripple us. I had recommended that some supplies should be sent to the mouth of the Rappahannock, with a view of establishing a department at Port Royal. Aftor we had advanced to Fredericksburg, and after the first delay in starting the pontoons, I think they were sent as quickly as they could have been, and the supplies and quartermasters' stores have been always in as great abundance as we could have expected, for after the 19th of Novem ber the roads were particularly bad. Horses and mules were sent down to us, so that our cavalry and teams were in very good condition. After it was ascertained that there must be a delay!hnd that the enemy had concentrated such a force as to make It very difficult to cross, except by a humber of bridges, we commenced bringing up from Acquia creek all the pontoons we could. After enough of them had been brought up to build the bridges, I called several councils of war to decide about cross ing the Rappahannock. It was at first decided to cross atShenker's Neck, about twelve miles below here, but our demonstration was simply for the pur pose of drawing down there as large a force of the enemy as possible. I then decided to cross hers, be cause, in thC first place, I felt satisfied that they did not expect us to cross here but down below. In the next place, I felt satisfied this was the place to fight the moat decisive battle, because if we could divide their forces byinetrating their lines at one or two points, separa their left from their right, then a vigorous attao with the whole army would suc ceed in breaking their army In pieces. The enemy had cut a road along on the rear of the line of . heights - where we made our attack, by means of which they connected the two wings of their army, and avoided a long detour round through a bad country. I obtained from a colored man from the other side of the town infor mation in regard to this new road, which proved to be correct. I wanted to obtain possession of the new road, and that was my reason for making an attack on the extreme left. I did not intend to make an at tack on the right until that position had been taken, which I supposed would stagger the enemy, cutting their lines in two,and then I proposed to make a direct attack on their front and drive themout of the works. I succeeded in building six bridges and taking the whole army across the river. Two attacks were made, and we were repulsed, still holding a portion of the ground we had fought upon, but not our ex treme advance. That night I went all over the field on our right. In fact I was with the officers and men until - neer daylit. finand the feeling to be rather against the at tack the next morning. In fact, it was decidedly against it. I returned to my head quarters, and, after a oonversation, with Gen. Sum ner, told him that I wanted him to order the Ninth army corps, which was the corps I originally com manded, to form. the next morning a column of at tack by regiments. It consisted of some eighteen old regiments, and some new ones. I desired the column to make a direct attack upon the enemy's works. I thought that those regiments, by arriving quickly up after each other, would be able to carry the stonewall and the batteries in front, throwidg the enemy into their next line ; and, by going in with them, they would not be able to tire upon us to any great extent. I left Gen: Sumner with that understanding, and di; ected him to give the order. The order was given, and the order of attack was formed. The next morning, just before the column was to have started; General Sumner came to me, and said "General, I hope you will desist from this attack. I do not know of any general officer who approves of it, and I think it will prove disastrous to the army." Advice of that kind from General Sum ner, who has always been in favor of our ad vance whenever it was • possible, caused • me to hesitate. I kept the column of' attack formed, and sent over for the division and corps commanders and consulted with them. They unanimously voted against the attack. I then'went over to see the other officers of the command on the other aide, and found that the same opinion prevailed among them. I sent for General Franklin, who was on the left., and he was' of exactly the same opinion. This causel• me to decide that I ought not to make the attack I had contemplated ; and, besides,cinaarnueh as the Presi dent of the United States had told me to be in no haste in making the attack—that he would give me all the support he could, but he did not want the army of the Potomac destroyed—l felt that I could not take the responsibility of order ing the attack, notwithstanding my own belief at the time that the works of theenemy could be car ried. On the afternoon of that day I again saw the officers, and told them that I had decided to with draw to this side of the river all our force, except enough to hold the town and the bridge-heads, but should keep the bridges there for future operations, in case we wanted to cross again. I accordingly ordered the withdrawal, leaving General Hooker to conduct the withdrawal of our foroes, and sent Franklin to conduct it on our left, During thateve ning I received from Gen. Hooker a note, and at about 10 o'clock at night (}en. Butterfield came over with a message from Gen. Hooker, stating that he (Gen. Hooker) felt it his duty to represent to me the condition in which I was leaving the town, and the troops in it. After a long conversation on the sub ject with General Butterfield, I felt that the troops I proposed to leave behind would not be able to hold the town. I then partially decided to withdraw the whole command, which was a still more perilous operation. It commenced rain ing, which, to so extent, was an assistance to us, but a very had t IT in the moving of troops. _I thought over the matter for about two hours, and about I o'clock I sent over an order to withdraw the whole force, which was successfully accomplished. There had been a great deal of division of opinion among the corps commanders as to the places of crossing, but after all the discussion upon the subject, the decision to cross over here, I understood , was well received by all of them. While on his way here, Gen. Hooker, on the morning of the 20th of November, wrote me a note which I received on the 21st, in which he suggested that he should cross his force over the Rappahannock, at the ford nearest the town—Richards' ford—and move rapidly down to Saxton's Station, and take a position there. He stated that he had three days' provisions, and thought he could meet any force of the enemy in front of him. I replied to him that I was always very glad to take the advice of my general Officers, and should always be loth to make a move without consulting them, but I could not approve of the move he had suggested, because, in the first place, he Would have to march some thirty-six miles to get to Saxton's Station. It was then raining, and he would have to ford two rivers, which might rise and Out him off' from the main body oft he command; rand as I had no means of crossing at Fredericksburg, I would be prevented from sending him supplies and assistance. And although he might reach Saxton's, and not meet any force of the enemy at that time, yet it would be a very hazardous movement to throw a column like that beyond the reach of the proper sup port. This reply I sent to General Hooker by an aide-dc-camp. He thanked me and said that he had only made it as a suggestion, and the weather, as it was then raining, of course rendered it impossible to make the movement lie had suggested. Q. What reasons do you assign for the failure of your attack here! A. It Wag found to be impossible to get the men to the works. The enemy's fire was too hot for them. The whole ecte;imand fought most gallantly. The enemy themselves say they never saw our men fight as hard se on that day. C.l. Were the enemy's works very strong l A. Their works are not strong works. but they oc cupy very strong positions. It is possible that the points of attack were wrongly ordered. If such was the case I can only say that I did it to the best of my ability. It is also possible that it would have been better to have crossed at Kinker's Neck; but for what I supposed to be good reasons, I felt that we had better cross here; that we would have a more decisive engagement here, and that, if we suc ceeded in defeating the enemy here, we would break up the whole of their army here, which, I think, is now the most desirable thing, not even second to the capture of Richmond, for if thbil army was broken up, though they mightdefend Richmond for a while, they could not make any effort then. By Tlr. Gooch—Do I understand you to say that it was your understanding that Gen. Halleck and General lileigs, while at your headquarters in War renton, and before you commenced the movement of your nrmy, sent orders to Washington for the pon toons to be immediately forwarded to Falmouth l A. That was my understanding, certainly. Q. In your judgment, could the pontoons have been forwarded to you in time for you to have ' erosFed the Rappahnunock when you expected, if all, possible efforts had been made by those changed with that duty. A. Yes, sir; If they had received their orders in thuel Q. Did the non-arrival of these pontoons at the time you expected prevent your crossing when you expected to cross, and interfere with the success of your planet A. Yes, sir. Q. Since you have assumed the command of the Army of the Potomac, have all Its movements been made according to your own judgment or have some of them been decided by the General-in-Ohief, the Secretary of War, or the President of the