For the Gazette of the United Slates. Mil. Fenno, It is by men's actions alone, that we can form any jufl opinion of the mea sure of their attachment to the welware of their country: For if the declara tions of some people among us were to be considered as the touchstone q( their Sincerity—it would go to prove, that many of the mod active promoters of the present unhappy disturbances, are the uniform and ftedfaft supporters of the laws ! The (trange infatuation which ap pears to govern the conduct of thrie persons, is of a natnre similar to the mischievous delusion which influenced the little urchin, who about three years iince amused hirtifelf with setting fire to the (tables and out buildings of the in habitants of Philadelphia. This artful Incendiary, Simulated no doubt by that rage for change artd innovation Which charadterifes the Incendiaries cf the present day, was the firft to an nounce the flames kindled with his own torch and by his exertions to extin gnilh the fire> acquired the good opini on of his unfnfpe&ing fellow-citizens ! It would be a circumstance highly con solatory to the friends of humanity if the inltigators or perpetratois of similar fccfts of depravity, could like the unhap py boy in queltion, plead their' youth and inexperience in extenuation of their crimes. Upon the acknowledged principle, that the decisions of a majority in all Republican governments ought to ob tain, it would follow, that every at tempt to defeat the operation of laws framed by that majority, is not only d denial of the principle itfelf, but treason again ft the will of the people- Any man therefore who difieminates the falfe and absurd do&rine of legal opfejition or conjlitut'ional rejijlartce to the mandates of the majority, is an Incendiary and an Enemy to our present form of govern ment. Laws may be repealed, but can not be legally orconftitutionally refitted. Of all the instances of this kind that have lately occurred, the petition of the fnuff makers and sugar refiners of Philadelphia, challenges the pre-emi nence. These people were calrti fpeftators of the inconveniences, to which the mer chants of the United States have been fubjefted by a vaiiety of laws imposing duties on every species of merchandize, fnujf and rejined sugar not excepted— Nay, they were totally deaf to the com plaints brtihrm on- the other fide 6f the mountains, until the critical situation of their country, threatened by a foreign war and the consequent loss of its usual revenue, required that a small tax should be exacted from the tonfwkers and not as they would wi(h us to believe, from the manufadurers of fnuff and refined sugar. This, however, was the auspicious moment, chosen by ' tliefe magnanimous patriots to evince their attachment to the common weal by incelTantly laboring to lender the law odious and unpopular, and finally to remove every doiibt with refpeft to the purity of their intentions, they have formally l'olicitei the patriotic Lcgifla tdre of Peraifylvania to co operate with them, in their opposition to the go vernment of the Union. Perhaps the next memorial, may contain a proposi tion for arming in defence of the oppof ers of excise laws ! ! ! Among the other arguments (if they deserve to be called such) to which these ingenious gelitlemen have reached, in order to shew, why the people of the United States, ought not to exercise the right of railing a revenue in such manner as to them mpy appear best, they adduce the address of the Congress of 1774 to the inhabitants of Canada—in which address among other things Con gress advert to the odiouß nature of Britilh excise laws. Gracious Hea ven ! As if there was any analogy be tween a tax imposed by a Foreign Le gislature, in which we had no voice, and a tax laid by representatives of our own chufing, and whose dilates are e qually liable with those of their fellow Citizens to the operation of the law. In Ihort, that the very seasons given by the Congress of 1774, and their fuc cefibrs for refitting foreign tyianny, (hould be considered as fufficient giounds for oppoiing laws coriflitutionallv made and not fubje<3 to the abuses so justly complained of in England, argues either extreme ignorance or extreme wicked ness in the persons who have thus endea voured to pervert them to answer their own purposes. The complaints of the people in the Wefteni Counties »f this date, on the fiibjcdl of excise law, are equally unfoundodwtth those of the fnuff-ma ker and (near-refiners ; and their at tempt to refill it by force, during the pi efent gloomy state of our political ho fcifoo, will stamp a degree of infamy 1 upon the authors of it, not easily to fc" effaced. The l'eafons