r«t>j
For the Gazette ef the linmci Sidtcj.
Mr. Fehno,
SO many falfiiood* hsve heen pilmed
uj; i" the public, thro* the medium of
newl'papeis, that contradiflions are rare
ly nereffary ; but if so palpable a ferie<
of niiiUtings, and fiith Unfounded af
4et:ions, as appear in your paper of
Saturday lad—in " the extriifi of a
letter from a gentleman in Philadelphia,
to his correfpondcnt in New-York"—
fruuld pa!» unnotited; it might too
much encourage evil minded persons,
under a hope of impunity, to proceed
in filch praftices
-1 ought, in juttice t6 the citizens of
Philadelphia to suggest, the improba
bility, that such a letter was written
here, it is do'ibtlefs a fabrication in
New-York ; uader the fi&itious appear,
ance of a letter from this city: a trick
the a natch i lis at aM'ftance fion, the feat
u! Gove: nnKt, have practised, with
too much y.cycHX the ignorant and
uninfuimed may give raore credit to
iiiTwtions from ptvfons, who are near
tiie Government, and have opportunity
of rccuraßfi knowledge of its aiove-
mans.—No Uian in Philadelphia would
dare to place ** Heavsn and the MatH
jin'un party," together as having pre
served ptac • to this country.
A dtxiaiation of this extent, the par
ty ihrtnfe'-es dare not nv.ke, and never
will, unlifs emboldened, by fueh hints,
to expect support from abfttad.—The
letter fuggefti that the fame persons
who oppofrd M.idifon's Commercial
Regulations, and were in favor of the
Extife, were alfo'in favor of the Stamp
Du'y ; too impudent for any body, but
a diltant anarchiß, to assert ; fa its on
record, will mark such inlimiations with
a proper epithet; Ames, Tracy, W.
Smith &c. &c.— who were of the com
mitter who repot ted that bill, are among
the names who opposed it, and those
jf p'.lfmrr. would not be very thankful
to any perfuu, for ranking them in the
M'lifo'ii*" party.. —T.'ir rommittee of
w:.yt lit* lEcsns., thought i! their duty,
to report, a rr.nety of model by which
a revenue coi:M be raif;d, a Stamp dti
iray* and rn:ans reported; and the
Mjdiftmiar.s may with equal truth, be
fa;d to have prevented a Land Tax, as
the Stamp dunes; all ho' the Land Tax
was ? favorite of that party. —I wa* a
fp-cUtor ; n the gallery, v.hen these
tVngf. were in agitation, before the
Ho use of RrpryfentatNes in Congress;
and I declare the language of that par
ty, it lied in the letter you publilhed,
Madilomans, wsshoftile; they reproach
ed the fiicnds of peacc wtth tamenefs,
tti.-y opposed negotiation with Gi eat-
Britain, as mean and degrading; they
Mi. Jay's appointment, wt
fhonTa not now have wai with Great
poverntiKnt of the United States wa:
too timid, to face an invader of theii
rights :—and many such expreifious
under a full confidence, that popolaiii)
was to be gained by thrm ; but wher
it appears, the govd sense of almost al
bates the measures of the peaceablt
party, Dehwtirognes are found, base
enough, to afTume all the credit tolhei
own heroic gentry, who feared not war.