United States! A. They have all been made in accordance with my ownjudgtnent. In some cases I have Submitted ril l my views, w ich haapproved. Q. been Q. Who " you Understand was responsible for the fotwa gof the pontoons to Falmouth 1 A. I understand that Gen. Ilalleck was to give the necessary orders, and that the officers who should receive the orders were the ones responsible for the pontoons not coming here. I could have carried out that part of my plan through officers of my own, but having just taken the command of the army, with which I was but little acquainted, it was evident it was as much as I could attend to, with the assist ance of all my officers, to change the army from Warrenton to Fredericksburg. And I felt indeed I expected, that all the parts of the p 1 which were to be executed in Washington would EP attended to by the officers at that place, under the direction of the different departments to which those parts of the plan appertained. Q. Did you or did you not understand that you were to be responsible for seeing that these orders were carried outs A. I did not. I never imagined for a moment that I had to carry out anything that required to be done at - Washington. General Moles told me dis tinctly, several days ago, in Washington, that he never saw my plan of operations until I showed it to him on that day. Q. Do I understand you to say, in our state. rnent, that you expected General I to carry the point at the extreme left of the ridge in the rear of the town, and thereby enable our troops to storm and carry• their fortificationst A. I did expect him to carry that point, which being done, would have placed our forces in the rear of their extreme left, and which I thought at the time would take their forts on the ridge to such an extent that the position in front could be easily stormed and carried. Q. To what do you attribute his failure to accom plish that I A. To the great strength of the position, and - Ur accumulation of the dnemrs forces there ; I ex pected that the bridges would be built in tido or three hours after they were landed, whlah was about daylight; instead of that, those on the tight were not built Until three o'clock in the afternoon, and I had only the means of getting across one division over the bridges on the right. lien. Franklin's bridges were built at about noon, and were held by our troops on the opposite bank. This gave the enemy time to accumulate their forces, which were strengthened along the river from Port Royal up to the battle-field and be fore / was able to order the attack. Whilst the men here were undoing the bridges and putting them into the water, the enemy's sharpshooters opened a very heavy fire from the town, and our batteries opened upon the town with a view of si lencing them. In this manner the bridges were built about two-thirds of their lengths. At which time the bridge builders were driven oft; and had to take shelter under the bank. Repeated iffibrts were made to get these bridges built out to the ends of the bridges with the necessary material, but they all failed. -It waa.then reported to me that it was im possible to build the bridges under that fire, and that the sharpshooters could not be driven out of the town by the, artillery. We had one hundred end forty.thrie guns in position, the eI portion of which were playing upon the town. said to the officers who had reported to me that it was impossible to build the bridges, that they must be built--that some plan must be devised for getting those sharpshooters out of the way, so that our men could get to march. Upon consulting with Gee. Hunt, Chief of Artillery, and Gen. Woodbury, of the Engineers, it was agreed to fill the boats with our own men, run them quickly across under tire, throw them on the bank, and let them go up into the stores and houses and drive the sharpshooters away. This plan was successfully carried out, and in fifteen minutes after the first detachment of troops had reached the opposite bank our men began build ing the bridges, and in a half hour more they were completed. Q. What was the conduct of the officers and men durtn • the attack I - - - - - A. 'lth the exception Of a single regiment, it was excellent. Q. Wlll you state, as nearly as possible, the whole number engaged 1 A. We had about men on the other aide of the river. Q, What part of that number were actually en. gaged In the battle! A. Every single man of them was under artillery fire, and about half of them were at difftrent•points formed in columns of attack. Every man was put in column of attack that could be got in. Q. Rave you any knowledge as to the force of the enemy beret A• It is estimated all the way from 100,000 to 200,- 000. I think myself that it was leas than 100,000. Q. What was the extent of the casualties' on our side resulting from the fighting! A. It will not be far from ten thousand killed, wounded and missing. Q. What is the present condition of our troops herel A. As far as my knowledge and information goes, it is good. Q. Do you or do you not consider yOUr troops de. moralized, or the efficiency of our army impaired, except so far aa it has been from the less of so many meal A. I do not. I would add here that, although at the time I ordered the column of attack to be form ed, on the morning after the battle, I thought the enemy's works could be carried, and adverted to that opinion during the day. I afterwards became convinced that that could not have been done, owing to the great strength of the enemy, the time given them.for reinforcing, and the belief also of our officers that it could not be done, I accordingly telegraphed to the Preiddent of the United States that I with drew our army, because I felt that the enemy's po sition could not be carried. Testimony of Major Geu. Sumner. Major General E. V. Sumner, sworn and-examined by the chairman. Q. What Is your position in the Army of the Po tomac 9 . A. I command the right grand division of that army, consisting of the Second and Ninth corps d'arrnec. Q. Of how.many men does your grand division consist? A. Before the late action it consisted of about -- men. It is being increased by new troops as they come to us It was originally intended to be something over men. Q. Would it have been better, in your judgment, to have crossed the river 'and engaged the enemy earlier than you did, and, if so, why was it not donel A. When General Burnside was Ordered to take command of this army, he told me what he pro to do, that is, to march on Fredericksburg stead of on Culpeper; I thought that was the wisest plan, for these reasons : If we had marched on Culpeper, according to the former plan, even if we had been successful, we would have had to fall back for supplies, whereas by coming on this line, on reaching Fredericksburg, I confidently expected to take the neights in the rear of it before the army of the enemy would come from Culpeper, and I thought the chance of making Richmond watt much better than by going the other way; because, if the pontoons had been here on my arrival, and in time for me to have crossed and occupied the heights in the rear of Fredericksburg before the enemy could mask them, we should 'have kept pursuing the enemy or from this line of railroad, keeping it in our possession. If we could not have precedmithenvinto Richmond we could havekept so close to them that they would have bad no time to build fortifications. These were the reasons why I thought it a very judicious mea sure on the part of Gen. Burnside to change the base of 'operations instead of advancing on Culpeper, which I believe Gen. McClellan intended to have done. On my arrival here on the loth of November, A battery of artillery on the other side of the river opened upon us the moment a portion of my troops appeared on the ridge back of Falmouth. I imme diately put a battery into position, and, I think, in not less than fifteen minutes they drove every man on the other aide from the guns, and they ran off and left four of the guns on the field. My orders were to advance and hold Falmouth, but not to crone. But the temptation was so strong to go over and take those guns the enemy had left, that at one time I actually gave the order to cross the ford at all events, and seize the guns, and occupy the city ; but, on reflection, I concluded I was rather too old a soldier to disobey a direct order, and there was another reason, too. I had had a little too much expe rience on the Peninsula of the consequence of getting astride of a river to wish it here. For these reasons I revoked my order that night. That same night I sent a note to General Burnside, who was some eight or ten miles distant, asking him if I should take Fredericksburg in the morning, should I be able to find a practicable ford—which, by the way, I knew when I wrote the note that I could find. The General replied through his chief of staff, that he did not think it advisable to occupy Freder icksburg until hie communications were established, and on reflection I myself thought he was t :S; that it was prudent and proper to have the bridges ready before we occupied Fredericksburg. I I could have taken that city, and the heights on the other side of it, any time within three days after my arrival here, if the pontoons had been here, for I do not think there was much force of the enemy here up to that time. With regard to the delay in melting the attack, I do not think. that the movement could have been made sooner than it was made. It will be recollected that no preparations had been made at Acquia Creek. When we came across here there were no means at Acquit Creek for landing any thing there. All those things had to be