r«t>j For the Gazette ef the linmci Sidtcj. Mr. Fehno, SO many falfiiood* hsve heen pilmed uj; i" the public, thro* the medium of newl'papeis, that contradiflions are rare ly nereffary ; but if so palpable a ferie< of niiiUtings, and fiith Unfounded af 4et:ions, as appear in your paper of Saturday lad—in " the extriifi of a letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia, to his correfpondcnt in New-York"— fruuld pa!» unnotited; it might too much encourage evil minded persons, under a hope of impunity, to proceed in filch praftices -1 ought, in juttice t6 the citizens of Philadelphia to suggest, the improba bility, that such a letter was written here, it is do'ibtlefs a fabrication in New-York ; uader the fi&itious appear, ance of a letter from this city: a trick the a natch i lis at aM'ftance fion, the feat u! Gove: nnKt, have practised, with too much y.cycHX the ignorant and uninfuimed may give raore credit to iiiTwtions from ptvfons, who are near tiie Government, and have opportunity of rccuraßfi knowledge of its aiove- mans.—No Uian in Philadelphia would dare to place ** Heavsn and the MatH jin'un party," together as having pre served ptac • to this country. A dtxiaiation of this extent, the par ty ihrtnfe'-es dare not nv.ke, and never will, unlifs emboldened, by fueh hints, to expect support from abfttad.—The letter fuggefti that the fame persons who oppofrd M.idifon's Commercial Regulations, and were in favor of the Extife, were alfo'in favor of the Stamp Du'y ; too impudent for any body, but a diltant anarchiß, to assert ; fa its on record, will mark such inlimiations with a proper epithet; Ames, Tracy, W. Smith &c. &c.— who were of the com mitter who repot ted that bill, are among the names who opposed it, and those jf p'.lfmrr. would not be very thankful to any perfuu, for ranking them in the M'lifo'ii*" party.. —T.'ir rommittee of w:.yt lit* lEcsns., thought i! their duty, to report, a rr.nety of model by which a revenue coi:M be raif;d, a Stamp dti iray* and rn:ans reported; and the Mjdiftmiar.s may with equal truth, be fa;d to have prevented a Land Tax, as the Stamp dunes; all ho' the Land Tax was ? favorite of that party. —I wa* a fp-cUtor ; n the gallery, v.hen these tVngf. were in agitation, before the Ho use of RrpryfentatNes in Congress; and I declare the language of that par ty, it lied in the letter you publilhed, Madilomans, wsshoftile; they reproach ed the fiicnds of peacc wtth tamenefs, tti.-y opposed negotiation with Gi eat- Britain, as mean and degrading; they Mi. Jay's appointment, wt fhonTa not now have wai with Great poverntiKnt of the United States wa: too timid, to face an invader of theii rights :—and many such expreifious under a full confidence, that popolaiii) was to be gained by thrm ; but wher it appears, the govd sense of almost al bates the measures of the peaceablt party, Dehwtirognes are found, base enough, to afTume all the credit tolhei own heroic gentry, who feared not war. but, in the extreme, feared allprepara . tjons for it.— h is not true, that th< " Ma&f-.uian party cempofeJ a confiJera 11, majority of Cmgrefs." They wert in tbe minority, in every vote, excepting two ; the firtt proportion in Madison' Commercial Regulations, and in Clark') intetcourfe bill, as it was called ; at ti the firft, it amounted to nothing ; the in the fuMUnce, had fpecifi cally been adopted by the Houle o Rej refer.tatives, a* pa.t of a fund t( build a Nary.—And as to the fccond the perty will probably claim an unri vailed credit—Eut if they were the ma jofity, why did not they prerer.t th< Txiiie, which i,iiu.il the infurre&ion The writer llatcs, the Madifonians a fn'gh«!>ii»< Grfal-Britain into peace with the United States in the part of his letter which is to set up his friends ss efficient prefcrwri of peare, and at the elite.fays, on comparing the mea sures, •' tuh'icb rosrc tht mrji pacific / When it is bcit to be hoflile, his party was so, when it is best to be peaceable, ,the fame cttr.daft, by a kind of hocus p«cus, is said. to be pacific: But with out the tpirit of prophecy, I can aflure your letter writer, it will take some time, and many efforts, of all the anarch- Ms in New-Y oik, Boflon and Vermont, united, to convince,even this patty them selves, which he fliles Madifonians, that .they have been the peace makers of the United States :—and I believe Hill longer to make the enlightened citizens at large believe it. Well might this writer, With canting fa«e and language, ijy, What . tie irts -re mc,:: uft of to R. Monday, 15th Dec. J 794- For the Giizelt» of the United Sates. Mr. Fenso, The euclofcd article was sent to '4 . Brown on ihe Btli inft —after wait ing three days a note was sent him, requeuing to kno* whether he would publish it—on the evening of the twelfth, the public i» informed in the Philadelphia Gazette, that the piece is rejected, as it abounds with per sonal abuse !