but, in the extreme, feared allprepara
. tjons for it.— h is not true, that th<
" Ma&f-.uian party cempofeJ a confiJera
11, majority of Cmgrefs." They wert
in tbe minority, in every vote, excepting
two ; the firtt proportion in Madison'
Commercial Regulations, and in Clark')
intetcourfe bill, as it was called ; at ti
the firft, it amounted to nothing ;
the in the fuMUnce, had fpecifi
cally been adopted by the Houle o
Rej refer.tatives, a* pa.t of a fund t(
build a Nary.—And as to the fccond
the perty will probably claim an unri
vailed credit—Eut if they were the ma
jofity, why did not they prerer.t th<
Txiiie, which i,iiu.il the infurre&ion
The writer llatcs, the Madifonians a
fn'gh«!>ii»< Grfal-Britain into peace
with the United States in the part of
his letter which is to set up his friends
ss efficient prefcrwri of peare, and at
the elite.fays, on comparing the mea
sures, •' tuh'icb rosrc tht mrji pacific /
When it is bcit to be hoflile, his party
was so, when it is best to be peaceable,
,the fame cttr.daft, by a kind of hocus
p«cus, is said. to be pacific: But with
out the tpirit of prophecy, I can aflure
your letter writer, it will take some
time, and many efforts, of all the anarch-
Ms in New-Y oik, Boflon and Vermont,
united, to convince,even this patty them
selves, which he fliles Madifonians, that
.they have been the peace makers of the
United States :—and I believe Hill
longer to make the enlightened citizens
at large believe it. Well might this
writer, With canting fa«e and language,
ijy, What . tie irts -re mc,:: uft of to
R.
Monday, 15th Dec. J 794-
For the Giizelt» of the United Sates.
Mr. Fenso,
The euclofcd article was sent to '4 .
Brown on ihe Btli inft —after wait
ing three days a note was sent him,
requeuing to kno* whether he would
publish it—on the evening of the
twelfth, the public i» informed in the
Philadelphia Gazette, that the piece
is rejected, as it abounds with per
sonal abuse !—As I with the public
to have a better opportunity of form
ing a judgment than is afforded by
either a joint or separate opinion in
the Philadelphia Gazette, tou will
oblige me by inserting the piece in
your paper. R.
Mr. Brown,
A PIECE signed RuJJcU appeared
in the Philadelphia Gazette not long a
go, and so little was theie in it, and so
trite and common-place was that little,
that I run my eye over it hastily as 1
uftiallv do over the columns of newfpa
pertrafh, and in two or thice days had
entirely forgot the publication. But as
it was brought lip again by fuccefllve
puffs in the fame gazette, I was at
length induced to re-examine the pa
per to find this pearl which I had over
looked or miltaken for'a common peb
ble. I was truly surprised to find it
was Russell.
As so much pains has been taken to
force it into notice, let it be noticed.
It is dated as of no importance what
the forms of government may be, whe
ther monarchy, aristocracy, or democra
cy : every tiling depends upon, and the
only points really consequential, is the
judicious arrangement of the public
funds or resources.
This is not common place truth, it is
common place prejudice or absurdity.
The writer has probably read as deep
as Pope's well known couplet,
For modes of government let fools
coated.
That which is bell adminiftcred is
bed.
The poetry is very good, but the
proposition is execrable for an Ameri
can to propagate. Is it really indiffer
ent whether the United States are go
verned under a monarchy, an aristocra
cy, or a club-government (all the ab
horrence of freemen) or a republic ?—
Either of the firft three forms, would
conTtilfe this conntry to its centre, and
would blast all the hopi% that our pre
sent happy constitution has nearly reali
zed^
So far is the pfopofition that this
writer has advanced from being true,,
that the reverse may be affirmed as the
more conformable with reason and ex
perience. That our political libeity
depends on the happy arrangement of
our government, and that our civil li
berties have flowed from our political.
This at least will be allowed, that the
forms of our constitutions have been
tried and found as ufeful as they were
thought to be. A retrofpeft of some
facts will confiim this conclusion—
Would a hmple democracy have secu
red America from a foreign war ? or
have fupprefltd infurrefiions in more in
rtances than one? Would the attempts
of paper money knaves and other
fchcmes for violating right, have failed
in some of the states, if it had not been
for the steadiness and virtue of a second
branch or senate ?
Silch trite fophowiore maxims, be
sides their faljacy, tend to damp the af
fection which republicans feel towards
our happy constitution, and which they
will value the moreiiighly for contrast
ing it with the old confederation ; with
such a comparison before his eyes, how
could Russell fay, forms of government
are of oo importance ?