prepared afterwards ; the railroad had to be completed before we [could get up supplies for this great army. It takes an enormous amount of transportation to supply an army of 100,000 men and I do not think' the General could have made his prepara tions, or could have done all that was necessary to be done sooner than he did after the arrival here of the pontoons. The first proposition to cross the river was to cross at Skenker's neck. It seemed to me that you could scarcely cross a river In the face of an enemy of equal or superior force except by surprise. Therefore, after the pre parations were made to cross at Skenker's Neck, after a large number of wagons had been sent by the General down there in order to deceive the enemy, I was decidedly in favor of throwing the bridges over here and carrying the town as we &dean, - it—which washy surprise—as the enemy were massing their troops down below, expecting we were going to cross down there. I was in favor of crossing the Rappahannock, because neither our Govern ment nor our people would be satisfied to have our army to retire from this posit - km or go into whiter quarters untilwc knew the force that was on the other side of the river, and the only way in which:We could have that was by going over there and feeling them. I think it was necessary to have madeghe attack on that day, (on Saturday), and it was neem. eery, therefore, to attack them in their strong works ; and the repulse was what frequently happens in campaigns. The works were stronger than webe lieved them to be. I knew it was a very hazard ous movement, but I did believe that we could carry the enemy's works. The attack failed, owin to the enemy's fortifications being much more term - Me than we had supposed them to be. Q. Will you describe these fortifications ? A. I cannot describe them any better than this - they were tier upon tier, for two or three tiers, If we had carried the first tier, we could not have held it, for their next tier was a much more formidable row of fortifications, only a mile distant, and oh a higher position still, and no doubt large masses of infantry were between the two crests ; and having got on the top of one crest we would have been compelled to contend with masses of fresh troops over whom their own batteries could fire. t was ordered by the general commanding to select the corps to make the attack. I seleafted the corps of Generals lerenck and Hancock, two of the most gallant officers in our army, and two corps that had neither of them ever turned their backs to the enemy. They made repeated assaults, but were driven back in spite of all the efforts that could be made by their officers. The principal ob stacle that they found was a long stone wail, which was the outwork of the enemy. That wall was some four or live hundred yards' in length, as represented to me, and had been raised and strengthened. The enemy had artillery that enfiladed that wall on both sides. They held their fire until our troopiar rived at at certain point, when they rose and poured a perfect volley over this wall, their artillery en filading our column at the same time. No trobps could stand such a fire as that. Ido not think it a reproach to these two divisions that they did not carry that position • they did all that men could do. I had Genera? Howard's division in resdlL nem to support those two, and one strong ' di vision of Wilcox's corps. The Ninth corps, (Gen. Burnside's) old corps, war; detached to keep open communication with Gen. Franklin's r . t. That division was not under lire during the y. Some of the other divisions re of the Ninth corps re It me or less engaged. Gen. Hooker hail apa of • his grand division in the town, and one of his corps, under Gen. Humphreys, was engaged. They made a gallant attack, but were driven back. The fight was continued on the left, but I was so remote from that that I cannot give any description of it at laill. The general commanding directed me to establish,eny . headquarters at the Lacy House, so that I Gould superintend the operations of both my eorpe. I was there while the general commanding was at, the Phillips House during the action. During an action there is a constant running for orders for reinforce. meats—artillery troops at different points , ammuni tion, &c. I consider the crossing of the river, under the circumstances, a very creditable thing, and I also consider the retreat, under the ciamenastanties, as very creditable. There was not a gun or any thing On host; the entire army returned without an accident. I would like to add here, because it War almost the only occasion when the general com manding and myself have differed in regard to any point, that I did not wish to relinquish Frede ricksburg; I thought we could have held it wits a single division by posting our batteries right. 'lt would not have been giving up an ex pedition, but simply a change of tactics. That is the way in which I viewed it. That we would just be drawing back a little in order to try it again. I was therefore strongly in favor of holding Frede ricksburg. Others were not. Perhaps I was the only general officer of rank *ho was of that opiniOn. I thought it would present a better and a different appearance if we continued to hold the town; ,we could have commanded It any time with our ar tillery, and we can do so now. Ido not think there was any danger of difficulty in holding it; but I may have been mistaken. Q. Do you know any reason why the pontoon bridges did not arrive earlier 1 1 A. I do not. Q. You know nothing on that sultieett A. I do not. I expected, as a matter of course, to find them here when I came, or very soon aid:T. wards. (t. If you had found them here, as you expected, what would, in your opinion, have been the resUltl A. I should have taken the enest in the rear of the town on that night or the following day, not ebn aidering FrederiCksbutg aa being of any consequerice, except as being on the road to Richmond. I shoul d have passed through the town and taken possession of the crest. Q. Are there any fords above here which might have been crosseat A. There are several fords on this river, and:in summer time two or three of them would be practi cable perhaps. " Q.'l mean, we 's^^ an practicable fords . at the time you did cro r ace so, where were they 1 A. There is a rou t rßETc rii ford down by the upper bridge, at Falm 204 so n g, horsemen some times go over, but that ...anon the tide, which rises above this t TARD.—Pl.3Awhen I arrived here, which w tard, for sale In sto he tide was then receding, an it would not be possible to ES S. CARSTAI id until after dark. That fo 2,11 WALNUT Str a s being a deep ford, having dee skip from rock to nick ; a fel. there are occasionally deep holt feet deep._ Such a ford would . practicable for marching troops Q. What reason do you assigi either above or below where the Red I ro . racerN UREIC„ /M •- 204. Sanc,d/ 4, - Int ..tard, for fy an `c, g- ES S: fo •• 26 .—s,ooo i %white bags, for & WILLIAMS wg.TEMSire A. The reason was this we did turn their left flank, because there is 1 water navigation, taken out of the rii's miles Above here, and brought with the basin at the l a tgr r; ii e s t; a d n u c i e tl f i r t o . in to t i l t i a tt i t ,p ru o t i t ft s: n l o o a nkt . at or consider- General Sumner, in answer to a question as to the demoralization of the army, said he be , lief ed there was a great deal too much croslifkig. There was not sufficient confidence. He es timated that 10,000 men would cover our whole loss, lie did not, As a military man, think there were any faults or mistaken in bringing on or con ducting the attack. lle would have made but a single attack, instead Of two attacks, massing every thing upon one point. He considered that, with sufficient exertion, the army will be in excellent order again in a few days. Testimony . of Major Gan. Franklin. • • Major General Wm. 13. Franklin was sworn. lie testified as to the delay in the pontoon bridges. He thought. the arrangements fur the encasing were all well made. At the same Hine he alweys doubted our power to cross. The enemy could have pre vented our crossing if he had-chosen todo so. If the enemy had opened upon us at any moment with the guns they had bearing upon us, in the course of an our - our men would have been so scattered that it would have been impossible to rally them. In the tight of the 13th inst. he fought the whole strength of his command as far as he could, and at the same time keep his communications with the river open. The reason that we failed was that we had not troops enough to carry the points under the orders that were given. After we were pressed hack, I directed that a position should be held as • far In advance as It was POSSI bIe to hold it, and I brought up all the troops in reserve to hold that position. I held it until I was ordered to recross the river, and from what I know of our want of success on the right, and the demoralized condition of the troops on the centre as represented to me by their comman ders, I confess that I believe that the order to morose the river was a very proper one. Had the pontoons arrived in time, the probable result would have been that the arm would .have occu pied these very heights. So far as his wing was concerned, the army was not at all demoralized. He• believed we would have carried the heights by a con centration of our whole force on the left, with a feint upon the right. He did not mean to say that The carrying of the heights would have been a suc cess. He did not know the force of the enemy, except that wherever we appeared we found a great many more men than we had. He would like to impress as firmly upon the committee as possible, the fact that this whole disaster has re stilted fronithe delay in the arrival of the pontoon bridges. Whoever is responsible for that delay is responsible for all the disasters which have fol lowed. Testimony of Major Gen. Hooker. Major General Hooker's testimony was to the fol lowing effect. Whenthe change of thebase of ope rations• was discussed on the 11th of November, either General Halleck or General Meigs said that they thought they could have everything ready, on this side, in three days—that they could have the pontoons ready, the stores ready, and every thing in readiness to advance. But he thought it was not within the range of human possibillty. to do that. 