—As I with the public to have a better opportunity of form ing a judgment than is afforded by either a joint or separate opinion in the Philadelphia Gazette, tou will oblige me by inserting the piece in your paper. R. Mr. Brown, A PIECE signed RuJJcU appeared in the Philadelphia Gazette not long a go, and so little was theie in it, and so trite and common-place was that little, that I run my eye over it hastily as 1 uftiallv do over the columns of newfpa pertrafh, and in two or thice days had entirely forgot the publication. But as it was brought lip again by fuccefllve puffs in the fame gazette, I was at length induced to re-examine the pa per to find this pearl which I had over looked or miltaken for'a common peb ble. I was truly surprised to find it was Russell. As so much pains has been taken to force it into notice, let it be noticed. It is dated as of no importance what the forms of government may be, whe ther monarchy, aristocracy, or democra cy : every tiling depends upon, and the only points really consequential, is the judicious arrangement of the public funds or resources. This is not common place truth, it is common place prejudice or absurdity. The writer has probably read as deep as Pope's well known couplet, For modes of government let fools coated. That which is bell adminiftcred is bed. The poetry is very good, but the proposition is execrable for an Ameri can to propagate. Is it really indiffer ent whether the United States are go verned under a monarchy, an aristocra cy, or a club-government (all the ab horrence of freemen) or a republic ?— Either of the firft three forms, would conTtilfe this conntry to its centre, and would blast all the hopi% that our pre sent happy constitution has nearly reali zed^ So far is the pfopofition that this writer has advanced from being true,, that the reverse may be affirmed as the more conformable with reason and ex perience. That our political libeity depends on the happy arrangement of our government, and that our civil li berties have flowed from our political. This at least will be allowed, that the forms of our constitutions have been tried and found as ufeful as they were thought to be. A retrofpeft of some facts will confiim this conclusion— Would a hmple democracy have secu red America from a foreign war ? or have fupprefltd infurrefiions in more in rtances than one? Would the attempts of paper money knaves and other fchcmes for violating right, have failed in some of the states, if it had not been for the steadiness and virtue of a second branch or senate ? Silch trite fophowiore maxims, be sides their faljacy, tend to damp the af fection which republicans feel towards our happy constitution, and which they will value the moreiiighly for contrast ing it with the old confederation ; with such a comparison before his eyes, how could Russell fay, forms of government are of oo importance ? But the most Angular point, the onlv one of real consequence with Ruflel is, the judicious arrangement of the pulFic funds or resources. The nonsense of this dogma sets it beyond the reach of confutation. No j other scribbler ever made the only buS nefs of a nation, to pay taxes. Injudi cious taxes will probably yield little mo ney and much complaint. The men at the head of affairs will have the less fi nancial power and the more clamor. Thus a goveri meet may weaken itfclf ir. this way much more than it will be able to oppress the people. The wri ter, however, is very uninformed of the operation of taxes when he makes their weight the cause of misery, and their lightaefs the cause of happiness. The old confederation called for almost no revenue; yet industry drooped and de clined. Besides, high taxes become in corporated with price, and individuals ill a l!»r"vi»« nation ?rr : :-d fin v.-hat they j>ay. A taxed article rile® in price, and other® rife afterwards, in i consequence ; so that the usual balance between demand and supply is kept up. This writer, however, Overlooks the re al securities for the happniefs of Ame ricans. Ths foverciguty or the Haw? rrvide by our own reprefer.tatives, com mitted afterwards imo the hands of the people thro' their juries, and explained br judges who are plated above all un due influence. Thcle are securities which will proteS man and his earning*, ind which are of infinitely more value than the pounds, (hillings and pence of this writer's arrangement of finance. One would naturally have expected that sophisms so spun ont and fining to gether by Ruflell, would have end.