But the most Angular point, the onlv
one of real consequence with Ruflel is,
the judicious arrangement of the pulFic
funds or resources.
The nonsense of this dogma sets it
beyond the reach of confutation. No j
other scribbler ever made the only buS
nefs of a nation, to pay taxes. Injudi
cious taxes will probably yield little mo
ney and much complaint. The men at
the head of affairs will have the less fi
nancial power and the more clamor.
Thus a goveri meet may weaken itfclf
ir. this way much more than it will be
able to oppress the people. The wri
ter, however, is very uninformed of the
operation of taxes when he makes their
weight the cause of misery, and their
lightaefs the cause of happiness. The
old confederation called for almost no
revenue; yet industry drooped and de
clined. Besides, high taxes become in
corporated with price, and individuals
ill a l!»r"vi»« nation ?rr : :-d fin
v.-hat they j>ay. A taxed article rile®
in price, and other® rife afterwards, in
i consequence ; so that the usual balance
between demand and supply is kept up.
This writer, however, Overlooks the re
al securities for the happniefs of Ame
ricans. Ths foverciguty or the Haw?
rrvide by our own reprefer.tatives, com
mitted afterwards imo the hands of the
people thro' their juries, and explained
br judges who are plated above all un
due influence. Thcle are securities
which will proteS man and his earning*,
ind which are of infinitely more value
than the pounds, (hillings and pence of
this writer's arrangement of finance.
One would naturally have expected
that sophisms so spun ont and fining to
gether by Ruflell, would have end.-d in
some precise cooclufion of his own ; —
what ii it mere or less than a quotation
from the Prrfident's speech,
the finking of the public debt.' Ruf
fes's preamble was probabjy made be
fore-hand, to fit any fubjcct which his
fludy of the poets might inspire him to
handle? and he has huiriedits appearance
before he had found any thing to tack
Thefcsac in
nited is'the whole of the tdTav, ate lit
tle worth exposing, But to feme per
rons whnfe infelle&p tnay- not be übdrr
as ~*aitft and juditioti arntHgemeitt aa .the
■writer Would have tfic finances, may be
milled by them ; »i)jl therefore this at
tempt is maap by way of caution tc
Inch, not to adopt them without ex&
mination. After having - examinee
them, few pet Tubs will necd any furthe
caution.
A REPUBLICAN.
For the Cazelte »f the United State/.
Mr. Fenno,
In Saturday's paper I fair a long pane
gyric on the measures of what the writer
calls the Madifouians or Madifonia* party
(but which for brevity 's ftke and as equal
ly intelligible, I shall call the Mads or Mad
party) and an attempt to prove that those
mealures, though only inchoate and and
unexecuted, will eventually procure u;
whatever fatisfa<Sion we may obtain from
Great Britain. The writer at the fame
time alftrts that the mealures of the Anti-
Mad s, or fobcr party- were of a contrary
tendcncj'.
It is welljuiown that the projects of the
former failed and that the measures of the
latterpuctetird£ if the negot ation termi
nates well, it is more probable that it will
be owing to nxafures which aflually took
place, thau to measures which were only
in Embryo. The schemes of the ont
were impotent thre ts and inactivity; those
of the other dignified moderation and ac
tive preparation : the former—vox et pre
terea nihil; the latter, a firm claim of jrf
tice and an a#ive preparation for war. If
justice is obtained which wasthemoft like
ly to obtain it ? —The writer teL's us that
the mads composed » considerable majority
of Ccmgrefs ; how did it happen then\hat
all their proje£!s 'ell through, and that all
those of the anti-mads, or moderate s took
efie<fl ? He tells us that Great Britain was
terrified by the commercial regulations and
fcqucflrations : But both those were mere
ly prijeßs and neither of them «verfan&i
oned by a vote of either koufe. It is not
very probable that Britain was much ter
rified by schemes which must have failed
in their execution, which would either
have ruined this couMry or been repealed
this feflion.