'He thought it would have been better to have held the line whemwe were, but retaining suf ficient force there to threaten the enemy and keep them up ;to their works at Culpeper and Gordons ville; but instead of that, we withdrew every man, and even burned the bridges, thus exposing our plan to the enemy. General Hooker defended his proposed movement, mentioned in General Burnside's evidence. He was preparing to march down through Caroline county . , where the people had just gathered their crops, and would have got plenty of forage and provisions enough for a week or a fortnight. At Bowling Green he could have drawn his sup plies from Port Royal as early as he could get them where he was at Hartwood. He knew that henouhl have taken a position with 40,000 nren that the whole rebel army could not have moved him from. He could have taken the heights of Fredericksburg, and put them in a condition of defence. Brig. Gen. Woodbury Was sworn. He testified to receiving. a .deepatch from Gen. Halleck on the 12th of November, order ing him to transport all his pontoons and bridge ma terials to Armin. creek. On the 15th, he sent down three companies to build some temporary wharves there. There were no pontoons to send with them, but some arrived before night of that day. On the IGtb, eight companies started with forty-eight pon toons, which arrived at Belle Plain on the afternoon of the 19th—the transport having been aground for twenty-four hours. On the 19th, fearing that the land train would not arrive in time, he had thirty pontoon bridges ship ped for Belle Plain. These were delayed by rough weather and did not arrive till the 22d. He never received any information as to the time when Gen. Pturnsidets - movement to 'Fredericksburg would be made. Fearing that the movement would be precipi tate, he went to General lialleck's Office, and urged him to delay the movement some few days, in order that the necessary preparations might be made. He replied that he would do no thing to delay for an instant the advance of this. army upon Richmond. I replied that my a r u atlfr ea l ' o ion prevent it. ot i'ltfelideliatc?licaadmtl7e delay, but would have seized teams, teamsters, and wagon masters, for instant service,: wherever he could have found them. Then,with good weather, they might have got through. But such measures could -only have been carried out, by authority' of the General in-Chief. The Quartermaster's Department was very scantily, supplied. He did not think Gen. Mews' department wasjustly to blame in this mat ter. His requisitions for horses were answered Immediately. Testimony of General Ilalleek. General Halleck's testimony showed that the troops at Washington were under the command of Gen. Burnside—having been transferred to him on McClellan's retirement. When General Burnside spoke lo him on the twelfth of November about the pontoon horde and things that he required from here, he repeated to him that they were all subject to his (Burnside's) order. General Wood bury on my return told me he had received the order relative to the pontoon bridges. I told him that in all these matters he was under General Burn side's directions. He spoke of the delay in their transportation by the steamers getting aground, and the difficulty to the land train on account or the roads and the inexperience perhaps of the officers in command. He considered, from the reports he re ceived, that these delays resulted mainly from acci dent and the elements that no man had any control over. General Burnside telegraphed to him in relation to General Woodbury, thinking that he bad not used diligence, but afterwards told him that he was perfectly satisfied with what Gen. Woodbury had done, and that he did not know but that the commanding officer of the titan that went down had done his duty ,• also, that he was disposed to make no further investigation of the matter, being pretty well satisfied. There was no arrangement or understanding between General Burnside and General Halleck that the pontoons and army stores, or either of them, should be furnished to him (Gene ral Burnside) by the authorities at Washington without his looking after them himself. He (Gene ral Halleck) told Burnside not to rend him any requi sitions, but to make them to the proper heads of departments, and if they did not do their duty, then immediately report it to him. It was not de termined when 1 was at Warrenton that the move ment to Fredericksburg should be made. It was left to the President to assent to it. General Halleck did not remember that General Wood bury bad requested him to postpone the movement of General Burnside's army. Since Gen. Burnside has been in command of the Army of the Potomac, all its movements haVe been made entirely accord ing to his judgment and direction. In answer to a question whether he was not requested to repair this road before Gen. McClellan's army left Hae per's Ferry, he said that he did not remember. He was told that one of General McC.'s staff officers had requested itto be repaired, and he immediately answered that he could not do anything then until he took possession of the road. He did not know he (McClellan) was going there, for he did not in form him (Halleck) as to where he intended to go. Testimony of General :Wags. In answer to a request for explanations of any thing recurring to him relative to the battle of Fre dericksburg, General Meigs says that as he pre sumes the inquiry arises principally from the excited state of the public mind and the public press, and as the statements published show a misapprehension of the true facts of the case, and as the press In some degree holds him responsible for certain failures with the pontoon train and supplies, and the Quartermas ter's Department has been held responsible for certain failures, he will explain the facts of the ease. He said that he remembers writing on the back of the telegraphic despatch relative to repairs to the railroad to the Richmond, that they would depend upon its being occupied by the troops of the United States. It was at that time in the possession of the enemy. He refers to the destruction of the wharf he constructed at Acquia Creek after General Burn side's corps had moved to the Rappahannock and Rapidan. After Gen. Burnside took command of the army he promised to have supplies at Acquia Creek by the time he got there. He had not seen General Burnside's letter containing his plan of operations at this time. He had taken several precautions to accommodate the army, and in anti cipation of its wants. He thought the engineer bri gade landed at Acquia Creek before General Burn side reached Falmouth, and, on their landing, the enemy's pickets ran away, and their operations commenced. G en. Meigs' statement shows that he did his best to conform with the movements of the army, and explains the delay in the transportation -of the,pon toon bridges from the condition of the roads and the state of the weather. Any expectation that a pon toon bridge should be at Falmouth when the army arrived there, would, in his opinion, necessarily be disappointed. No pontoon train could go to Falmouth without a sufficient guard to drive out the enemy's pickets, and if it got there before the - army, the enemy would have captured it. The Quartermaster's Department was no more respon sible for the march of the pontoon train than for the march of a battery of artillery or a regiment of infantry. Its business. is to provide material for the transportation of the army and it has done so. General Burnside acknowledged to him that he had no complaint to make againstthe Q,uartermaster or Commissary Departments, but was surprised that they had been able to accomplish so much. Q. Who would be responsible for that particular duty of getting the pontoons over? A. General Woodbury. II Gen. W. had orders from General Burnside he was responsible for carry ing them out, or making him Understand thtk It was impracticable. 'l ho march of an army is to be managed by its commander. )Vhen a general, undertakes a move ment, he must give his orders himself, as General Halleck has, told you. Every order that General Burnside requested from me—every requisition that was made upon me=-he says, himself, was fully and promptly satisfied. If you want my opinion, I have an opinion on the sub ject—not as to anybodyls being to blame, but as to what the facts were. I think there was a mistake made in expecting the pontoons, which 1 believe at the time were at Ber lin, to he got to Falmouth while the army made a two-and-a-lialf day's march. I do not think It a practicable march for a pontoon train of a hundred miles. From what I heard of the diseussionbetweezi Gen eral Bailee& and General Burnside, I expected that 'a porton of General Burnside's army would moss above Fredericksburg, and I alttb think he used the expression that within twenty-four or forty-eight hours after he got permission to more, his cavalry would be in Fredericksburg, the main body of his army, however, not crossing above, but °Loosing at Falmouth. . Gen. Haupt's testimony was taken, but was not submitted with the report. FROM CAIRO. CHICAGO, Dec. 23.