-d in some precise cooclufion of his own ; — what ii it mere or less than a quotation from the Prrfident's speech, the finking of the public debt.' Ruf fes's preamble was probabjy made be fore-hand, to fit any fubjcct which his fludy of the poets might inspire him to handle? and he has huiriedits appearance before he had found any thing to tack Thefcsac in nited is'the whole of the tdTav, ate lit tle worth exposing, But to feme per rons whnfe infelle&p tnay- not be übdrr as ~*aitft and juditioti arntHgemeitt aa .the ■writer Would have tfic finances, may be milled by them ; »i)jl therefore this at tempt is maap by way of caution tc Inch, not to adopt them without ex& mination. After having - examinee them, few pet Tubs will necd any furthe caution. A REPUBLICAN. For the Cazelte »f the United State/. Mr. Fenno, In Saturday's paper I fair a long pane gyric on the measures of what the writer calls the Madifouians or Madifonia* party (but which for brevity 's ftke and as equal ly intelligible, I shall call the Mads or Mad party) and an attempt to prove that those mealures, though only inchoate and and unexecuted, will eventually procure u; whatever fatisfa<Sion we may obtain from Great Britain. The writer at the fame time alftrts that the mealures of the Anti- Mad s, or fobcr party- were of a contrary tendcncj'. It is welljuiown that the projects of the former failed and that the measures of the latterpuctetird£ if the negot ation termi nates well, it is more probable that it will be owing to nxafures which aflually took place, thau to measures which were only in Embryo. The schemes of the ont were impotent thre ts and inactivity; those of the other dignified moderation and ac tive preparation : the former—vox et pre terea nihil; the latter, a firm claim of jrf tice and an a#ive preparation for war. If justice is obtained which wasthemoft like ly to obtain it ? —The writer teL's us that the mads composed » considerable majority of Ccmgrefs ; how did it happen then\hat all their proje£!s 'ell through, and that all those of the anti-mads, or moderate s took efie<fl ? He tells us that Great Britain was terrified by the commercial regulations and fcqucflrations : But both those were mere ly prijeßs and neither of them «verfan&i oned by a vote of either koufe. It is not very probable that Britain was much ter rified by schemes which must have failed in their execution, which would either have ruined this couMry or been repealed this feflion. The object of the commercial regulati ons was to make this country altogether dependant on France for manufactured supplies and to give France a monopoly of our commerce. When the oppofers of that project represented its impolicy and . {hewed that France was in her present situation unable to furnifh us, and her commerce was nearly ruined, the on ly reply was that these were the file/hoods of British raifrcprentation. But now authentic documents and uode niable evidence deinonArate the absurdity of the measure and the enlightened policy which refilled it. Robert Lindet in his late report on the actual Jlate of France, fays, " manufac tures and commerce pitftnta gloomy Ipefiacle ; the factories and work-(hops are deserted ! Many farmers do not thre.li their grain, or rot and drefc their flai ; — the)- keep their wool and spinning is ne glected. Commerce at the preftnr moment, presents to view, ruin and, desolation. — The genius of deflruftion (talked through France, and at a Ho vj levelled agriculture and commerce, w hit can we hope from such a general f raft ration of manufaffiirej ? Foreign nations fend u» their prcdu&inns, we thould fend them ours in return, but <we consume the ivbele." ( See Bache's pa per of the 13tb Dec. ) Tb* is the coun try to which that patriotic party intended to confise the commerce of the United States ! t Oh, rare policy!