afiigned by Mr. White for the unjultifiable conduit o: his constituents, are such no doubt, as have been resorted to by designing men, not only in the county of Waftu'ng ton, but throughout the United States, to delude and mifiead their unwary fel low-citizens. The difficulty if not im potlibility of framing laws, sb as to operate equally throughout the Union is admitted by all parties ; —but, it does not follow from thence that thole who are the loudest in their complaints have the most reason on their fide. ' hoves Mr. White therefore to (hew, j that the excise law has had a more par- tial effett in Washington County, than in other parts of the Union—by prov ing, that the quantity and value of the whisky, has diminished in c»rtfequence of the law, and that the DiJliUers and not the traders to whom it is palled away in exchange for other goods, pays the duty. I fliall conclude thi« eflay with obfervjng that the awful situation of our country, calls loudly upon the real friends to a fixed order of things, to hold to the Govern ment under which we live —a desire of change is nattiral to the human race—lf tver there was a neceflity however for re filling a change, it is at the present mo ment. The benefits to be derived from n-w systems are conjectural only—the evils that might poflibly result from them are incalculable. Let us therefore leave it to time to determine, whether our situation is less enviable than that of any other peo ple. When we feperatedfrom G. Britain, the talk of framing a Constitution was easy —it was the work of a band of brothers.— Since that period the United Sues have been ihundated with emigrants From, all parts of the world, strangers to our language, our manners and customs —many of them perhaps unfriendly to our equal laws. Let no man who poffefles property--jet no man who earns a comfortable maintain ance for his family, flatter himfelf with escaping the general wreck consequent to a disunion among ourselves—there are hun dreds of daring adventurers already among us, ready to seize upon the fruits of our industry—their numbers will increase in propotion to our inability to resist. Those persons who please themselves with the hopes of gratifying their ambition in an event of this kind will find themselves mi serably mistaken: For as it is probable, they intended to confine their plan of in novation to the removal of their rivals in power, they will be supplanted by men, who unihackled by the ties of consanguini ty and friendfhip, have nothing but their own immediate interests to consult and are therefore not to be diverted from in dulging in all thofc excefles common to lawlcfs usurpers. From the Connecticut Gazette. Mr. Green, By inferring the following extract from a sermon delivered by the Rev. Dr. Lathrop, on the 4th of July, you will convey some profitable truths to our fellow-citizens, and gratify ma- Ny " THE freedom of elc&ion is a mat ter of efTential importance. Under such a happy constitution as ours, where the eledtive power is in the great body of the people, and the periods of election frequently return, direct bribe ry is not ealily praAifed. There are other ways, however, in which the e lector* may be unduly biafl'ed. The combinations of influential men to re commend' and support certain candi dates, may be as dangerous as corrupti on it felf. The few who combine may have a particular design to serve ; and, in some instances, it is poflible, they may study rather to deceive, than to inform the public mind. " Personal llanders, and infamous ex hibitions, art always to be disapproved, as inconsistent with the freedom of par liamentary debate, and the purity of national manners. You may hang or burn in effigy, or you may revile and proscribe in a Gazette, an unworthy character ; and you may do the fame to a worthy character. And so far as yor thus irfluente an election, you may pre vent the choice of a good man as well as a bad one.. To determine whether a man is worthy of our fuffrages, we must enquiie, whether he is a man of ability and information, of virtue, Jlability and firmnefs j of pure republican principles ; ar.d whether his interest is united with that of his country. Such a man, what ever aspersions may be cad upon him by political partizans, is worthy of our confidence. Though in particular in stances, he may favor measures, which we had not previously expe&ed, we are not hastily to reprobate his conauft; but to take time for examination ; con sidering, that he may pofTefs means of information, which have not reached to us." foreign Intelligence' LONDON, July ii. PARLIAMENTARY INTEL ligence. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, July lO THE WAR. Mr. Sheridan. I rejoice that the at tendance of members having put the speaker in the chair, has enabled me to deliver a few parting words. I re joice that ministers have now condes cended to think that the House of Commons merits some attention, and to suppose it might be pofiible that some gentlemen might feel an inclination to make a few observations on the present fitiiation of affairs p;evio«fly to the pro rogation of the Parliament. I rejoice also at the attendance of the membera this day, because it has enabled a gen tleman opposite me to make a motion, which will enable the public to av?i! themselves of the abilities of a right honorable gentleman (Mr. Wyndham), and of Mr. Burke whose fecefiion is the objeit of the other motion. I have to fay, that the right honorable gentle man has served the public many years, and though I have recently diffeied from him in material points, yet I should have been happy to have heard that he had vacated his feat for the purpose of taking pofl'effion of an office equally profitable with that of Mr. Wyndham. Another reason of my rejoicing is, that the attendance of members will enable the right hon. gentleman opposite to me, to make a motion, which 1 have heard is to-be made, for the ereftionof a monument to the memory of Admi ral Harvey, and Captain Hutt. The proposition which it is my in tention to submit to the consideration It be- lof the house, does not go on in the ; ars placed in important situations, firft iuftance to do that which I think ; a deeper and more stubborn principle 5 to be mod proper in the prcfent fitua- i f° r prosecuting the war has been adopt ! tion of affairs, to advise his Majesty not c d, and that these new appointments Ito prorogue the Parljamcnt. I shall hoi ft the bloody flag to declare that the : firft make some observations for the pur- ; War is to be carried on till either the [ pose of obtaining information ; and the government of France is exterminated, effect of these obfeivations will deter- or till England falls in the attempt, mine whether 1 (hall not move foi an ' When I confuler these iniuperable bars address to his Majesty to.continue the which once prevented any communica ' fitting of Parliament. If we were at tion with the Minister—when I recollett an eailier period of the fcfiion, and if tl't 1 solemn declaration, that a tempora the events which have lately taken place, r y dereliction of office, on the part of had taken place in Februaiy, 1 believe the Minister, was a fncrifice phfolutely , there is no man who would not have necessary to the infulfed dignity of the 1 thought that a .notion for inquiring in- Honfe of Commons—when 1 remember to the causes of those events was abfo- that those declarations, though long lutcly necessary. Six weeks only have j made, were long adhered to, and even elapsed lince the object of the War was I repeated 'in the last SelTion of Parlia-' explicitly announced. Scarcely more J ment, —when, I fay, I consider. these than that period has parted away since i circu/nftarices, and reflect a little 'on the an hon. gentleman avowed that the war J unpopularity of former Coalitions had for its objeift the extermination of' when I refiedt on the disinterestedness of the government at Paris—that we ought the churafters in question, he mud think to employ the lait man, and the last gui- that nothing but a paramount and. im nea, for the purpose of destroying the perious necessity has induced them to trench Republic. In the fame short adopt their prtfent mode of conduit ; period of fix weeks, do I fay too much, Have they a<3ed in consequence of any | when I assert, that events have happened admiration of the great talents of the i which have proved that the object of Minister, and has this admiiation swept i the war is wholly impradticable and chi- away all their former opposition ? Are ; merical ? Do I lay too much when I we to believe on the other fide, that the J affirm, that I have a right to ask, whe- union is founded on the confeffed imbe ther the object of the war is still the cility of Ministers, who are to throw the fame ? Have ministers ever held out one management of' the War into other expectation which was not followed al- hands ? I cannot suppose that this is the most with immediate difappoir.tment ? cafe ; for, howcvei rational and well Not one ! We differed with the mini- founded their opinion of the imbecility Iter on the principles and object of the and incapacity <jf the Ministers may be, war, but we did not deny him a man or yet, I know, that the Minister possesses a guinea. Application was made for too good an opinion of his own abili powers more extensive than had ever