—A special despatch from Cairo gives the following additional news in regard to the rebel raid : The force consisted of a full brigade and six pieces of artillery. They first crossed the Tennessee at Clifton, 48 miles from Jackson, and marched direct to Lexington, when they were met on the 18th by two, Federal cavalry regiments, with two pieces of artillery, under Col. Ingersoll, who had been sent from Jackson against them. A battle of three hours ensued, when the Federals were forced to give way. Our loss was 7 killed, 10 wounded, and 12.4 captured. - • The rebel loss was 35 killed and wounded. They captured our artillery. During the rebel march northward, they leer.. at tacked several times from the south by a force which Is supposed to have been comiosed of those who es caped from Lexington. Last night the rebels commenced to retreat, haying approached within seven miles of Columbus. The damage done to the road was not as great as was supposed. :Several bridges were burned, but the trestles ark all safe. The damage will probably be repaired in two weeks. Movements of the Alabama. NEW YORK, Dee. 23.—The schooner Mary E. Mangheny arrived at this port to-eight from. Do rrdnicaond reporta thaton the 27th ult., while en tering the port Of Rosman; Doodnica;fthe was fired Into twice by the , pirate Alabama. On the'night of Deceruber cwhpri. pursing the island of Gututaloope. she paw the pirate making signals to the Shore, mat saw her the nett day close' in shore receiving 'pro. visions. ARMY OF THE POTOTMIAC, Despntch front Gen. Durnstdie — Our Loss Much. Less than Previcntsly Iteported— Thanks orthe President terthe Army. Wssiiiso.roN, Dec. 23.—The following has been received at headquarters.: HEAtajrARTESIG AnTIT 04 , THE P9TONS AC, Dec. 2.3, 1862. To Major General Ilalleck, Generalen-Chief: In my report to you of the 19th inst., the number of our wounded was stated at about nine thousand, and the number receiving hospital treatment as sin teen hundred and thirty. Both of these amounts were wrong. • Qn the authority of Dr. Letterman, our Mcßee Dirt etor, I learn thut the whole number of wounded is . between 6,000 and 7,000, and about one-half of these are receiring treatment in the hospitals. A. E. BURNSIDE, Major General, Army of the Potomac. THE PRESIDENT'S THANKS TO THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC, WAsnimerox, Dee. 23,—The President has issued the following : EXECrTITE, MANSIOX, WASIIINGTON, Dee. 22. To THE AP,MT OF THE POTOMAC: I have just read your commanding general's report of the battle of Fredericksburg, Although you were net successfu,l the attempt was not an error, nor the failure other than an acci dent. The courage with which you, in an open field, maintained the contest against an entrenched foe, and the consummate skill and success with which you crossed and reeroseed the river in the fact of the enemy, show that you possess all the qualities of a great army, which will yet give vic tory to the cause of the•country and of the popular Government Condoling with the mourners for the dead, and sympathizing with the severely wounded, I congra tulate you that the number of both is comparatively so small. I tender to you, officers and soldiers, the thanks of the nation. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. THE HORSES OF THE ARMY OF THE PO- TOMA , REPORT OP BORN A. BARRY TO , OENEP.A.L RALLECE. WASHINGTON, Dec. 23.—The• following has been received at the headquarters of tire army : WASHINGTON,: Dec, 19.—Gxxxitar.: Pursuant to your orders, I visited the Army of the Potomac on the 12th inst., to inspect the horses and mules in the cavalry, artillery, and teams of the army. The movement of troops on that day, and the en gagement at 'Fredericksburg that followed, during the six days that I remained with the army, gave me but little opportunity to see the management of the horse department in detail, though I had an op• portunity to seethem on duty. Having gone there very unfavorably impressed with accounts drawn from the dark side of the picture by those taking the rejected and disabled horses of the army as their stand-point, I found these anima/sill better condi tion than I had expeeted. The mule teams, with some exceptions,, were in good condition, and I doubt if ever &wormy under similar circumstances was better provided for in this respect. The cavalry horses suffer most,• many of them thin and scarcely St for service. The duties that they have toperform—excursions, thatsometimes require from twenty-four to thirty-six hours without food or rest—the heavy weight they have and the unskilful manner in which they are ridden, make it almost impossible to be otherwise, except they were treated with the greatest care. The ar- tillery suffer much, but are a grade better than the cavalry. The greatest - abuse and destruction of the horses in the army is, I believe, the want of skill, judgment, and care of the individual man to his i ndividual horse. ' A more diligent looking after of this detail by offi cers in chargF would be highly beneficial, the good elitet of which is seen in some instances where the diligence has been exercised with judgment by officers attending to this important but much neglected duty. Every man who is permitted to ride a horse should be compelled by duty, if he has not the humanity and moral principle, to see that the horse has every care in his power to give—that he is properly groomed, watered, and fed. The manner in which food is given, where only a sufficiency is allowed, is highly important, as much is wasted and trampled under foot. I believe, for the cavalry service, on a winter cam paign, a saddle-blanket, to cover the back and loins of the- horse, to be left off when the saddle is re moved, would be of great service. The Arabs, who live more with the horse than any other people, and who are older in horsemanship than any other na tion in the world, never remove the saddle from the horse's back when on a longjourney. Their saddles have always blankets attached, that cover the back and loins of the horse. They argue that this vital po r eel a the effe when heated of bycold. riding, should never be made tcts As one who loves the horse, who appreciates his intelligence and keen sensibilities, and can antic- pate his wants, I do most deeply deplore the dejec tion of spirit, suffering, and loss of life consequent upon the exigencies of war; but while war rages this law must continue. In an army of fifty thousand horses, subjected to the service and exposure of the army, there must necessarily be a large percentage of disabled and diseased horses constantly accumulating. It is even so with the soldiers of the army, who are gifted with intelligence end reason, and whose first law of nature id self-preservation, and for the comfort and welfare of whom the greatest energies of the people and officers of the army are exerted. How can it be otherwise with the horse! He is not invincible to expoture, which he can scarcely bear as well as man, and with whom he must suffer alike, if not more, in time of war. I run happy to see the extensive hospitals lately erected in the city to restore disabled horses. I be lieve they are conducted 012 the best and most eco nomical principle, and will, I have no doubt, be the means of restoring thousands of horses to the army, that will be better on their second service than they were on their first. Hoping the Government will, as an act of huma nity as well as economy, use every effort in its power for the protection of this noble animal, I remain, General, very truly, your obedient ser vant, JOHN S. RAREY. To Major General Halleck, Commander-in-Chief United Stges Army, Washington, D. Cl. DEPARTMENT.OF NORTH CAROLINA, Despatch front Gen. Foster--Four Brintsnt Irtetortes for the Union Troops—Three TOWILIS Captured —The Southern Brain Line of Railroad Destroyed—Capture of a 'Betel Battery, numerous Prisoners, large •Quantity of Stores, &e. O.V.E.LCIAL DESPATCH FROM GEN. FOSTER. W..kaarnomosz, Dec. 23.—The following lute been received at the headquarters of the army : IrEADQUA_RTERS, DEPT ON NORTH OAEOLMA, December 23,1862. ,To Major General Hallea, General-in-Chief: • My expedition was a perfect success. I burned the railroad bridge at Goldsboro and Mount Olive, and tore up several miles of the track of the Wil mington and Weldon railroad. We'fought four engagements, viz :—At Southwest Creek, Kingston, White Hall, and Goldsboro, and whipped them handsomely each time. 3. G. FOSTER, Brigadier General. FURTHER FROM NORTH CAROLINA. Nr.wnErm, N. C., Dec. 17, vla Fortress Monroe, Dec. 22.