—Thi« fame writer denies that the Democrats or Re publicans (meaning the societies) were ac countable for the infurretfion, which he fays is the consequence of the impolitic measures of the opposite party. But if the mad;, ai he told us, composed a con- Gderxble majority of Congress, how came they t<j fufier those impolitic mtafures to exist; why did they not repeal them'— Are they not therefore accourtable for the mi%hiefs refalting from them He lays ' t'ia.t tbc cf the r.iwfk, -' .re r-.ui /.c and that tfcey will terrify the Bririih in fo couceffions ; those of the oppnQte Gde lojtile and unattended with any efle<sl. Strange that pacific meal'ures (houici have fucli terrifying eitetfls ; aad that hostile measures {houid be altogether inoperative? More strange {till that lyfttm of paci fication v bich profefies the moll cordial ha tred to a nation and a disposition to ruin her manufa&urck and commerce. r For the Virginia C .renic/e, . WtrPiitfT**, I happened lately to be present at a very refpettable meeting of this Bo rough, when their sentiments were ex pje(Ted with unanimity in a resolve to in'tru<ft tl«.ir Representative to use his influence to repeal the law of this llate which fecurcs real estate from the pay ment of private debts.—The mind can not hcGtate topronounce the .Law impo l.tic, partial and repugnant to the firil principles of the equal diftriV.utfan of iuftice. But I could Rot suppress my admiration, that our Representative uas ;o be instructed to vote for the re peal of the law, and, that by mofl of my refpeftable friends,thtfe inftruclions were ccr.fidered as binding on liim, and that he was so far deprived of his free agcncy, tha.. he was incapable of ailing in oppcfition.—l am not dcfirous of subverting the favourite mr - im, that the sovereign power refidet in the peo ple ; bnt it is my anxious wiih that it be rightly underltood.—ln the individuals compoGng a community is the sovereign light of fixing their own government on foch principles as thev please : but and give it the proper attributes of a&i on and harmony, the whole society must convene in one general convection to discover, discuss and fix such rules and laws as shall contribute to thegrea teft good, as in Rome and Athena ; Oi to fend Delegates with neceflary powers to aft for them, which from the ne ceflityof the thing, mufl be done in a coun'ry as extenlive as ours.—Were the necellary information of the abili ties, principles and integrity of all the candidates in the state, a state election would be bed i this would dettroy, in a great raeafure, those local embarnus ments and private attachments which so o'ten diftnrb Legislation, but as this is impraffiieable, Representative* mi:ft be elected fiom diftrifts. And here let me aft, Where i; the nectifity, and whence the right of any particular dif* tritt binding their Rep efentative on a question, which concerns the whole community.—The coil.ctlvi sense of a state, ought to be the basis of law : and when difeuffing the propriety of a ge neral meafufe, a legislator is not to be interelt of a single diftritl, 01 local at tachment, but the colle&iW tntereft of the whole state, he will notafk himfelf What is the iutereft of my town or ,dil- j tricl ? but what is belt for the whole community ? what will produce the greatell poi.ible good to the greatest nu Tiber of peoj-Ir. That the peaple of aiw difiriQ should advise with their Hepre tentative is right, and the opinions of At people fliould, if possible be colle&ed ; -for the general feijfc of the people is generally right, audby this colleEive informcihn, a Ueprefenta-, five is to govern his rule of a&iea, ; not by the private or fclfifh views attachments : t'orhe is fixing on on tfce grand floor of LeyHfaviiMgf iKt whole Commonwealth, whu h-J]Mj£j|>jSS>t limitted or confided to any trifl, and his opinions ai.d Amftrieijts should be commensurate with tli* e.-tf e the law he is making. But fqfitive mSrae ■ trans from diftricls prevent this—they are : formed on an imptrfe& and parr ill Vies* I of fa<£ls, when their opinionsand rcfolutroife might be very different after having a, fair ft«tetr,en: of all the faifls in a general aSera bly, v. here freedom of dilcuflion and com munion of fectimeut befriend the truth. People cannot tell at home how they would or ought to aft in an aflembty. The fuffrages of my fd'.ow-mtn, which neither repose confidence in my integrity, nor afford the tribute of to my a bilities, would neither be agreeable nor ac ceptable to me. Are inftrinflUms in a 1 cases binding—the ideot if he :s capable of. giving his siye and AVir, may answer all the purpoies of the wisest lawgiver. What judgment, what can any m:n dis play, who is under th? reftr?;ni or'bindmg ioftruflions ? He ails is a r.«: t machine, be must exclude the codibi ity of all con ri&ien, and ohftinately per £3 in what he may think to be error. The object em braced by the choice of Rcprjfcr.tatives, is, to-colle£l the wisdom cf theftite, (f or in a multitude of ccunfellors there is fafety ) the Representatives are to unite ir, their cou«fel» and confu't for the n'.M.c fafetv ; [but binding raftru£tions prevent ir-—thrr totally deliroy the good effect of public de liberations, and pervert the fclutirv. n-*a fures resulting frpm united councils : Such are the oplni* lis which I firmed, and with diffidence I puMifli tiiem, in Cvpofition to { the generally received opinion of my c'oaa- I trymen ; but a ftroitg .perliutlicn \>i their | ' *■ I n I ", "2! T f»& rar > cn occaCoß, tc * - - f prcfs ilini. ' ■<r Nov. 27, 1794. ; n . T — :i \ Foreign Intelligence. ! 1 FRjINCE. NATIONAL CONVENTION. September 19. From Paris Papert: Gamier, of Saintes, denounced the ditiurbances, which took place in the palace of Equality, offeiing again the 1 scenes of a Palais-royal. Tbc:c Lave been seen, he said, violent be:i gs, who outraged with impunity the patriot*, particularly those they fufpe&ei to he Jacobins. Some of his colleagues *e * there, in order to enquire into the nr. ture of the commotion; they found the proceedings t<» be rounter-K-vo'niti onary, and in favour of lova'ity. Tie convention is too wife to be trifled ry ihr pretended watch-word of Vive la Convention. I demand, thrt the coin miiree of geneial lafety make a r.p.„t on that fubjeft. Dubois Crance—lt is time, that the \ Convention pronounce and difplav the inajelty of tlie people it reprcfenis. It is at least time, that this hall ceaft tr, I c the centre of the fluctuations which forne brigands, covered with crimes, the blood-fuckers, who have plundered the republic, endeavour to pe (x-tuate —f App!auded.]Yes, there arc certain, ly two diftinft parties at Paris: one is composed of all those, who love liberty, and rally round the Convention ; the other, of those depraved individuals, who hsve served Rohe'pierre, abetted his tyranny, who have emhrucd their hands in b.ocd, who hafe drailc the blood of their victims.—£Apjl-riider j You will find the coafiiltato ; in the ancient Revolutionary Cnmi'i r < They have in van hid thtn fv s be hind a malk of patriotism, the couvei tion will fipiftt by pulling it <ff aid 1 unveil the turpitude of thole hypocrite*. —[Fre.% applaufes.J All Ftance has returned you thank* for the firmuefs \ ou dtfpl.iyed on the 27th July. All Fra ce exclaims, Let us unite, and we (hall be saved ; the whole nation deilarts in ; lavorof jnflice, and abhors the teigo'tif 1 terror. IWc have long combated with a;: the " ( revolutionary energy, when i: v.ae re quired, to overthrow royalty, to r*. terminate the fcdeYalirts, and to c; ih the fariinns. Ought we to he I',. , what we have been before ? 1 es, v l:h [ refpeft to principles, bnt not in our a(9 ions. Energy is required to conq-ier liber ty, and wisdom to preserve it. We cannot hope to consolidate liberty, by fpreadlng despair among the famines, by raving like some men, who enjoVtJ the conhdente of Kobefpierre and COl - and made more arilloci r), > 111 one day, than rrr..l::?ton doting f.e years political crisis They make a bullle about what his happened yeilerday i:i the ci J Oram pa lais-royal.—Well ; I know, thete hare been two parties at the theatres, one cried out, vive les Jacobins, and the other, vive la Convention ! the he" "- founded with flioutsof appla'Tes. ( T'-e iflemblyand all the role and c ieti out, vive la Convention ! Citizens, don't fuffer yotirfe'.vrs to be lulled into security. Tune ac some neri who fay aloitd, " We (hall tn. np. r>, 'ere long." Atn ciou* menace* 'C heard every where. Individuals wha have received cards £of fa,;' y or civ ;n. J from the revolutionary cmnvHers, < r fled (heir departments, in oidcr to es cape the punishment dor to their emir*, are met with in cvn y ftrert o f Prr i. I have cemar dec liberty to :p»v!s. .<>» t:. « eight days tince. If th- Convent!-:) allows rre ta ir.ount tnc tnbssne, 1 fc !1 present some ideas, which may coritn buteto throw light on the dargers. ar.d point out the : eccflary mealitrM, "o -et p th< veffcl of the revohiiici afloat, and to prevent its being fw?.llowed by the ftcrms, which the are T3ifing. The Convention rcfo'.veJ, that Du bois Crunce (hould be heard. Dubois-Crance, afer having taken a flight retrofpeft of the different d;fti:rb ances which opposed the h»ppi»«fl < ( twenty-fix millions of Frenchmen, aci drefied the Mountain, .which has not ouly done its dutv, but alf&pisd imn bute ro humanity,—engaged his col leagues to forget arvimoHties. a> d u> watch the Cs'tre'eors of the rev< I 'tio", vrhochsnge their cMours according 'o cip.-i mftances, in order t# impunity the deftruft'.on of '.ttrl) ; and drew the attention of the affirm! :y on the situation of commeice and in tjuftry. He concluded, by nrnpol ng is dtcre.' for the nr.-i: t;naa»rc of the il. CI VIS.
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