For the Gazette of the United Slates.
Mil. Fenno,
It is by men's actions alone, that we
can form any jufl opinion of the mea
sure of their attachment to the welware
of their country: For if the declara
tions of some people among us were to
be considered as the touchstone q( their
Sincerity—it would go to prove, that
many of the mod active promoters of the
present unhappy disturbances, are the
uniform and ftedfaft supporters of the
laws !
The (trange infatuation which ap
pears to govern the conduct of thrie
persons, is of a natnre similar to the
mischievous delusion which influenced
the little urchin, who about three years
iince amused hirtifelf with setting fire to
the (tables and out buildings of the in
habitants of Philadelphia. This artful
Incendiary, Simulated no doubt by
that rage for change artd innovation
Which charadterifes the Incendiaries
cf the present day, was the firft to an
nounce the flames kindled with his own
torch and by his exertions to extin
gnilh the fire> acquired the good opini
on of his unfnfpe&ing fellow-citizens !
It would be a circumstance highly con
solatory to the friends of humanity if
the inltigators or perpetratois of similar
fccfts of depravity, could like the unhap
py boy in queltion, plead their' youth
and inexperience in extenuation of their
crimes.
Upon the acknowledged principle,
that the decisions of a majority in all
Republican governments ought to ob
tain, it would follow, that every at
tempt to defeat the operation of laws
framed by that majority, is not only d
denial of the principle itfelf, but treason
again ft the will of the people- Any
man therefore who difieminates the falfe
and absurd do&rine of legal opfejition or
conjlitut'ional rejijlartce to the mandates
of the majority, is an Incendiary and an
Enemy to our present form of govern
ment. Laws may be repealed, but can
not be legally orconftitutionally refitted.
Of all the instances of this kind that
have lately occurred, the petition of
the fnuff makers and sugar refiners of
Philadelphia, challenges the pre-emi
nence.
These people were calrti fpeftators of
the inconveniences, to which the mer
chants of the United States have been
fubjefted by a vaiiety of laws imposing
duties on every species of merchandize,
fnujf and rejined sugar not excepted—
Nay, they were totally deaf to the com
plaints brtihrm on- the other
fide 6f the mountains, until the critical
situation of their country, threatened
by a foreign war and the consequent
loss of its usual revenue, required that a
small tax should be exacted from the
tonfwkers and not as they would wi(h us
to believe, from the manufadurers of
fnuff and refined sugar. This, however,
was the auspicious moment, chosen by
' tliefe magnanimous patriots to evince
their attachment to the common weal
by incelTantly laboring to lender the
law odious and unpopular, and finally
to remove every doiibt with refpeft to
the purity of their intentions, they have
formally l'olicitei the patriotic Lcgifla
tdre of Peraifylvania to co operate with
them, in their opposition to the go
vernment of the Union. Perhaps the
next memorial, may contain a proposi
tion for arming in defence of the oppof
ers of excise laws ! ! !
Among the other arguments (if they
deserve to be called such) to which these
ingenious gelitlemen have reached, in
order to shew, why the people of the
United States, ought not to exercise
the right of railing a revenue in such
manner as to them mpy appear best, they
adduce the address of the Congress of
1774 to the inhabitants of Canada—in
which address among other things Con
gress advert to the odiouß nature of
Britilh excise laws. Gracious Hea
ven ! As if there was any analogy be
tween a tax imposed by a Foreign Le
gislature, in which we had no voice,
and a tax laid by representatives of our
own chufing, and whose dilates are e
qually liable with those of their fellow
Citizens to the operation of the law.
In Ihort, that the very seasons given by
the Congress of 1774, and their fuc
cefibrs for refitting foreign tyianny,
(hould be considered as fufficient giounds
for oppoiing laws coriflitutionallv made
and not fubje<3 to the abuses so justly
complained of in England, argues either
extreme ignorance or extreme wicked
ness in the persons who have thus endea
voured to pervert them to answer their
own purposes.
The complaints of the people in the
Wefteni Counties »f this date, on the
fiibjcdl of excise law, are equally
unfoundodwtth those of the fnuff-ma
ker and (near-refiners ; and their at
tempt to refill it by force, during the
pi efent gloomy state of our political ho
fcifoo, will stamp a degree of infamy 1
upon the authors of it, not easily to fc"
effaced. The l'eafons afiigned by Mr.