—1 n the engagement at Kingston, on the 14th inert., Company K, 3d New York Cavalry, Captain Cole, which was in the advance, charged over four deep ditches, eight feet wide, and captured seven pieces of rebel artillery and brought them off in triumph. Bev. Nr. Mellen, chaplain of the 24th Massachu setts regiment, who was court-martialed for prefer ring serious charges; through the Boston Jou r na l, against Governor Stanly, has been honorably ac quitted. Gen. Foster's forces were to reach Goldsboro' to day, and, as cannonading has been distinctly heard here, the probability is that the battle has been fought and that that important point is in our pos session. The army will immediately move from there to another point. There are two candidates for Congress in this dis trict,' ond on the platform of free labor and the other in opposition to the confiscation and emancipation acts. The latter - receives the active support and aid of Gov. Stanly, and will, doubtless, be elected. Six rebel prisoners were brought to Fortress Mon roe from Yorktown, who were captured at Glouees ter. XXXVIIth CONGRESS—Third Session. WASIONGTOti, December 1862. SENATE. Comnannicatians—A Message. The VICE PRESIDENT laid before the Senate a .cont munication front Out Secretary of the Interior; tram miffing his annual thmucial report. Also, a communica tion in regard to the amounts doe the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottowatomie Indians. Also, a 11703,tage trout the President. transmitting the report of the Ron. Reverdy Johnson, United States commissioner at New Orleans. The Holidays. The concurrent resolution from the Nouse, that the Mouse adjourn from Tuesday, the 23d, to the first Mon thy in 7am1ary."041.3 then taken tin. . Mr. M r. SAERAN Ulm). of Ohio. moved to amend so as to make it a joint resolution, adjourning both Houses un til the first Monday in January. The amendment Was adopted, and the resolution, as amended, agree 4 to; Oir YEAS. 'Tanis (R.) Howard (It.) Kennedy (IL) Kiev (R.) Lane (11.) Ind. Lane (R.) Karnali Mobouga II (D.) N a o esmith l.) Pmeroy (R.) NAYS. ITitle (R.) Harlan (IL) Rowe (B.) Latham (D.) Aknola (IL) 1323 - sard (1).) Bruwning (R.) Chandler (R.) COWall (R.) Davi., (U.) Field (U.) Foot (IL) liardlug (U.) Clark (R.) Coflamer (R.) Vessendeu (11,) Foster (II) Grimes (R.) African Regiments. Mr. LANE (Rep.), of Kansas, gave notice of his inten tion to introduce a hilt to authorize the President to raise two hundred regiments of infantry, composed of persons of African descent. ' The Fredericksburg Battle. Mr. WADE (Rep.), of Ohio, from the Committee on the Conduct of the War, Made a report relative to the late battle at Fredericksburg, which .was ordered to be printed.' Amendments. • Mr. OOLLAMER (Rep.), of Verinont, offered an amend ment, exempting municipal corporations from that provision of the bill as proposed by Mr. Hale. Adopted. Also, an amendment to exempt literary, religions, and eleemosynary institutions. Mr, }LILE objected to exempting charitable inlttlin tions, for he thought that no such instittltiMlB ought to get in debt in order to give charity. - The amendment was agreed to. The Senate then went into executive session, and sat scoueutly adjourned to Tan. oth. nousE OF REPRESENTATIVES. Habeas Carpus Protest. Mr. PENDLETON (Dem.) of Ohio, rising to a privi leged question, Moved that the protaa he offered, yester day., against the passage of the bill to indemnify the Pre sident and others for arrests under the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus be entered upon thejournaL This, he said, Was embodied in his resolution, a part of which only appeared on the journal. The SPEAKER recalled attention to the fact that the Rouse had refused to eater the protest nu tbelournad, and cited fanner precedents in support of his decision. From which Mr. PENDLETON appealed. The Speaker was sustained—yens 74. nays 20. -' Appropriation Bill. Mr. STEVENS (De p.), of Pennsylvania, from the Com mittee of 'Ways and Means, reported a bill tasking appro priations Mr legislative, jbdicial, and executive exPensat 'for the year ending. With June, 1861. it was made the special order for the sth of dranuary.. 41aljottirisinteut. The House concurred in the Semite's johdtwointion, that when the House- adjeuth to-day it 130 tilt the first Newby in January. Franking Privilege. Mr. COLFAX (Rep.). of Indiana, front the Coltuniliqe on Post Offices, made an tolverse report . on Me resolution to inquire into the, expediency- of g. , ,ty:ug the frankingprivilege to assessors; under the internal revenue law. Postal Service , . Btr. - BLARE tree J of Ohio. from rho same committei, rejoined a bill authorizing the Postmaster ()letters' do, eStublish a postal-money-order system. It Proposes *Y, charge five cent. on ten dollars : snore runt& ten and thllll twenty. ten cents ; and for all additional stuns f ten or less dollars, five cents. Duplicates: to be msu w ben orders ace kg_ The hilt Was 1)104W- - • Negroes in Illinois, i •EF unanimous consent, the 'licence went lute. Commit, tee of the Whole for.the purpose of debate, being un,- der snutd II business Should betranSacted. lily; ALLEN (Dem.), of iiiiuuts, neentned itin hail- ii cp.'c naninsttim. tending of treed negroes lent llli twis against the organic law of the State. The Itowe then adjourned mail the hick of January. Equrs•rni,v_c STArCEOV GM:Vt....3IAL DICCI.ELLA.N. —For several days past, the finely-executed eques trian statue of General George B. McClellan, exhi bited in Messrs. Bailey & Co.'s window, the jewelers Of Chestnut street, has attracted general attention. Independent of the personal interest of the subject to many of our citizens, the merits of this statue as a work of art are universally acknowledged. The modeling of the horse would not do violence to the taste of a Rosa Bonheur, and the ease and petfectly natural attitude of the rider cannot fail to strike every observer, whilst the likeness of the General is, we understand,• pronounced by niembersof his to be the most faithful that has yet been Made._ This statue was executed by Mr. J. A. Baldly, (sculp tor of the colossal Franklin which adorns the Tenth street market,) having been modeled at his studio, at Mr. Struthers', No. WV. Market street. A. con siderable number of copies, at forty dollars each, have already been ordered for 'presentation, and to the admirers of General , McClellan, we cannot con ceive of a more acceptable or tasteful gift. Mr. Bailly is an artist of undoubted genius, and welbde serves the encouragement he is receiving. CHEISTMAFA BOOKS.—In our "Holiday Directo ry P , yesterday we omitted to , mention the house of Messrs. J. B. Lippincott & Cianpany, Nos. 22 and North Fourth street, as having a splendid assort ment of elegant and valuableboolse suitable for gifts. Their "Army of the PotomaciP by Prince de Join ville, translated by Wm. Henry Herbert, with Notes and a Map, advertised in another column of:our paper this morning, ought to have a large sale for presenting: purposes. DIA,GICIFICT:riT STOCK OF GENTLENEN'Ei . DnessiTio Gowns.—We yesterday visited the popu lar old house of Pgr. John C. Arrison, Nos. 1 and 3 North Sixth street, first door above Market, for merly J. Burr Moore's, and were amazed at the extent and variety. of elegant Dressing Gowns for gentlemen which his stock presentsosotwithertanding the immense demand for them for several days past. Ife has a large force engaged in the manufacture of these beautiful garments, and ladies wishing to make a half &mate present to their gentlemen friends should not fail to visit Arrison's -to-day. FINE READY-MADE CLOTHING.—Messrs. C. Somers h.- Son, No. 625 Chestnut street, under Jayne's Hall, so far as we have been able to ascer tain from observation, are doing the largest Christ mas trade, in the sale of line Ready-made Clothing, of any house in the city. Their stock is not only magnificently assorted, and made up of the choicest and most desirable labrics, but they have wrought a healthy reforin in the matter of prices. They are furnishing the most elegant quality of suits at very moderate prices. DRIVING AN ACTjra TEADE.—Messrs. Charles Oakford 6 Son, Nos. 834 and 836 Chestnut street, under the Continental Hotel, have, - during the last few days, been doing the largest business in the way of Ladies' Fancy Pius probably ever realized by any single house in. the country. The reasons for this are that their stock is the most magnificently-got-up, embracing a greater variety of choice dressy articles in the Fur line, their prices more reasonable, and their assortment unbroken: A gentleman well "booked " in. such.makters infers that - their sales in this department alone toldiry will exceed twenty thousand dollarsi. FINE CHRISTMAS FRUITS.—Mr. C. H. Nattson, dealer in One family groceries, Arch and Tenth streets, has now in store, expressly for holiday use, the choicest assortment of Prune. iuthis city, such as raisins, almonds, citron, lemons, oranges, fine white "Almeria" grapes (at 50•centsper pound), beautiful colored Lady Apples, large- elegant eating apples, canned fruits in great perfection—peaches, corn and tomatoes—together with all the choicest articles in the fine grocery line, both foreign and do mestic. AN ELEGANT STOCK OF CIERISTMAS Goons.—Messrs. Witters lr C 0,,„ No. 35 North Eighth street, corner of Filbert, have not only one of the most attractive Christmas. stocks in the city, but they are selling at greatly below the usual prices. Their fine quality Silver-Plated Ware, Britannia Ware, and Fancy Goods of every description, together. with their elegant assortment of ornamental lamps for,biuning Kerosene oil, render this _Stock one of the most desirable to select from in the city. ELEGANT STOCK OF LADIES' FANCY FURS. —Mr. John A. .Stambach, No. 82.6. Arch street, not withstanding the immense demand upon his stock during the past few weeks, has still in store a mag nificent assortment - of Ladles' Fancy Furs, beauti fully adapted for Christmas and New-Year presents. He has all the finest and most costly Furs imported, manufactured in the very best and most stylish man ner, yet sells at prices decidedly lower than are usu ally charged for the same quality of goods. FINE MILITARY GOODS for Presents to Army and Navy officers can be had in greatest Variety and in best style at Oakford C Son's, under the Continental Hotel. TREAT TOIIR WTFE OR SWEETHEART TO a new Bonnet, by going to Messrs. Wood Ec Ours to-day, No. 725 Chestnut street, and selecting one of their exquisite new style Winter Hats. Their prices have been greatly reduced in anticipation of the close of the season. THE RITPTHRE ne TH:E CABWET.