ties, either to acknowledge his own in been granted before—they were given, capacity, or to give up the management The minister afTured us, that he had of the War from a tonvi&ion of his the most sanguine hopes of success. He own inability. The present mode of applied for a subsidy to the King of conduct therefore of tliefc gentlemen, Prussia, to an amount almost unptece- can only arise from an idea of the dan dented. He applied also for powers to geroiis situation of the country from enable him to embody Frenchmen for a knowledge of the failure of every pro the purpose of being employed against jedt adopted by the Minister—and from Frenchmen, what has been the event a convidtion, that all petty confidera of all these applications? Disgrace, de- tions should give way, and that thecafe feat, disasters beyond what were experi- is so urgent, as to render the honor of enced in any tormer war. Since then the House of Commons a circtimftance all these hopes and expectations have of no importance. Such mult be the been disappointed, shall we not enquire cause of their forgetfulnefs of all their the cause ? Are the imbecility and inca- former declarations—of all their former pacity of the ministers to exempt them principles—of all their former pledges, trom animadverfioni ? Are they to prac- If therefore I am right in the motives tife delusions and deceit, and are we still which I have supposed must influence to be silent. I should like to hear what their conduit, they ought at lealt to excuse they can offer ? Will they fay, give the House of Commons credit for t at they have been disappointed by the being willing to remain on their posts, lving ot Prussia. if they do, it will in this period of extreme difficulty and not be asking too much to enquire danger. For these reasons I think, that whether that monarch has received his we have a right to know, whether the subsidy, and what troops he has fur- cauf« of the War remains the fame or mfced m consequence of U On this not. I believe that, unless the wild übjea, J should indeed think it fcanda- projea to which I have alluded, is given lous if the House were to separate with- up, no person will fuppoi t the War with out requiring or receiving any informa- vigour. On the subsidy granted to the tion. I will not suppose that the mim- King of Prussia. some explanation I er will assert that the King of Prussia afTert is absolutely necessary. Explana .s afhfting the alliance against France, tion is also necessary on the fubiedt of by bef.eg.ng Cracow, and by massacring our difference with America. It is a ° es ° 16 ln vindication known and incontrovertible - fadt, that CIVIS. that he could not have expected that the King of Prussia would have been guilty of such conduit, I reply that he wai warned of it. That we aflilred him, that the King of Pruflia would do no thing but receive his subsidy. If they alledge that they were disappointed by Auftiia, I shall still fay, that such an ex cuse is wholly unworthy any man v*ho wishes to have the character of a great Statcfman. If they reprelent to us that the numbers of the French were so great, I answer in reply, that the Minister must have been aware of the French system of riflng ih a mass, and that he knew they would on any emergency arise, as he had himfelf said, " an armed nation." I should be glad to kiiow why, when these adverse events occurred in Flan ders, the troops were fuffered to hover on the coafl of Hampshire, and were not employed in ftrengthtning our force in Flanders ? Upon military tactics, I do not mean to enter, because I do not understand them, but the general prin ciple, that the object of the War has totally failed, is known to every person. It is known to every person, that the avowed end of the Wat is unattainable ; that the Allies have bceri driven out of Flanders, and that they have been forc ed to a£t on the defenfive on the fron tiers of Holland. On the fenliments which have been exprefTed by one Right Hon. Gentle man (Mr. Wvndham) who is now re posing in the cool fhadet of theChiltern Hundreds for the purpose of qualifying himfelf for War Minister, I shall fay very little ; if he were present, I should fay much. But it is on account of some new political Alliances which have been formed, that I think the cause of the War should be explicitly declared now : thpugh 1 should imagine, that as the times are so different, it would be ab surd to proceed on the fame individual principles ; —yet, as I fufpedt that as the members of this new alliance in of- the present Administration it dcti See! in every part of America. As however the Minifterand his Colleagues have on a farmer occasion evinced such an igno rance of American affairs, it is not too much to suppose that they are also ig norant of this fa&* America is divided into two parties, a moderate and a vio lent party. But whatever difference of opinion occurs between these two par ties on political fubjefts, in this thev are all agreed, that the conduct of the Ad miniflration of Great-Britain, for the last ten years, has been devoid of every principle of justice, and even of common sense. In this point of view, I have a right to assert that they may be i gno . rant of this fad, for when 1 read a pa per some time ago, relative to Lord Dorchester's speech, the authenticity of it was generally denied, though Mini sters might have supposed that Lord Dorchelter might be guilty of as gross folly as themfelres. In another place, to which, I cannot confidently with Parliamentary order, allude, the speech was treated in such a manner, that the Noble Lord who read it, was almost accused of reading it only for the pur pose of sowing diflention between the two countries. I with to know what authority wag given to Lord Dorches ter for making such a speech, and whe ther any fleps have been taken by Go vernment in confequence_of it. If i n answer, I am told, that the Nejrociation with Mr. Jay (the American Minister) is in such a train that it would he danger ous to reveal any secrets, I (hall certain ly press the fubjett no further. But feeing, that after eleven years, the fame mt'ferable expedients of Annual Com mercial bills continue to be adopted. Looking at Lord Dorcheiler's speech concerning that, even after Mr. Jay's departure hostilities may have been com mitted, and knowing that nothing ran be done without the atfillance of Par liament, I fay that I have a right to receive some explanation from Minilleis, and that 1 am furmlhed with fufficient grounds on which to move an Address tothe King not to prorogue the Parlia ment. It is necefiary also to recur to the situation andfentimentsof our Allies. We Tay that we cannot make Peace, not becauie we dislike a Republican form erf government, but because we must have feenrity for the future. Now, of all the inftiltiug mockeries that ever tired the patience of men, this is the most insulting. We.fee that we are the dupes of all Europe, and that none of our Allies are to be depended noon, and yet we insist upon ha vino; from the French Government fucurity for the future. •What has the meanest of out allies, the King of Sardinia done ? Nothing but receive his money. What has Spain done? Has (he co operated with us in the Mediterranean ? Has (he kept 20 fail of the line in Cadiz harbor, as (he was bound to keep ? Or did (he fend out any force to intercept that great American fleet, of whose failing fne re ceived fiich timely notice ?—No. Is then the Spani(h government to be de pended upon ? What have the Dutch done, who hare been ftiled a maritime power, and have not furnifhed one (hip ? Is the Empress of Ruflla to be depend ed upon ? Has (he furnifhed a man or a rouble ? Has Austria brought half ftie number of men which Ihe promised ? Is the King of Prufiia to be depended up on ? Has he not not only deluded, but defraudedus? When welookto the (late of our own nation, is the British govern ment to be depended on ? What was our conduct at Toulon ? And how have we fulfilled our promises to the Royal ills ? Can there be any argument, then, more preposterous absurd, than that we ought not to make peace, with out having security for the future ? Of all the powers in Europe, France is the only one that has proved (he is to be de pended upon, and yet we treat her as if (he had no subordination, and as if her inhabitants were only an iindilcip'ined rabble and mere banditti. She has not fulfilled her promises to her allies, b«- cause (lie has no allies ; but (he has | been terribly punAual in all her threats: She said that (he would, (ingle handed, fight all the Despots of Europe, and (hiJ kept her word—(lie declared that flic would drive us from Toulon, and (he kept her woid—(he affirmed that (he would chafe the Prufiians to the other fide of the Rhine, and (he kept her word-—(he aflerted that (he would beat the allies out of Flanders, and (he kept her word.— The Mini ft er thinks him felf strengthened by the grand alliance. I think on the contrary, that the fenti menls of the persons who compose this alliance, will be fatal to the count r y. I hope that, now that theft gentlemen attach to themselves a degree of refpon (ibility, they will re-confjcicr their de clarations. I trust that, when they lyiow that their opinions may turn the fate of the war, they will revise those
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