White for the unjultifiable conduit o:
his constituents, are such no doubt, as
have been resorted to by designing men,
not only in the county of Waftu'ng
ton, but throughout the United States,
to delude and mifiead their unwary fel
low-citizens. The difficulty if not im
potlibility of framing laws, sb as to
operate equally throughout the Union
is admitted by all parties ; —but, it does
not follow from thence that thole who
are the loudest in their complaints have
the most reason on their fide.
' hoves Mr. White therefore to (hew,
j that the excise law has had a more par-
tial effett in Washington County, than
in other parts of the Union—by prov
ing, that the quantity and value of the
whisky, has diminished in c»rtfequence
of the law, and that the DiJliUers and
not the traders to whom it is palled
away in exchange for other goods, pays
the duty.
I fliall conclude thi« eflay with obfervjng
that the awful situation of our country,
calls loudly upon the real friends to a fixed
order of things, to hold to the Govern
ment under which we live —a desire of
change is nattiral to the human race—lf
tver there was a neceflity however for re
filling a change, it is at the present mo
ment. The benefits to be derived from
n-w systems are conjectural only—the
evils that might poflibly result from them
are incalculable. Let us therefore leave it
to time to determine, whether our situation
is less enviable than that of any other peo
ple. When we feperatedfrom G. Britain,
the talk of framing a Constitution was easy
—it was the work of a band of brothers.—
Since that period the United Sues have
been ihundated with emigrants From, all
parts of the world, strangers to our language,
our manners and customs —many of them
perhaps unfriendly to our equal laws. Let
no man who poffefles property--jet no
man who earns a comfortable maintain
ance for his family, flatter himfelf with
escaping the general wreck consequent to
a disunion among ourselves—there are hun
dreds of daring adventurers already among
us, ready to seize upon the fruits of our
industry—their numbers will increase in
propotion to our inability to resist. Those
persons who please themselves with the
hopes of gratifying their ambition in an
event of this kind will find themselves mi
serably mistaken: For as it is probable,
they intended to confine their plan of in
novation to the removal of their rivals in
power, they will be supplanted by men,
who unihackled by the ties of consanguini
ty and friendfhip, have nothing but their
own immediate interests to consult and
are therefore not to be diverted from in
dulging in all thofc excefles common to
lawlcfs usurpers.
From the Connecticut Gazette.
Mr. Green,
By inferring the following extract from
a sermon delivered by the Rev. Dr.
Lathrop, on the 4th of July, you
will convey some profitable truths to
our fellow-citizens, and gratify ma-
Ny
" THE freedom of elc&ion is a mat
ter of efTential importance. Under
such a happy constitution as ours,
where the eledtive power is in the great
body of the people, and the periods of
election frequently return, direct bribe
ry is not ealily praAifed. There are
other ways, however, in which the e
lector* may be unduly biafl'ed. The
combinations of influential men to re
commend' and support certain candi
dates, may be as dangerous as corrupti
on it felf. The few who combine may
have a particular design to serve ; and,
in some instances, it is poflible, they
may study rather to deceive, than to
inform the public mind.
" Personal llanders, and infamous ex
hibitions, art always to be disapproved,
as inconsistent with the freedom of par
liamentary debate, and the purity of
national manners. You may hang or
burn in effigy, or you may revile and
proscribe in a Gazette, an unworthy
character ; and you may do the fame to
a worthy character. And so far as yor
thus irfluente an election, you may pre
vent the choice of a good man as well as
a bad one.. To determine whether a
man is worthy of our fuffrages, we must
enquiie, whether he is a man of ability
and information, of virtue, Jlability and
firmnefs j of pure republican principles ;
ar.d whether his interest is united with
that of his country. Such a man, what
ever aspersions may be cad upon him by
political partizans, is worthy of our
confidence. Though in particular in
stances, he may favor measures, which
we had not previously expe&ed, we are
not hastily to reprobate his conauft;
but to take time for examination ; con
sidering, that he may pofTefs means of
information, which have not reached to
us."
foreign Intelligence'
LONDON, July ii.
PARLIAMENTARY INTEL
ligence.
HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Thursday, July lO
THE WAR.
Mr. Sheridan. I rejoice that the at
tendance of members having put the
speaker in the chair, has enabled me
to deliver a few parting words. I re
joice that ministers have now condes
cended to think that the House of
Commons merits some attention, and
to suppose it might be pofiible that some
gentlemen might feel an inclination to
make a few observations on the present
fitiiation of affairs p;evio«fly to the pro
rogation of the Parliament. I rejoice
also at the attendance of the membera
this day, because it has enabled a gen
tleman opposite me to make a motion,
which will enable the public to av?i!
themselves of the abilities of a right
honorable gentleman (Mr. Wyndham),
and of Mr. Burke whose fecefiion is
the objeit of the other motion. I have
to fay, that the right honorable gentle
man has served the public many years,
and though I have recently diffeied
from him in material points, yet I should
have been happy to have heard that he
had vacated his feat for the purpose of
taking pofl'effion of an office equally
profitable with that of Mr. Wyndham.
Another reason of my rejoicing is, that
the attendance of members will enable
the right hon. gentleman opposite to
me, to make a motion, which 1 have
heard is to-be made, for the ereftionof
a monument to the memory of Admi
ral Harvey, and Captain Hutt.
The proposition which it is my in
tention to submit to the consideration
It be-
lof the house, does not go on in the ; ars placed in important situations,
firft iuftance to do that which I think ; a deeper and more stubborn principle
5 to be mod proper in the prcfent fitua- i f° r prosecuting the war has been adopt
! tion of affairs, to advise his Majesty not c d, and that these new appointments
Ito prorogue the Parljamcnt. I shall hoi ft the bloody flag to declare that the
: firft make some observations for the pur- ; War is to be carried on till either the
[ pose of obtaining information ; and the government of France is exterminated,
effect of these obfeivations will deter- or till England falls in the attempt,
mine whether 1 (hall not move foi an ' When I confuler these iniuperable bars
address to his Majesty to.continue the which once prevented any communica
' fitting of Parliament. If we were at tion with the Minister—when I recollett
an eailier period of the fcfiion, and if tl't 1 solemn declaration, that a tempora
the events which have lately taken place, r y dereliction of office, on the part of
had taken place in Februaiy, 1 believe the Minister, was a fncrifice phfolutely
, there is no man who would not have necessary to the infulfed dignity of the
1 thought that a .notion for inquiring in- Honfe of Commons—when 1 remember
to the causes of those events was abfo- that those declarations, though long
lutcly necessary. Six weeks only have j made, were long adhered to, and even
elapsed lince the object of the War was I repeated 'in the last SelTion of Parlia-'
explicitly announced. Scarcely more J ment, —when, I fay, I consider. these
than that period has parted away since i circu/nftarices, and reflect a little 'on the
an hon. gentleman avowed that the war J unpopularity of former Coalitions
had for its objeift the extermination of' when I refiedt on the disinterestedness of
the government at Paris—that we ought the churafters in question, he mud think
to employ the lait man, and the last gui- that nothing but a paramount and. im
nea, for the purpose of destroying the perious necessity has induced them to
trench Republic. In the fame short adopt their prtfent mode of conduit
; period of fix weeks, do I fay too much, Have they a<3ed in consequence of any
| when I assert, that events have happened admiration of the great talents of the
i which have proved that the object of Minister, and has this admiiation swept
i the war is wholly impradticable and chi- away all their former opposition ? Are
; merical ? Do I lay too much when I we to believe on the other fide, that the
J affirm, that I have a right to ask, whe- union is founded on the confeffed imbe
ther the object of the war is still the cility of Ministers, who are to throw the
fame ? Have ministers ever held out one management of' the War into other
expectation which was not followed al- hands ? I cannot suppose that this is the
most with immediate difappoir.tment ? cafe ; for, howcvei rational and well
Not one ! We differed with the mini- founded their opinion of the imbecility
Iter on the principles and object of the and incapacity <jf the Ministers may be,
war, but we did not deny him a man or yet, I know, that the Minister possesses
a guinea. Application was made for too good an opinion of his own abili
powers more extensive than had ever ties, either to acknowledge his own in
been granted before—they were given, capacity, or to give up the management
The minister afTured us, that he had of the War from a tonvi&ion of his
the most sanguine hopes of success. He own inability. The present mode of
applied for a subsidy to the King of conduct therefore of tliefc gentlemen,
Prussia, to an amount almost unptece- can only arise from an idea of the dan
dented. He applied also for powers to geroiis situation of the country from
enable him to embody Frenchmen for a knowledge of the failure of every pro
the purpose of being employed against jedt adopted by the Minister—and from
Frenchmen, what has been the event a convidtion, that all petty confidera
of all these applications? Disgrace, de- tions should give way, and that thecafe
feat, disasters beyond what were experi- is so urgent, as to render the honor of
enced in any tormer war. Since then the House of Commons a circtimftance
all these hopes and expectations have of no importance. Such mult be the
been disappointed, shall we not enquire cause of their forgetfulnefs of all their
the cause ? Are the imbecility and inca- former declarations—of all their former
pacity of the ministers to exempt them principles—of all their former pledges,
trom animadverfioni ? Are they to prac- If therefore I am right in the motives
tife delusions and deceit, and are we still which I have supposed must influence
to be silent. I should like to hear what their conduit, they ought at lealt to
excuse they can offer ? Will they fay, give the House of Commons credit for
t at they have been disappointed by the being willing to remain on their posts,
lving ot Prussia. if they do, it will in this period of extreme difficulty and
not be asking too much to enquire danger. For these reasons I think, that
whether that monarch has received his we have a right to know, whether the
subsidy, and what troops he has fur- cauf« of the War remains the fame or
mfced m consequence of U On this not. I believe that, unless the wild
übjea, J should indeed think it fcanda- projea to which I have alluded, is given
lous if the House were to separate with- up, no person will fuppoi t the War with
out requiring or receiving any informa- vigour. On the subsidy granted to the
tion. I will not suppose that the mim- King of Prussia. some explanation I
er will assert that the King of Prussia afTert is absolutely necessary. Explana
.s afhfting the alliance against France, tion is also necessary on the fubiedt of
by bef.eg.ng Cracow, and by massacring our difference with America. It is a
° es ° 16 ln vindication known and incontrovertible - fadt, that
CIVIS.
that he could not have expected that
the King of Prussia would have been
guilty of such conduit, I reply that he
wai warned of it. That we aflilred him,
that the King of Pruflia would do no
thing but receive his subsidy. If they
alledge that they were disappointed by
Auftiia, I shall still fay, that such an ex
cuse is wholly unworthy any man v*ho
wishes to have the character of a great
Statcfman. If they reprelent to us that
the numbers of the French were so great,
I answer in reply, that the Minister must
have been aware of the French system
of riflng ih a mass, and that he knew
they would on any emergency arise, as
he had himfelf said, " an armed nation."
I should be glad to kiiow why, when
these adverse events occurred in Flan
ders, the troops were fuffered to hover
on the coafl of Hampshire, and were
not employed in ftrengthtning our force
in Flanders ? Upon military tactics, I
do not mean to enter, because I do not
understand them, but the general prin
ciple, that the object of the War has
totally failed, is known to every person.
It is known to every person, that the
avowed end of the Wat is unattainable ;
that the Allies have bceri driven out of
Flanders, and that they have been forc
ed to a£t on the defenfive on the fron
tiers of Holland.
On the fenliments which have been
exprefTed by one Right Hon. Gentle
man (Mr. Wvndham) who is now re
posing in the cool fhadet of theChiltern
Hundreds for the purpose of qualifying
himfelf for War Minister, I shall fay
very little ; if he were present, I should
fay much. But it is on account of some
new political Alliances which have been
formed, that I think the cause of the
War should be explicitly declared now :
thpugh 1 should imagine, that as the
times are so different, it would be ab
surd to proceed on the fame individual
principles ; —yet, as I fufpedt that as
the members of this new alliance in of-
the present Administration it dcti See! in
every part of America. As however
the Minifterand his Colleagues have on
a farmer occasion evinced such an igno
rance of American affairs, it is not too
much to suppose that they are also ig
norant of this fa&* America is divided
into two parties, a moderate and a vio
lent party. But whatever difference of
opinion occurs between these two par
ties on political fubjefts, in this thev are
all agreed, that the conduct of the Ad
miniflration of Great-Britain, for the
last ten years, has been devoid of every
principle of justice, and even of common
sense. In this point of view, I have a
right to assert that they may be i gno .