—The resignations of Secretaries Seward and Chase having at the request of the President been with drawn, the aftairtrof the nation, at the seat of GO vernment, it is supposed, will now- again pursue the even tenor of their way—precisely as that prince of coal merchants, Air. W. W. Alter, is pursuing the . even tenor of his way, at his coal yard, Ninth street, above Poplar, in the noble work of supplying the public with the best coal in the market, at the very lowest prices. Everybody should use his coal, in preference to any other, from motives of economy, if from no other. MAi s Y 01712 BEST Bow.--Politeness costs nothing. It is very agreeable to other people. More than this—it pays. Wherever any one goes, he should make his best bow—look as well as he can ; be as attentive to others as is consistent with mo desty and dignity; and, by so doing, he will gain friends. Give a man friends enough and his fortune is made. So make your best bow—and in order to look as attractive as possible, wear the neat and fashionable clothing manufactured at the palatial establishment of Granville Stokes, No. 609 Chest nut street, where one price only is asked, and that exceedingly moderate. WHERE TO GET A FINE PICTURE OF re:7IURSELF TO-DAT--At Ripple's, No. MO Arch street. His elegant ground-floor gallery was crowd ed all day yesterday with applicants for sittings, and all who visit his rooms are gratified with the mark ed success of his pictures. His room of specimens, all of his own taking, will convince the best critique that his pictures have more than ordinary merit. HOLIDAY PREgENTS.—George Steck's Pi. anonfor sale by J. E. Gould, Seventh and Chest nut. de2o-4t EUGENIE'S WINTER BONNET.--The Em press Eugenie's Winter Bonnet is described in the latest Paris "Fashions" as a gem 5 it is of black velvet, and a tentacle of ponceau velvet in the form of a diadem in the inside; the edge of the bonnet is a band of sable, very line and very dark. and which, with black velvet dress, and a mantle tr immed with fur, completes the toilet. To see a real genuine "Gem" it is only necessary to inspect a winter suit for either adult or youth, made at the Brown Stone Clothing Rail of Rocklin]. Sr. Wilson, .Nos. 60.3 and" 605 Chestnut street, above Sixth. - TiE SUPERB GEORGE STECK PIA.NVS,for Christmas presents. J. E. Gould, Seventh and Chestnut. de2o-it A remtLY declining Housekeeping, Will dispose of a magnificent 7-octave Rosewood Piano, elegantly carved case and legs, grand action, over stating baris, sweet and powerful tone, made to order live months ago, by one of the best New York makers. Cost $6OO, will be sold for $250. To be seen in Spruce street, the third door below Eighth, north side. de2o-4to CaftivrmAs PaEsEivra i—Get beadiful Steck Piano of 3. E. Gould, corner of Seventh and Chestnut streets. - de4-ti CHRISTMAS PRESENTS.—Bronze - Match Safes, Cigar Boxes, and Ash Pans, Porcelain Lan- - terns, Drop Lights, and many other useful articles On hand, at Warner, Miskey, & Merrill's, No. 718 Chestnut. de:WA _ EBWitltD P. KELLY, Tailor, 142 S. Third sheet, formerly principal of Kelly & Brother, and of Lukens, Kelly, .& Bro., has on hand a large . assort ment of choice Winter Goods; also, Pattern Over coats and Business Coats, of all the fashionable styles. Terms cash, at low prices. del!-12t J. GOVLD, corner of Seventh and Chestnut streets, is the only one InPhiladelphia who keeps-the popular and truly beautiful Geo. -Steck Pianofortes. de4-tf A NEW ARTICLE OF , EXPORTATION.— Steinway & Sons' grand square and upright Pianos took twenty-six first premiums (gold and silver me dals) at the principal fairs held in this country with in the last seven yeas, and in addition thereto they were awarded the First Prize Medal at the great International Exhibition, at London, in 1882, for "powerful, clear, brilliant, and sympathetic tone, with excellence of workmanship, as shown in Grand and Square Piano _ s." This greatest triumph of Ame rican Pianos in England has caused a sensation in musical circles throughout the continent, and, as a result, the Messrs. Steinway are in constant receipt -of orders from Europe, thus inaugurating a new phase in the history of American pianos by creating. in them an article of export. Warerooms at Blasius Brow., 1006 Chestnut street. Powell (DJ Saulsbury (D.) Sherman (DO Sumner (R.) Ten Ryek (11) Wilkinson (IL) Ito Trumbull (R.) Willey (IT.) 'Wilson (IL) Mass Wright (U.) de23-St • PIANOS MADE BY GEORGE STECK for sale only by J. E. Gould, Seventh and Chestnut. dao-4t CHRISTMAS PUESENTS.---Singer's Family Sewing Machines with Hemmer and Braider at tached, is the best and most useful of all maeldnes now in use. Those wishing to make a truly valua ble Christmas present, and one that will keep -the giver ever fresh in the kind remembrance of the re ceiver, will do well to buy one of these machines to present as a seasonable token of real friendship. The price is $5l. Call and make yotir selections at I. M. Singer .k-Co.'s, No. 810 Chestnut street. d24-5t CuBTAINS, CURTAINS, CURTAINS, CUR TAINS. Curtains, Curtains, Curtains, Curtains. Curtains, Curtains, Curtains, Curtains. Curtains, Curtains, Curtains, Curtains. Lace Curtains, Lace Curtains. Muslin Curtains, Muslin Curtains. Damask Curtains, Damask Curtains. De Laine Curtains, De Labia Curtains. Satin Curtains, Satin Curtains. Broeatelle Curtains, Brocatelle Curtains. Reps Curtains, Reps Curtains. New Styles, New Styles, New Styles. New Styles, New Styles, New Styles. New Styles, New Styles, New Styles. ; ; Low prices, Low prices, Low prices. pricesiLow prices; Low prises. • 4 Low prices, Low priees,'Low prices. _ . &. Co. sai) Chestnut street. STISCK Tl4.lioo;— ,, Titebe ehiaht iniggi ments.for E. ;Gould, Seventh and Chest nut. deZO4t CITY ITEMS. CURTAIN MATIOtTALO ow SALE AT Vr . H. CARRYL'S CURTAIN STORE, 7t9 CHRETNI/T 3it. • French Crimson Wool Reps. French Blue Wool Reps. Green French Imperial Reps. Drab All-Wool Reps. " Crimson French Terry. Wide French Satins. Wide French Broeatelles. Wide French Satin de Lathe. Wide Worsted Damask. Wide Union Damask. Wide Moquette, for Railroad Cers. French Flushes, for Railroad Oars, Gilt Cornices and Bands. Cords, Gimps, and Fringes. Tassels and Loops. Hooks, Rings, and Brackets. Furniture Coverings. EMBROIDERED LACE CURTAINS Lace Curtains; $5.00 a pair. Lace Curtains, $7.50 a pair. Lace Curtains, $B.OO a pair. Lace Curtains, $8.50 a pair. Lace Curtains, $lO.OO a pair. Lace Curtains, $12.00 a pair. Lace Clirtains, $14.00 a pair. Lace Curtains, $15.00 a pair. Lace Curtains, $lO.OO a pair. Lace Curtains, $20.00 a pair. Lace Curtains, $25.00 a pair. Lace Curtains, $30.00 a pair. Lace L a c ecpCurtai ns, Curtains,ow $$ w 4. 00 00 aa SHADES,p pair.a r Painted and Gold Borders, in store and for sale at IoW prices, with good Fixtures complete for earl Shade. Gold-Bordered Shades made to order, any style at size. WM. K CARRYL, Curtain Store, de24-2t Masonic Hall, 719 Chestnut street Cratraers ErrrArm—An epitaph, Which graces the church-yard of Moreton, England, rus t thus : " Here lie the bones of Richard Sawton, Whose death, slant was strangely brought On: Trying one day his corns to mow or, The razor slipped and cut Ms toe off: His toe—or rather what it grew to— An inflammation quickly flew to, Which took, alas to mortifying, And was the cause of RiAanFredyktg.o A curious case of =or/Wane* front a est hap. pined to a gentleman in Germantown last week. On examining a new dress coat he learned that it was not cut by Mons. Seynaye, at Charles Stokest "one price," under the Conthiental t when he was se mortified that he immediately laid it aside and par. chased' another, of the desired cut. at the above ea. tablishment. SIGNOR BLITZ, With his LCETIIed Canary Birds, Ventriloquism, and Metamorphoses, like a magnet, draws everybody to witness hie wonders od the Assembly Buildings, Tenth and Chestnut. morrow, C7trialnies Day, there will be three grant performances, to enable all to attend. Blitz is host in himself. FINANCIAL AND COMMERCIAL, TEE MONEY MARKET. PHILADELPHI A, December trt., Money matters were more settled to day., The Cabinet diMullica being at an end, parties worked more securely and satisfactorily. Specie was (mite active, and the market was weaker at the close, with 111 bid. Old de mands were steady at 1263.. All Government securities , : firmer. Money active at 6 per cent. the supply overba lancing the demand. The Stock market was quiet but firm. Governments, recovered very nearly to former figures, the sires selling as high as BMX, the seven-thirties at 102. Pennsylvania fives rose 14: at the second board, closing at 96 4. off city sixes sold at par ,t the new were steady at 103. Pitt, burg, Fort Wayne, and Chicago, second mortgage, at 9231. Philadelphia and Erie sixes at 102. North Penn sylvania. Railroad sixes were steady at 86. Ridgeave nue sevens brought W. Northern Liberty sixes sold at par. Lehigh Valley sixes at 10734. Elmira sevens ad vanced 1. Camden and Amboy sixes, 1832, sold at lee Schuylkill Navigation sixes, 3572, at 91. Reading and Pennsylvania Railroad bonds. were steady. Schuylkill Navigation, common, sold at a. Morris Canal was steady. , Beading shares Were steady at yesterday's figure, 37?; Pennsylvania rose X, selling np to 66. MinehW sold at 60X ; North - Pennsylvania at 9.X, a decline; Camden and Amboy at 159 X .; Long Island at 22. Little Schuylkill rose X Carewlava was a shade lower. Elmira and Norristown steady. Passenger Railways were more active. Rare and Vine sold at 7X, Arch-street at 2.5 X, and Chestnut and Walnut at 49. Seventeenth and Nineteenth improved 1; Thirteenth and Fifteenth, X.". Second and Third feu off 1. Philadelphia Bank sold at 113 hi ; Commonwealth at 36. The market closed steady, 4V67,000 in bonds and 4011 shares chaniing hands. The New York Bank statement, of yesterday, cow- Pares as follows with that of last Monday: heck ending. Loans. Specie. Circularn. De..