The object of the commercial regulati
ons was to make this country altogether
dependant on France for manufactured
supplies and to give France a monopoly of
our commerce. When the oppofers of
that project represented its impolicy and
. {hewed that France was in her present
situation unable to furnifh us, and her
commerce was nearly ruined, the on
ly reply was that these were the file/hoods
of British raifrcprentation.
But now authentic documents and uode
niable evidence deinonArate the absurdity
of the measure and the enlightened policy
which refilled it.
Robert Lindet in his late report on the
actual Jlate of France, fays, " manufac
tures and commerce pitftnta gloomy
Ipefiacle ; the factories and work-(hops
are deserted ! Many farmers do not thre.li
their grain, or rot and drefc their flai ; —
the)- keep their wool and spinning is ne
glected. Commerce at the preftnr moment,
presents to view, ruin and, desolation. —
The genius of deflruftion (talked through
France, and at a Ho vj levelled agriculture
and commerce, w hit can we hope from
such a general f raft ration of manufaffiirej ?
Foreign nations fend u» their prcdu&inns,
we thould fend them ours in return, but
<we consume the ivbele." ( See Bache's pa
per of the 13tb Dec. ) Tb* is the coun
try to which that patriotic party intended
to confise the commerce of the United
States ! t Oh, rare policy!—Thi« fame
writer denies that the Democrats or Re
publicans (meaning the societies) were ac
countable for the infurretfion, which he
fays is the consequence of the impolitic
measures of the opposite party. But if
the mad;, ai he told us, composed a con-
Gderxble majority of Congress, how came
they t<j fufier those impolitic mtafures to
exist; why did they not repeal them'—
Are they not therefore accourtable for the
mi%hiefs refalting from them He lays
' t'ia.t tbc cf the r.iwfk, -' .re r-.ui
/.c and that tfcey will terrify the Bririih in
fo couceffions ; those of the oppnQte Gde
lojtile and unattended with any efle<sl.
Strange that pacific meal'ures (houici have
fucli terrifying eitetfls ; aad that hostile
measures {houid be altogether inoperative?
More strange {till that lyfttm of paci
fication v bich profefies the moll cordial
ha tred to a nation and a disposition to ruin
her manufa&urck and commerce.
r
For the Virginia C .renic/e,
. WtrPiitfT**,
I happened lately to be present at a
very refpettable meeting of this Bo
rough, when their sentiments were ex
pje(Ted with unanimity in a resolve to
in'tru<ft tl«.ir Representative to use his
influence to repeal the law of this llate
which fecurcs real estate from the pay
ment of private debts.—The mind can
not hcGtate topronounce the .Law impo
l.tic, partial and repugnant to the firil
principles of the equal diftriV.utfan of
iuftice. But I could Rot suppress my
admiration, that our Representative uas
;o be instructed to vote for the re
peal of the law, and, that by mofl of
my refpeftable friends,thtfe inftruclions
were ccr.fidered as binding on liim, and
that he was so far deprived of his free
agcncy, tha.. he was incapable of ailing
in oppcfition.—l am not dcfirous of
subverting the favourite mr - im, that
the sovereign power refidet in the peo
ple ; bnt it is my anxious wiih that it be
rightly underltood.—ln the individuals
compoGng a community is the sovereign
light of fixing their own government
on foch principles as thev please : but
and give it the proper attributes of a&i
on and harmony, the whole society
must convene in one general convection
to discover, discuss and fix such rules
and laws as shall contribute to thegrea
teft good, as in Rome and Athena ; Oi
to fend Delegates with neceflary powers
to aft for them, which from the ne
ceflityof the thing, mufl be done in a
coun'ry as extenlive as ours.—Were
the necellary information of the abili
ties, principles and integrity of all the
candidates in the state, a state election
would be bed i this would dettroy, in
a great raeafure, those local embarnus
ments and private attachments which so
o'ten diftnrb Legislation, but as this is
impraffiieable, Representative* mi:ft be
elected fiom diftrifts. And here let
me aft, Where i; the nectifity, and
whence the right of any particular dif*
tritt binding their Rep efentative on a
question, which concerns the whole
community.—The coil.ctlvi sense of a
state, ought to be the basis of law : and
when difeuffing the propriety of a ge
neral meafufe, a legislator is not to be
interelt of a single diftritl, 01 local at
tachment, but the colle&iW tntereft of
the whole state, he will notafk himfelf
What is the iutereft of my town or ,dil- j
tricl ? but what is belt for the whole
community ? what will produce the
greatell poi.ible good to the greatest
nu Tiber of peoj-Ir.
That the peaple of aiw difiriQ should
advise with their Hepre tentative is right,
and the opinions of At people fliould, if
possible be colle&ed ; -for the general feijfc
of the people is generally right, audby
this colleEive informcihn, a Ueprefenta-,
five is to govern his rule of a&iea, ;
not by the private or fclfifh views
attachments : t'orhe is fixing
on on tfce grand floor of LeyHfaviiMgf iKt
whole Commonwealth, whu h-J]Mj£j|>jSS>t
limitted or confided to any
trifl, and his opinions ai.d Amftrieijts
should be commensurate with tli* e.-tf e
the law he is making. But fqfitive mSrae
■ trans from diftricls prevent this—they are :
formed on an imptrfe& and parr ill Vies*
I of fa<£ls, when their opinionsand rcfolutroife
might be very different after having a, fair
ft«tetr,en: of all the faifls in a general aSera
bly, v. here freedom of dilcuflion and com
munion of fectimeut befriend the truth.
People cannot tell at home how they
would or ought to aft in an aflembty.
The fuffrages of my fd'.ow-mtn, which
neither repose confidence in my integrity,
nor afford the tribute of to my a
bilities, would neither be agreeable nor ac
ceptable to me. Are inftrinflUms in a 1
cases binding—the ideot if he :s capable of.
giving his siye and AVir, may answer all
the purpoies of the wisest lawgiver. What
judgment, what can any m:n dis
play, who is under th? reftr?;ni or'bindmg
ioftruflions ? He ails is a r.«: t machine,
be must exclude the codibi ity of all con
ri&ien, and ohftinately per £3 in what he
may think to be error. The object em
braced by the choice of Rcprjfcr.tatives,
is, to-colle£l the wisdom cf theftite, (f or
in a multitude of ccunfellors there is fafety )
the Representatives are to unite ir, their
cou«fel» and confu't for the n'.M.c fafetv ;
[but binding raftru£tions prevent ir-—thrr
totally deliroy the good effect of public de
liberations, and pervert the fclutirv. n-*a
fures resulting frpm united councils : Such
are the oplni* lis which I firmed, and with
diffidence I puMifli tiiem, in Cvpofition to {
the generally received opinion of my c'oaa- I
trymen ; but a ftroitg .perliutlicn \>i their |
' *■
I
n I
", "2! T f»& rar > cn occaCoß, tc * -
- f prcfs ilini. ' ■<r
Nov. 27, 1794.
; n . T — :i
\ Foreign Intelligence. !
1 FRjINCE.
NATIONAL CONVENTION.
September 19.
From Paris Papert:
Gamier, of Saintes, denounced the
ditiurbances, which took place in the
palace of Equality, offeiing again the
1 scenes of a Palais-royal. Tbc:c Lave
been seen, he said, violent be:i gs, who
outraged with impunity the patriot*,
particularly those they fufpe&ei to he
Jacobins. Some of his colleagues *e *
there, in order to enquire into the nr.
ture of the commotion; they found
the proceedings t<» be rounter-K-vo'niti
onary, and in favour of lova'ity. Tie
convention is too wife to be trifled ry
ihr pretended watch-word of Vive la
Convention. I demand, thrt the coin
miiree of geneial lafety make a r.p.„t
on that fubjeft.
Dubois Crance—lt is time, that the \
Convention pronounce and difplav the
inajelty of tlie people it reprcfenis. It
is at least time, that this hall ceaft tr, I c
the centre of the fluctuations which
forne brigands, covered with crimes,
the blood-fuckers, who have plundered
the republic, endeavour to pe (x-tuate
—f App!auded.]Yes, there arc certain,
ly two diftinft parties at Paris: one is
composed of all those, who love liberty,
and rally round the Convention ; the
other, of those depraved individuals,
who hsve served Rohe'pierre, abetted
his tyranny, who have emhrucd their
hands in b.ocd, who hafe drailc the
blood of their victims.—£Apjl-riider j
You will find the coafiiltato ; in the
ancient Revolutionary Cnmi'i r <
They have in van hid thtn fv s be
hind a malk of patriotism, the couvei
tion will fipiftt by pulling it <ff aid
1 unveil the turpitude of thole hypocrite*.
—[Fre.% applaufes.J All Ftance has
returned you thank* for the firmuefs \ ou
dtfpl.iyed on the 27th July. All Fra ce
exclaims, Let us unite, and we (hall be
saved ; the whole nation deilarts in
; lavorof jnflice, and abhors the teigo'tif
1 terror.
IWc have long combated with a;: the "
( revolutionary energy, when i: v.ae re
quired, to overthrow royalty, to r*.
terminate the fcdeYalirts, and to c; ih
the fariinns. Ought we to he I',. ,
what we have been before ? 1 es, v l:h
[ refpeft to principles, bnt not in our
a(9 ions.
Energy is required to conq-ier liber
ty, and wisdom to preserve it. We
cannot hope to consolidate liberty, by
fpreadlng despair among the famines,
by raving like some men, who enjoVtJ
the conhdente of Kobefpierre and COl
- and made more arilloci r), > 111 one
day, than rrr..l::?ton doting f.e
years political crisis
They make a bullle about what his
happened yeilerday i:i the ci J Oram pa
lais-royal.—Well ; I know, thete hare
been two parties at the theatres, one
cried out, vive les Jacobins, and the
other, vive la Convention ! the he" "-
founded with flioutsof appla'Tes. ( T'-e
iflemblyand all the role and
c ieti out, vive la Convention !
Citizens, don't fuffer yotirfe'.vrs to
be lulled into security. Tune ac some
neri who fay aloitd, " We (hall tn. np. r>,
'ere long." Atn ciou* menace* 'C
heard every where. Individuals wha
have received cards £of fa,;' y or civ ;n. J
from the revolutionary cmnvHers, < r
fled (heir departments, in oidcr to es
cape the punishment dor to their emir*,
are met with in cvn y ftrert o f Prr i. I
have cemar dec liberty to :p»v!s. .<>» t:. «
eight days tince. If th- Convent!-:)
allows rre ta ir.ount tnc tnbssne, 1 fc !1
present some ideas, which may coritn
buteto throw light on the dargers. ar.d
point out the : eccflary mealitrM, "o -et p
th< veffcl of the revohiiici afloat, and
to prevent its being fw?.llowed by the
ftcrms, which the are T3ifing.
The Convention rcfo'.veJ, that Du
bois Crunce (hould be heard.
Dubois-Crance, afer having taken a
flight retrofpeft of the different d;fti:rb
ances which opposed the h»ppi»«fl < (
twenty-fix millions of Frenchmen, aci
drefied the Mountain, .which has not
ouly done its dutv, but alf&pisd imn
bute ro humanity,—engaged his col
leagues to forget arvimoHties. a> d u>
watch the Cs'tre'eors of the rev< I 'tio",
vrhochsnge their cMours according 'o
cip.-i mftances, in order t#
impunity the deftruft'.on of '.ttrl) ;
and drew the attention of the affirm! :y
on the situation of commeice and in
tjuftry. He concluded, by nrnpol ng
is dtcre.' for the nr.-i: t;naa»rc of the il.
CI VIS.