rant of this fad, for when 1 read a pa
per some time ago, relative to Lord
Dorchester's speech, the authenticity of
it was generally denied, though Mini
sters might have supposed that Lord
Dorchelter might be guilty of as gross
folly as themfelres. In another place,
to which, I cannot confidently with
Parliamentary order, allude, the speech
was treated in such a manner, that the
Noble Lord who read it, was almost
accused of reading it only for the pur
pose of sowing diflention between the
two countries. I with to know what
authority wag given to Lord Dorches
ter for making such a speech, and whe
ther any fleps have been taken by Go
vernment in confequence_of it. If i n
answer, I am told, that the Nejrociation
with Mr. Jay (the American Minister)
is in such a train that it would he danger
ous to reveal any secrets, I (hall certain
ly press the fubjett no further. But
feeing, that after eleven years, the fame
mt'ferable expedients of Annual Com
mercial bills continue to be adopted.
Looking at Lord Dorcheiler's speech
concerning that, even after Mr. Jay's
departure hostilities may have been com
mitted, and knowing that nothing ran
be done without the atfillance of Par
liament, I fay that I have a right to
receive some explanation from Minilleis,
and that 1 am furmlhed with fufficient
grounds on which to move an Address
tothe King not to prorogue the Parlia
ment. It is necefiary also to recur to
the situation andfentimentsof our Allies.
We Tay that we cannot make Peace,
not becauie we dislike a Republican
form erf government, but because we must
have feenrity for the future. Now, of
all the inftiltiug mockeries that ever
tired the patience of men, this is the
most insulting. We.fee that we are the
dupes of all Europe, and that none of
our Allies are to be depended noon,
and yet we insist upon ha vino; from the
French Government fucurity for the
future.
•What has the meanest of out allies,
the King of Sardinia done ? Nothing
but receive his money. What has Spain
done? Has (he co operated with us in
the Mediterranean ? Has (he kept 20
fail of the line in Cadiz harbor, as (he
was bound to keep ? Or did (he fend
out any force to intercept that great
American fleet, of whose failing fne re
ceived fiich timely notice ?—No. Is
then the Spani(h government to be de
pended upon ? What have the Dutch
done, who hare been ftiled a maritime
power, and have not furnifhed one (hip ?
Is the Empress of Ruflla to be depend
ed upon ? Has (he furnifhed a man or a
rouble ? Has Austria brought half ftie
number of men which Ihe promised ? Is
the King of Prufiia to be depended up
on ? Has he not not only deluded, but
defraudedus? When welookto the (late
of our own nation, is the British govern
ment to be depended on ? What was
our conduct at Toulon ? And how have
we fulfilled our promises to the Royal
ills ? Can there be any argument, then,
more preposterous absurd, than
that we ought not to make peace, with
out having security for the future ? Of
all the powers in Europe, France is the
only one that has proved (he is to be de
pended upon, and yet we treat her as if
(he had no subordination, and as if her
inhabitants were only an iindilcip'ined
rabble and mere banditti. She has not
fulfilled her promises to her allies, b«-
cause (lie has no allies ; but (he has
| been terribly punAual in all her threats:
She said that (he would, (ingle handed,
fight all the Despots of Europe, and
(hiJ kept her word—(lie declared that
flic would drive us from Toulon, and
(he kept her woid—(he affirmed that (he
would chafe the Prufiians to the other
fide of the Rhine, and (he kept her
word-—(he aflerted that (he would beat
the allies out of Flanders, and (he kept
her word.— The Mini ft er thinks him
felf strengthened by the grand alliance.
I think on the contrary, that the fenti
menls of the persons who compose this
alliance, will be fatal to the count r y. I
hope that, now that theft gentlemen
attach to themselves a degree of refpon
(ibility, they will re-confjcicr their de
clarations. I trust that, when they
lyiow that their opinions may turn the
fate of the war, they will revise those