-its. Dec. 13 $172,9:r3,946 35,715,754 9029.544 154... ~ 655 Dec. 20 1.73530)5 35,554416 9,830,620 15014501 Increase A 919,650 Decrease ••• • —1,154,41 S The Louisville Journal of Saturday hasthc following relearns and list of money values in that city: 'A general dullness pervaded the money market yes terday, and. there was no change in the current rates. The buying rate for gold - was 59@31 cent prem, and the selling priceMo3s. Silver was in demand at 2.*?.3 is cent prem buying, and 230:33 cent .sealing. Demand notes were bought at 2.4Ce15 'll cent prem. The bankers pay 93 cents on the dollar for the notes of the old banks of Tennessee, and discount the notes of other Southern banks at. 25 to SO S cent. Eastern exchange dull-the brokers buying at .34 . 14 cent discount, and selling at par to i 4 premium." Phi Leda.. Stock Esc [Reported by S. B. SLAIMAK FIRST wage Sales, Dee. 23. a, Philadelphia Eaelataite.) ; ARD. 2010 Lehigh Val 65ea514•107M26001.7g 7-30 Tr Nblank.lo2 20 Penns It. . .57X L 4500 US 6s 1431....,....unv 25 Cheit & Ifitrutitli: 49 500 do Piffled& Bank 115% 3)00 do 1004: 17 Arch-at It UK ZOO co 103% . IR) Schnyl Nay. • •• 4% 6 Commonwealth Bk 36 1000 Elmira E is 99 8 Pettus It • • 5Pi 1000 Cam Sc Amb 6s 1443•152 250 &hey!. Nay 644 - 64. •91 1 30 00 0 410 City fis CAP 1R) 00 1 1-_lO AMOUR It 50N ' 1 BB:TWEEN BOARDS. 2000 Penns coupon do. SECOND RIO N Liberty Ss: 100 4 Little Schuyl Zi% 1600 Ridge Avenue 75... 96 200 Long Island R. 22 100 Readiugit .. 37: 2 C:l9 & Amb R 151 X 500 N orth Pcnna 6e•-• S 6 S(M do S 6 6 Perms R 59 CLOSING) PE Rid. Asked.' 17 8166 cpaus 81....103% 1110%! 11 S 7-30 D Ilk —.101% 102 American Gold. •]32% 132% Pbila 6s —old.— 99% 100 Do new los znyi Anneo6e B . 47g 60% Heading R. 37.56 sim Do bds 'R)...106% 109 Do bde '70...1113.34 • Do bds Perms E'69 99% Do Ist in 65..111 112 Do . 2d m 65...106 106.11 Morris Canal.... 62 63 98X BOARD. 2 PCIIDEL R ~ 56 110 'Race & Vine R.—, 7:4 2.1.X0 Philada & Erie& —lO2 ?AIM do 102 90 North Penna R.... oR 1000 U S 6s Rt Ka% 40WP Ps W & C2dnx 14. ..oth ROD Penner as 2 cents---. 96.4 936.90 do 954 IRES---STRADY. , Bid. Med Catawissa R..... 4% 4 Do p_rfd..—.. 14% 15 Beaver Mead R.. 65 67 Wfinehin E 60% 60 7 i RarrisinuT R—• • 6 0 •• Wilmington R., .. Lehigh Nay tia.• L ... • • Do shares... Its'4: 64 Do scrip ..... —30 u; Cam &Amb 8...162 154 Phila k Brie Ss— Sun &Erie 15.... . . _ 22 Mi Do bonds.... . • DO Delaware Dir..— Do b0nd5..... . __ • . Spruce-street R.. 19 Cmwtnat-st R— - • 49 90 Arch-street R..• 29.14 29 Race-street B. Do pre' 10e.-119130 Do es 76.. • ..11.0 Do 2d mtg... 209 Soma CanaL Do es Schnyl Nay 436 Do prla 1224 Do 6s 'ID:— ON 66 Sbnire. B Mi. Ye Do prid...... 31 Si Do 7s Ist m.. 99 99X N Penns 11. 93‘ Do 6e 85X 86 Do .... Phila Ger & Nor. 63 Lehigh Tal 8... 55 Lehigh Tat bd6-1073f 106 Tenth-street B. 34 344' :Thirteenth-st It— MS IW Plana R 58 67 Do Green-street R... 35,ver 37 ' Do bonds.._ Second-street R... 75 710; Do bonds , Fifth-street 513'; 824 Do b0nd5.... .. Girard College t .. Seventeenth-a It /0 10 Sexal-weekly Review of the Philodelphia Markets. IiRCEXIMII 21—Evening,. The produce markets continue shall, the approaching 'holidays limiting operations in most branches of trade, Flour and Grain are without change in price or demand. The stock of Co ,flee bi very light, and there is little sr nothing doing in the way of sates.. Cotton is steady, with limited sales. Provisions are firm,aud prices well main tained. Wool is unchanged. FLOUR.—The Flour market continues dun, there being very little deMand for shipment or home use. Sales comprise about 4.,000 bills at viCafill for :superfine ; for,Wes. tent extra; for extra including 5011 bbls Western extra at 1iA.40. The sales to the re tailers and bakers range at the above quotations fur en- Perfine and extras, and $858.50 bid for fancy brands, according to quality. Eve Flour is selling slowly at £5.5.5C(10.6•24 bbl. Corn Itend is quiet at $3.50 for Penn sylvania, and 44.2.3 :# bbl for Brandywine. GRAlN.—Wheat is in steady demand at previeus rates, with sales of 20,000 bus, mostly prime Penna. red, at $l.4S,' in store; and white at BILfii@LEO, the latter for choice. Rye is selling at 9:[a15% ha for Penna. Corn is dull, and there Is very little doing; sales cortlathu about 13,000 bus at FirOSie for old yellow. and 75@ ;Tr stew. Onts are in demand, with sales of 1S.:100 bit , at 41 04-1 c "els, the latter for heavy. A small sale of Penna. Barley- was made at $1.55 Mt. PROVISIONS.—There has been mess activity in the market. ...B.tesso Boas are hetriunia ff wine hi, and sell - fruitiThe cars at 65.5rCa6 VI lea lint. Mess Pork is mire irt '.qnired after; sales of old at *13.50@h1; new at 814@ll:70, cash. City-packed Mess Beef is selling Mr ship stem; at tWelit, and country at -Tat The packers are still en gageilma furnishing Government supplies. There is very little movement hi Bacon, and prices arc :lruier; sale of Hams at Rigkqe for plain , and 100:10l./c for canvassed; Sides at sN®6l4e, and Shoulders at ritg:Wc, it, in quality, including several lots for New Orleans, Green Meat , are in fair deniand,bat the sales are limited, owiag to its ab sence of supplies. There is rather more demand for Lend. and not ninth stock here; prices at the elate nhiTe firm: sales of liou bbls and Ms at it.'44'l(k., cosh and on tier, uoW held attite latter figure, and kegs at loi,fiEllc: country Lard sells at ,9@ . 9?:4e, Butter continues in fair request. and prices are' steady; sales of solid-packed at vim:Mc. and roll at lfigiVes. some Pennsylvania glade sold at :Br Cheese is steady at IfigOlc # lb. Eggs sell at 2- El ; dot. ' , -hritTAL:3.—There is a firm feeling in the Iron market , and prices are well maintained, with a steady for future delivery; sides of 400 tons Anthracite at ssfitg , '% cash mid 4 months, for 1, and dtYO cash for No.:. In Scotch Pig no sales. Prices of Bar Iron and Boiler Plates contiune without change. Lead is held 6rm -Iy, and there is very little =steak here; the ht 4 sale of Galena was at Shan cash, to arrive from a neighboring market. . BARE—The receipts and stock of Quercitron are limit ed, but the demand has tidien off; sates of 100 Idols ist. No. lat ti 6 'NOD, which is the general asking rate. In Tanners' Barkno sales have been reported to alter (Po tations. „ C.ANDLES are held firmlr, and the stock bfAdamantiae is light ; sales of city at IXll,sk„ and Westernat 19NO:lic. cask. . Tallow Candies are without change. COAL:he demand for shipment has fallen off, nad there is less inquiry Or home consumption, but price are - without quotable change, • COFFEE.—The demand is limited, and only about 2,* bags sold at 26?-40320 for Rio, and 31®f 1 for Lag-naynt, cash and time. COTTON.—There is a firm feeling lathe market, hnt tha rnanufiwatrers purchase lightly; sales of 100 bales, eldelly Middling Uplands, .at 67c, en,h, closing yen quiet, including a lot of ordinary at iig@gle, cash. FISH —The -demand for Mackerel is extremely light. the , -easen, for canal navigation being over, 'Plea ,ter-• qttotationsare4l2l3 for 'iNo. .g...6®ft for No. 24'1J5-41:-(4'551 for median ; *6.50 for'•- large No. 54. Pickled Herring "'L at %Lat.:lso Ltd. Codfish are scarce, and held at -Pi Cat.: FRUIT'—The absence of all kinds of foreign confirm - , to limitoperations. A few Rosana Oranges sold at ea.c!.• bbl, as in quality. Domestic fruit of all kinds is in calla request. (liven Apples range from $1.50 to $11.50, the Ist ter rate;for good NeW York; dried Apples come foresel slowly, and are in good request at 5®60 f. lb. Drie , Teaches .range from diraWc, for quarters and lady , : pared Teaches are scarce, and wanted. Cranberries ard worth it gria Pb!, as in quality. 310L.Aiii,iRS.--The market is very quiet, bet Price steady,. titles of Cnba Muscovado in a small waY at "' on usual tettns. NAVAL STODES.-There is little doing in tiny miles of Rosin at ff.. 16,50 for coutmon„ and SiSfiiiAl for low grade and good No. I. A lot of renusylvaniii Tar soot of - Turpentine are quiet, with small '3l'" Ott t. OITA continue very firm, with a fair demand; sa wintersperm at If . l,Wi cash. Linseed. oil sclls $1.2 - .3C:i.1.1! ireirelecunla unactried; s..te , or relined at dirCkg , ' - le4sofive and SEEDS.—T an The demd. for Clover:wit 'prices are barely' maintained ;sales or LtX^' 0*."11:Ca , 6.50 t bushel. Timothy ranges front ,D.ratri.-.• bushel Flaxseed Is taken on arrival at q l 3 . int:` t " .l I SPIRITS.—There is no change in. IlrandY or Oi l ,' but little selling: Runt is steady at O 05 7" lon. Whisky is firm, and prices rather better : Penn's and Ohio bbls at 41Ett3c, hit& Pk, and dr , r' t- €4oc Wien. ..,....intit- SUGAIt continues VPN, dull, and the transacto. edstEntleArof Cuba at UhAll.V: - .c, anti New Ortega" ? lb. TAT:LOW is tin/thanked t sales of eity-rendered ;.t 111si4 and country at 10.4 e, cash . TOBACCO.-,The tuarket is nearly bare oral'. gm , le,' manufactured, anti ituonumunis full rates. The swot o. .Leaf is also very light_ WOOL.—Medliam and tine qualitietrein better reqlp: i ii Low grades are neglected, with sales of 70,000 IDs. tine and medium, at Wil@adef lb. cash -The followingare the receipts of Flour and Orals st this_nort tozpAliy; , . .. OWN, . b 11. Y) hic-b 1,1•,*
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers