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A".!,4"'",.,N.',Z-3.:.,.V.--t-i,;,; -4 .. , /,:i.? ' ...- : ' ',.. - ,,Z: - - ,": ' .; •-"`,--.-",,.., .-.' ',...7i.”,',"?..-%! -4'f'..,..1?:',1% ,"-:,,,` .. --- T:',-.;.,,',*--- 7 - . .. • `,.., ~,;d4r.1,'',..X. -, ...r.r-04 ,-, ,..1.--„„ .:t....., ~ . 4, , ,,,pr,„ -,. 4 ,...,,..., , , : wAz .,- 4. fr rt 4 , - r.**e.,' " SPEECH OP BON, THOMAS H.` BENTON, ON THE THREE MILLION BILL. Ma. Pure] DENT : The senatofflom South Car olina [Mr. CA I.llOrTi] has boldly made the inue as, to the authorship of this war, and as boldly ‘ thrown the blaine of it upon the present administration. On the contrary, I believe himself to be the Author of it, and will give a part of my reasons for be - -! lieving.soP In saying this, I do not consider the march to the Rio Grande to .have been the cause of the war, any more than -I consider the British march upon Coneord and Lexington to have been the cause of the American revolution, or the cross ing of the Rubicon by Caesar to have, been the cause of the civil war in Rome. In all these ca.- ses, I consider the causes of war as pre:existing and the marches as only the effect of these causes. I consider the march upon the Rio Grande. as being unfortunate, and certainly should have ad; • wised against it if I had been consulted, and that . without the least fear of diminishing my influence in the settlement of the • Oregon question. My opinien of Mr. Polk—and experience in that very Oregon case has confirmed- it—did not authorize. me to conjecture ;that any, one would lose influ ence with him by giving him honest opinions; so I would have advised against the march to the Rio Grande if I had been., consulted. Nor do I see how any opinion adverse to the President's - was to. I have the effect of lessening. his - influence in the 1 .settlement of the Oregon question. That ques.l tion was settled by us, not the President. Half the dimocratic senators went contrary ,to the. President's opinion, and none of „them lost infiu encewith- him on that account; and so I can see no possible"..connexion between the facts of the caseand the senator's reason for not interfering to save his country from the war which, he says, he saw. His reason is to me unintelligible, incom prehensible, unconnectible with the facts of the ' case. But the march on the Rio Grande was not the cause of the war; but the causes of this event, .like the causes of our ovrtfrevolutionary war,were in - progress long before hostilities broke out: The causes of this Mexican war were long anterior to this march ; and, in fact, every circumstance of war then existed, except the actual-collision of arms.. Diplomatic intercourse had ceased: inerce was destroyed : fleets and armies confronted each other: treaties were declared to be broken; the contingency had occurred in which Mexico had denounced the existence of war, the incorpora. tion of Texas, with a Mexican war on hit- hands, had produced, in legal contemplation, the status MU between the two countries: and ail this had occurred before the march upon the Rio Grande, and before the commencement of this administra tion, and had produced a state of things which was impossible. o continue, and which could only I receive their solinion from- arms or negotiation. The march to the Rio Grande broUght op the col-, lision of arms; but, so far from -being the-cause of the- war, it was itself the effect of these catises. The. senator from. South Carolina is the author of those causes, and therefore the au thor of th.i war ; and this I propose to show, at present, by evidence drawn from himself—from hie public official acts—leaving all the evidence derived from other source.s, from private and unof ficial acts, for future production, if deemed neces sary. • The' Senate'''. from South Carolina, in his effort to throw the hiame.of thewar upon the President, - goes no farther hack in his search for causes than to _this march upon the Itio Grande,: - upon the same principle, if he wrote a history of the Amer - lean revolution, he would begin at the march opon Lexington and Concord, leaving out of view the ten years Work* of Lard North's administration. - No, the - march upon the Rio Giande was not the cause of the war: had it not been for pre-existing causes, .the arrival of the American army on the Mexican frontier would have been saluted with military courtesy, according to the usage of all civilized nations, and with none so much as with the Spaniards. Complimentary visits,dinners,andl fandangos, balls—not 'cannon balls—would have' been the salutation. The causes of the war are long anterior ; and I begin with thebeginning, and show the senator from South Carolina an -actor froth the first. In doing this, I. am acting in de fence oi - the country, for the President represents the country:. The senator from, South Carolina " charges the war upon the President: the whole opposition follow him : the bill tinder discussion is forgotten; crimination of .the President is now the object; and, in that crimination, the country is injured by being made to appear the aggressor in the war. This' is my justification for defending the President, and showing the 'truth that the sen - ator, in his -manner of acquiring Texas, is the true cause of the war. - The cession of Texas to Spain in ISI9 is the be ginning pent in the chain of causes which have led to thi-s - war; for unless the country had been ceded-away, there could have been no quarrel with any power in getting it back. For a long time the negotiator of that treaty of cession (Mr. J, Q. ADAMS) bore all the blame of the. loss of Texas; and his motives for giving it away were set down to hostility to the south and west, and a desire to clip the wings of the slaveholding States. At last the truth of history has vindicated itself, and has abown who was the true author of that mischief 'to the south and west. Mr. AD/X8 has made a public declaration, which no one controverts, that that, cession was made in conformity to the decis ion of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, a majority of which was slaveholding, and among them the present senator of Shuth Carolina, and now the only sur vivor of that majority. Re does not -contradict the statement Of Mr. ADAMS: he, therefore, stands admitted the co-author of thatmischief to the south - and west which the cession of Texas involve-1, and to e:scape from which it became necessary, in the opinion of the'senator from South Carolina, to get back Texas at the expense of war with Mexico. . This conduct of- the senator in giving away Texas When-we had her, and then making war to get her back, is an enigma which he has never yet conde stended to explain, and which., un it explained, - leaves him in a state: of sell contradiction, Which, whether it impairs his own confidence in himself or not, must have the effect of destroying the con fidence of others in him, and wholly disqualifies him for the office of champion of the slaveholding . States. It ,was the . heaviest blow they had ever received, and put an end, in conjunction with the . Missouri compromise, and the permanent location of the Indians west of the Mississippi, to their fit Pre groyth or extension as slave States. The compromise, which was therf , in full progress, and _eitablished at the next session of Congress, cut off • the Slave States from all territory north and west of 'Missouri, and "south of 36i degress of north lat. itudeJhe treaty of 819 ceded nearly all south of that degreercinnprising not only all Texas, bot a larger pait of the valley-of the Mississippi on the Red river and the Arkansas, to a foreign power, and brought a non-slaveholding empire to the confines of Louisiana and Arkansas: the permanent appropri ation of the rest of the territory for the abode of 'ciVilized Indians swept the little slaveholding ter ritory west of the Arkansas, and lying between the comprdmise line and the cession line: and left the slave States without one inch of ground for their future growth. Nothing was left. Even the then Territory lA - Arkansas was .encroached upon. A breadth of forty miles wide, and three hundred long was Cut off from her, and given to the Cherokees; re and the was not as Much'slave territory left west of the Mississippi as a dove could have rested the sole of her foot upon. It was not merely a curtail ment, but a total extinction of slaveholding territo ry;' and done at time when' the Missouri contro versy was raging, and every effort made by north ern abolitionists" to stop the growth of slave States. The senator from' South Caroling, in his support of-the cession of Texas, and ceded a part of the Valley of the Mississippi, was then the most effici ent ally of the restrictionists at that time, and de prives him of the right of setting up as the chem. pion of the slave: States new. I denounced the sac rifice of Texas then, believing ?fir:Musts to have been the author of it: I denounce it now, knowing the senator (mini South Carolina to be its author: - and for this—his flagrant recreancy to the slave interest in their hour of utmost perilt—l hold him disqualified for the office of champion : Of the four teen slave States, and shall certainly require him to keep out of Missmiri, and to confine himself to hiltown bailwick.. - -'' ,_ cflme now tO3he 'direct proofs of the senator's authorshiP-of with war; and begin with the year -iS3oVand with the month .of May of that year, and• With the 27th clay of that month, and with the ., first"rumors of the victory of San Jacinto.. The _Congress of theZnited States , was then in session:, the senator from South Carolina *as then a mem- I - • - " - EM= , „4,4 -4.- : -.-..i :' 4 ''''''''''''''' - i - - .-,l';':_'-iP' . i: l,7 - ,. ~'','',:',- ; -.',, . 17 . .i':',..:'',',, -4 ., ! '- : .:'',4', , ' .;F; her of this, body; and, withoUteVen waiting for the official confirmation of that great event, he propos ed at once the inimediate reeognition of the inde pendence ofTexas, and her immediate admission into. the Makin, He Put the two propositions to .gether—recognition, and admission:.. and allowed its no further time for the double vote than the few days which were to intervene before the officialin telligence of the victorylshould arrive. Here are some extracts from his speech on that occasion, and which verify what I say, and show that he was theaready to plunge the country into the Tex an War with MeSico, without the slightest regard to its treaties, its commerce, its duties, or its char acter: 'fir. Calhoun was of opinion that it would add .more strength to the cause of Texas to wait fur a 'few days until they received official confirmation Of the victory and Capture of Santa Anna, in order -to obtain a more unanimous vote in favor of the recognition of Texas. • • • He had made up :his mind not only to recognise the independence of Texas, bat for her admission into the Union; and if.the Texans managed their affairs prudently, they - would soon be called upon to decide that question. 'There were powerful reasons why Texas should be pant of this Union. The southern states owning 4 slave population, were ,deeply interested in pre veuting that country from having the poser to an noy-them; and the navigation and 'manufacturing, interest of the north and 'east were equally inter [anted in making it a part of the Union.- He thought they would soon he called on to decide these ques- I tions; and when they did :act on it, he was for act ing on both together—for recognising the inde ,pendence of - Texas- and fen . admitting her into the Union. • If events Should go on es they had done, he could not but hope that befdre the close Of ttie present session of CongreSS they would,not only acknoWledg,e the independence of Texas, but admit herinto the Union. He hoped there would liznonnneeessary delay for in such cases delays • were dangerous--but that they would act with unanimity and act promptly." . —.• • Here, then, is the prtrof of the fact, that ten years ago, and without a word of explanation with ides ito. or arty request from Texas—without the lutist notice the people of the United States, or time for deliberation among ourselves, or any regard to ex isting, commerce—he wasior plunging us into In -Stant war with Mexico. .I say instant war; for Mexico and Texas: ere then in open war; and to incorporate Texas, , avai to incorporate the war at the same time. All this the Senator was then for immediately after 'his own gratuitous cession of' Texas, and long before the, invention of the Lon don abolition plot came so opportunely to his aid. Promptness and .unanimity were then his watch- 1 words. Immediate action—action before Congress , adjourned—was his demand. No delay. Delays were dangerous. We must vote, and vote unani- 1 iniusly and promptly. I Well remember the sell itoes-look and attitude om that occasion—the fix. edness of his look, and the magisteriality of his at-' .etude. It wassuch, as he often favors us with, especial!). when he is in a , crisis, and brings for wand something which ought to be instantly and I unanimously rejected—as when he brought in his string of abstractions on Thursday last So it was in 1836—prompt and unanimous action, and a look to put down opposition. But the senate were tint looked down in 1836. • They promptly and j unanimously refused the senator's motion ! and the crises and the danger—good natured souls l—itn mediate!). postponed themselves until wanted for another occasion. The peace of the country was then saved; but it - was a respite only, and a speech of the senator from South Carolina, brief as it was, becomes mo mentous as forshadowing eve4-thing that has sub sequently taken place in relatien to the admission ofTexas; In this brief speech we have the shad- Owe of all future movements, coming in proces advance of the events. In the significant f t intimationyqualified with the if the Texans iradeatly managed their affairs, they (the Senate) might soon be called upon to decide the qurstion , of ad mission:9n' that pregnant and qualified intimation, there was a visible doubt that the Texans might nig be prudent enough to manage their own affairs and might require help; and also a visible feeling of that paternal guardianship which afterward as stitned the -management of their affairs for diem.- Iln the admonitions to unanimity, there was that denunciation of any difference of opinion which afterwards displayed itself in the ferocious bunting down of all whOnpposed the Texas treaty. re ference to southern slavery, and annoyance to slave property from Texas, we have the germ of the '`rei.f,defeace" letter, and the first glimpse of the ab olition plot of John Andrews, Asbbel Smith, Lord ' Aberdeen—l beg pardon of Lord Aberdeen fornem ing'him to such a connection—and the World's Convention', with which Texas, Mexico and the United States were mystified and bamboozled in April, 1844. And, in the interests of the maim ' facturing and navigating states of the north and beast; as connec ed with Texan admission, we have the text of all the communications to the agent, Murphy, and of all the letteriand speeches to which the Texas question, seven years afterwards gave rise.- We have all these subsequent events here' shadowed fOrth. And now, the wonder is, why all these things were not forseen a little while be fore, when Texas was being c'edeel to a non slave- 1 holding empire ? and, why, after being so immin-1 eat and deadly in May, 1836, all these dangers suddenly went to sleep, and never waked up agai n till 1519 ? These are wonders: but let us not an ticipate questions, and let us proceed with the narrative. The Congress of 1830 would not admit Texas. The senator from South Carolina became patient: the Texas question went to sleep; and for seven good years it made no disturbance. It then woke up, - and with a suddenness and violence proportion ed to its long repose. Mr. Tyler was then Presi dent: the, senator from South Carolina was potent under his administration, and soon became his Secretary of State. All the springs of intrigue and diplomacy were-immediately set in motion to resuscitate the Texas question, and to re-invest it with all the dangersand alarms which it had worn in 1836. Passing over all the dangers of annoy mice . from Totes as possibly non-slaveholdina. foreseen by the senator in 1836, and not foreseen 1; him in 1810, with all the need for guardianship, then foreshadowed, and all the arguments then suggested: all these immediately deVeloped them-I and intriguing, agents 'traversed earth and sea, from' Washington to Texas, and from London' to MeXico :—passing over all this, as belonging to' a 'class of evidence not now to be used, I come at once to the letter of the 17th of January, from' the Idexan minister to Mr. Upshur, the American Secretary of State; and the 'answer to that letter' by Mr. CAtnoux, of April 11th of the same year They are both vital in this case; and the first is ' these words: " Mr. Van Zan.* to !Mr. Upshur. •. LEGATION OP TETAS, ,'• "Washington, January 17, 1844. " Stu : It is known to you that an armistice has been proclaimed between Mexico and Texas ; that ; that armistice has been obtained through the intervention nfAseveral great powers, mutually , friendly; and that negotiations are now pending, having for their object a settlement of the di ffi cul:' ties heretofore existing; between the two countries. A proposition, likewise, having been submitted by the President of tho. United States, through you, for the annexation of Texas to this country, therefore ..(without indicating; the nature of the reply:which the President of Texas may direct to be made to this proposition) Ibeg leave to suggest that it may be apprehended, ximuld a treaty of annexation be concluded, ',Mexico may think pro per twat once terminate the, armistice, break off all negotiations for peace. and again threaten or commence hostilities against Texas; and that some of the other governments who ,have been instru mental in obtaining their cession, if they do not throw their influence into the Mexican scale, may altogether withdraw their good offices of mediation, thus losing to Texas their friendship, and exposing her to*the unrestrained menaces of Mexiene In view, them, of these things, I desire to submit, through yon, to - his excellency the President of the United States, this inquiry; should the President , of Texat-accede to tbe propogjtion of annexation,' l • would the -President of the United States, after, the, sio * ning of the treaty, and before it shall be rat- 1 hied and receive- the final action of theother branches . ; of both governments, in case Texas should desire it , or with her consent, ofdef such number of the military and nasal forces of the United Sikes to such necessary I points or places upon the, territory, or borders of Texas, or the Gulf of Mexico, as shalt.be sufficient to protect her against .aggression 1- • “This coinmunication,:as well as , the reply ESIES SIEM -1- --,- ,•:-?..•:: . ‘•;4• - •-i - t - ''' - •' • which you may. make, Will be considered by ME` as entirely confidential , not to be etnkiraced in my regular official cbrresPiandence to my goverinent,' but enclosed "direct to the President or Texas:for his infirrmation." . . " With assurances of my great regard,—l have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, "ISAAC VAN ZANDT. "Hon. A. P. LTestrun, &c." This letter reveals the true state of the Texas question in January, 1844. and-the conduct of all parties in relation to it • Texas and Mexico, weary of the war, reposing under an armistice, and treat; ing for peace. ; Great Britain and France .acting the noble - part of mediators, and . endeavoring to make peace. Our own government, secretly in triguing for annexation, acting the wicked, part Of wischief-makers, and trying to renew the war . ; and the issue of its muchinatiOns to be unsuccessful unless the United, States should be involved in the renewed hostilities. That was the question; and the litter openly puts it to the American Secretary of State. The answer to that question, rid my opinion, should have been, that the Presidept, of the] United States did, not' ktiow of the armistice and the peace negotiations at the time that he pro.' posed to Texas to do an act ivhich would be n 1 perfidious violation of those sacred engagements, and bring upon herself the scourge of renewed in -1 vasion and the stigma of perfidy—that he would would not have made 'such a proposal for the whole round world, - if. he had-known of the ar mistice and the peace negotiations--that-he wishes ! success to the peace -makers, both for the sake of ' Mexico and Texas, and ;because Texas could then `come into the Union without the least interrup tion to our friendly, commercial, and social rela tions with our sister republic of Mexico; and that, as to secretly lending the army and navy of . the United States to Texas to fight ;Mexico while we l. were at peace with her, it Would be a crime against God, and man, and our own constitution; for which heads might be brought to the block, if presidents] and their secretaries, like constitutional kings and ministers, should be held capitally responsible for capital crimes. ThiS, in my opinion, should have been the answer. Bdt the first part of it--that of; the scienter upon the point of the armistice and the peace negotiations—could not be given in point cif fact;for the Department of State was full of communications giving that information*.—one o them from the agent, (Murphy,) in these words` "The powers to be given to General Henderson are to be of the fullest and most complete charac ter, so that no impediment shall be found requiring further or other powers, or further or other instruc tions. But, inasmuch as the commissioners of Texas now in Mexico, treaty or negotiation,' touching an armistice, are; supposed not to have concluded their labors, and is clear to the Presi-, dent of Texas that so soon as this negotiation in relation to annexation is known to the govern ment of Mexico, all negotiation on that and all other questions between Texas and Mexico wall cease, and that the President of Mexico will in-; stantly commence active hostilities against Texas, which Texas is wholly unprepared, by sea or land, I to resist,—it is understood that the government of the United Slates, having invited Texas to this ne gotiation, will at once, and before any negotiation is set on foot, place a sufficient naval force in the Gulf to protect the coast of Texas, and hold a suf-1 ficient force of cavalry, or other description of mounted troops, on the southwestern bonier of the United States, in readiness to protect or aid in the protection of Texas pending the proposed negotia tion for annexation. I trust my government will I at once see the propriety of this course of - policy ;1 for I found it impossible to induce this .govern..l ment to enter heartily into 'the measure of annex ation without an assurance that my government would not fail to guard Texas against all the evils which were likely to assail Texas in consequence! of her meeting and complying with the wishes of! the United States." Denial of the knowledge of the existence of the I armistice, and of the , opening of negotiations, was, therefore, impossible. Mr. Upshur, to whom the letter of the 17th of January was addressed, gave it no answer at all. During the forty days that his life was spared, be answered not ; and I men. tion this particularly in justice to the memory of! a gentleman who is no more: Mr. Nelson, the at. torney general, his temporary successor in the De -1 partment of State, slid not answer it to the Texan • minister in Washingeom.but he did'to Mr.'flilur pliy in Texas, in reply to his communication to the same Effect - with the letter. Mr. Nelson's let 'ter is dated the .11th of March, and is in these words: . "Of the anxiety of the President to provide for the annexation of the territory of Texas to that of the United States, you have been heretofore ap prized ; and of his readiness, by negotiation. promptly to effectuate this desire, you are well aware. He regards the measure as one of vital importance to both parties, and as recommended by the highest considerations of a sound public policy. "Entertaining these views, the President is grati fied to perceive, in the course you have pursed in your intercourse with the authorities of Texas, the evidences of a cordial co operation in this cherish. ed object of his polity; but instructs me to say, that whilst approving the general tone and te nor of that intercourse. he regrets to perceive, in the pledges given by you in your communication to the Hon. Anson Jones of the 14th February, that you have suffered your zeal to carry you be yond the line of your instructions. and to commit the President to measures for which he has no con stitutional authority to stipulate. "The employment of the army or navy against a foreign power, with which the United States are at peace, is not within the competency of the President; and whilst . he is not indisposed, as a', measure of prudent precaution, and as preliminary 1 to the proposed negotiation, to concentrate in the Gulf of Mexico, and on the southern borders of the United States, a naval and military force to be directed to the defence of the inhahitants and terri- tory of Texas at a proper time, he cannot permit the authorities of that government or yourself to labor under the misapprehension that he has pow er to employ them at the period indicated by your stipulations. "Of these impressions, Mr. Van Zandt, the charge d'affairs of* Texan government, has been, and General Henderson, who is daily expected here, will be fully advertised. In the mean time, the President desires that yon will at once coun termand your instructions to Lieutenant Davis, as far as they are in conflict with these views. "In any emmergency that may occur, care will be taken that the commanders of the naval and military forces of the .17nited.states shall be prop erly instructed. tour'request that they may be placed under your control cpnot he granted." This is .very constitutional and proper language; and if it bad not been reversed, there would have been no war with Mexico. But it was reversed. Soon after it was writ'en, the present senator froM South Carolina took the chair of the Department of State. Mr. Pinckney Henderson, whom Mr. Murphy mentions as coming on - vith 'full powers, on the faith of the pledge he had given, arrived' also; and found that pledge entirely cancelled by Mr Tyler's answer through Mr. Nelson ; and he utterly refused to treat.. The new secretary was in a strait; for time was short, and Texas must be had; and Messrs. Henderson and Van Zandt would not even begin to treat without a renewal of the pledge given by Mr. Ilf , irphy. That had been -cancelled in writing, and the cancellation-had gone to Texas, and had been made on high constitutional ground. The new secretary was profuse of verbal assurances, and even permitted the ministers to take down his words in writing, and read them over to him, as was shown by the senator from Texas, [General ITousrox,.) when he spoke on this subject on Thursday last. But verbal assurances, or memoranda of conversations, would not do. The instructions under which the ministers acted, required the pledge to be in writing, and properly signed. The then President, present senator from Texas, who bad been a'lawyer in Tennessee before he went to Texas, seemed to look upon it as a case under the statute of frauds and.perjuries—a si case added to the five enumerated in that statute—. xth in which the promise is not valid, unless reduced to writing, and signed by the person to be charged therewith, or by some other person dulTauthorized by him to sign for him. The firmness of the Tex an ministers, under the' instrustious of President Houston, prevailed ; amat last, and after long de , lay, the secretary wrote and signed the pledge which Mr. Murphy had iven, and in all - th e am: i+ plitude of his original promise. That letter was dated on the I lth day of April, .1844, and was in these words: =NV INE FBNII " Mr. Calhoun to :11feitsri. ran Zandt and Henderson. . "Wyountiron, .11, 1844. • .L - ! . ..GenTssatxte-: The letter addresited by Mr. Van Zafidt to the late Secretary of State; Mk. liPshur, to — which , you have called my attention; dated Washington, 17th - January, 1844, his been laid-be fore the President'of the United Staten.' '"ltt reply . to ..am directed Jty the,President to say that the eSecretary of the Navy has been instiucted' to order a strong. naval force to concen trate in the Gulf of Mexico, - ,to meet any emergen cy ; and' that, similar orders have been issued by the S.ecretary of War,, to move the disposable mili tary forces'on our southwestern frontier,' for the same purpose.' Should the exigency arise to' %ilia : l-you - refer in your note 'to Ilk Upshur,T am furtherdirected by the Presidebt - to say; that, du ring the pendeitey of the freatiof annexation, he ,Would.deetn it his datyto ustAll the means placed within_ his power by the constitution .to protect -Texas from all foreign invasion, _I. hivethe bon or to be; sc, J:'C. CALHOUN. "Mesita., VAN: ZA;TIDT and J. P. thiNDUILSON, from the Republic of Texas," This it the answer given by Mr. Secretary CAL. ILIOUN.IO„t4 demand; and, although a little dilphic in the specification of the emergencies and the exi genczes in which oui forces were to fight the Mexi cans, yet,' taken in connexion with the terms of the letter to which, it was an answer, and to which it refers, it is sufficiently explicit to show that it is a clear, end absolute: promise to do the thing which Murphy hld promised,and which President Tyler, through the : Attorney General, Mr. Nelson, had re fused to do; because it involved a violation of the constitution of the United States.' I:he protnise was clear rind explicit to lend the army and navy to the Prisident of Texas, to fight the Mexicans while they were at peace with us.. That was the Point--- 4 4,petice with us. Mr Catoorn's assump sit was clear-and explicit to that point; and, ,that no circumstance of contradiction or folly. should • be vantinglo crown this itlot of. crime and imbe• cility, it so happened that on the same day that ' our new Secretary here) was giving his written as sumr*it to lend the army and navy to fight Mexi co while we were at peace with her, the Agent Murphy was communicating to the Texan govern ment, in Texas, the,refusal of Mr. Tyler, through Mr. Nelson. to do so, because of its unconstitution ality. Here is 'the letter of Mr. Murphy ',Mr.. Murphy to Mr. Tone'. - ' 1 LI:13 ATION OP TOE 'UNITED STITES, Galveston, (Texas,) April 12, 1844. Sin: The undersigned, charge d'afihires of the United States neaethe government of the republic of Texas, has the honor of informing Mr. Jonei , , that Ale his government approves of the. goner- I al tone and tenor of his; intercourse with the gov ernment of the republic of Texas, a regret is telt in perceiving that his zeal for the accomplishment of objects alike beneficial and interesting to both) countries had led him beyond the-strict line of his I instructions; that the President of the United States considers himself restrained by the con.sti. tutiou of the Union from the employment of the army and navy against a foreign power with wlitim the United States are at peace; and that whilst tin President of the United States is not indisposed, as, l a measure of prudent precaution, and as prelimi nary to the proposed negotiation, to concentrate in the Gulf of Mexico and' on the southern - borders of the United States a sufficient navatand force, to be directed to the defence of 'the inhabi tants and territory of Texas at a. proper time, he is unwilling that the authorities of Texas should apprehend that be has power to employ this force [ at the peria indicated in my note to you of the 14th of February last." ' In conformity with the Secretary's letter 'of April 11th, detachments of the army and easy were immediately sent to the frontiers of Texas, and to the coast of Mexico. The senator from South Carolina, in his colloquy with the senator from Texas . .[Gen. Ilouirros) on Thursday last, starred anxious to have ,it understood that these land and naval forces were not to repel invasions, but only to . reportthem to our government, fr its report to Ciltigress. - The paper read bv the sena tor from Texas; consisting of our Secretary's t words, taken-down in his presence, and read over to him for his cbrieetion by the Texan ministers, establishes the `contrary; and Shows that there ptilse-01. the invasion was in the mean--tiene tek made. And",:jolac't, any other course would have been a fraud tip= ibe promise. For if the inv i a shin had to be,:made known at Washington, and the sense of °Ong:reset - taken-on the question of re pelling it, cesiiiinly, in the mean time, the mis chief would have been done—the invasion would have been made; and, therefore, to be consistent with himself, the President in the mean time was bound to repel the invasion, Without waiting to hear what Congress would' say about it. And this is what he himself tells us in his two messages to the Senate, of the 13th and 31st of May, doubtleis written by his Sectetary of State, and both avow ing and justifying his intention to fight Mexico, in case of invasion, while the treaty of annexation was depending, without awaiting the action Of Congress. Hero arc extracts from these messages: !Message-15th of May y.—Extract. " At the same time, it is due to myself that should declare it as my opinion, that the United States having, by the treaty of annexation, acqui red a title: to Texas; which requires only the ac tion of the Senate to perfect it, no other power could be permitted to invade, and, by force of arms. to possess itself of any portion of the territory of Texas, pending your deliberations upon the treaty, without placing itself in a hostile attitude to the United States, and justifying the employment of any military meana at our disposal to drive back the invasion:" Nessage, 31st of ,May.—Extrart. "In my message to the Senate of the 13th - of this month, I adverted to the duty which, in my judgment, the signature of the treaty for the an nexation of. Texas bad imposed upon me, to repel any invasion of that country by a foreign power, while the treaty was !miler Consideration in the ' Senate; and I transmitted reports from the Secre ' taries of War and of the Navy, with a copy of the orders which had been issued from those depart-, meats forthepurpoSe of enabling Me to execute that duty. In those orders, General Taylor was directed to communicate directly with the Presi dent of Texas upon the subject, and Captain Corr ner was instructed tOcommunicate with the charge d'affairs of the United States 'accredited to that government. No eopy of any communication which either of those offieert may have made pur suant to thou orders has yet been received at the departments froth Which they emanated." Here are the.avoW;al of the fact, and the reasons' for it—that honor required vs to fight for Texas, if we intriguetlheremite ivar. I admit that would be a - good reason between individuals, and in a case where a big bully should involve a little fel low in the fight .agate after he had got himself parted; but not so between nations and under our constitution. The 'engagement to fight Mexico for:Texas, while we were:at peace with .),lexico, was to make.war with Mexico I—a pieee of busi nen which belonged Ito the Congress, and should have been referred to them! and which:on the ' contrary,Was concealed froth tlieth, though in ses sion, and present! add the feet only. found out af ter the troops had Marched, and then by dint of calls from the Senate. The proof is complete that the loan of the land and naval forces was: to fight Mexico while we were at peace with berl and this.becomes a great turning point .1n the history of this war. Without this pledge-giiien by Our Secretary of State—with out his reversal of Mr, Tyler's first decision--there could have been no. war! Texas and Mexico would have made peace, and then annexation would have followed of. itself. The victor of San Jacinto, who had gone forth and recovered by the sword, and erected into a new republic the beauti ful domain given away by our Secretary in 181.9, was at the bead of the Texan 'government, and was conducting hiscoUntry to peace and acknow ' !edged independence._ If let alone, he would have accomplished his object; fOr he had .alreadyeur. mounted . the great difficulty of the first step—the armistice and the commencement of peace nego tiations; and 'under the powerful. mediation of Great Brital.n.,and France v the' establishment of peace was certnin. kheavenly benediction rests' upon the !abets of thelpoaceLinaker; and what is blessed at Gixl must Succeed.. At all .events, it does not lie in the mouth of any man—and least of all, in the -mouth of the mischief maker—to I say that the peaceful mediation would not have succeeded. .q was the part .of all men to. have aided, and wished, and hoped for success; and had it not been foi our Secretary's letter otApril MEM authentic facts warrant the as4erti - on That Texas and Mexiio would have! made peace in the spring ot 1844. ...Then,Texas woad, hatm cune:' intirtbis Union asitaturally, 'end as easily, and with asliftle offence . tO'nny body, as Eve went into= dam's be!: som in the garden of Eden. There would"have been no More need Aai intriguing.politicians to get her in, by plots and tricks, than - there wits for some' old hag of a match-makinetelle-darne, with'her arts and allurements, her philters and her potions, to get ,Eve into Adam's bosom. And thus, the breaking 'up . of.. the peace negotiations becomes the great turning point in the problem of the Mexican The treaty of- annexation was signed, and in signing it the Secretary knew' that - he had made war With Mexico. No less than three formal no tices were .on - file- in the Department of State, in which the,Mexican government solemnly declared that it.would consider annexation as equivalent'to adeclaration of war; and it was in allusion to these notices that the Secretary of State, in his notifica tion to Mexieo of the signature of the treaty, said it had been signed Ix rum. visw Os ALL -Nisei- BLE iONSSQ.IIZN CSel. meaning war as the come quence! At the same time, he suited the action to the word; he sent off detachments of the army, and placed them under the command of President Hous ton, and made him the judge. of 'the emergencies' and exigencies in which they wereto fight. This authority to , the President of Texas Was continued in full force 'until after the rejection-of the treaty, and then only modified by placing the American diplomatic agent in Texas between President Hous ton and the'-naval and military commanders, and maising him the medium of, communication be tween a foreign President and our forces; but the forces themselves were not withdrawn. They re mained on the Texan and Mexican-frontier, wait ing for the exigencies and c r energencici in which they were to fight During all that time a foreign Presi dent was .c ommander-in-chief of a large, detath-, t b imenf the army and navy of the United States. He was President General of our land and sea for' : ces, made so by the !senator from South Carolina, I with authority to fight them against 'Mexico with whom we were at peace—an office and authority rather above that of a lieutenant generall—and we fare indebted to the forbearance and prudence of President Houston for not incurring the war in 1544, which fell tipOn Min IS4G. ' The treaty was rejected by the Senate; but so apprehensive was the senator of immediate war, that, besides keeping the detachments of the army and navy at their posts, a measeager was despatch ed.with a deprecatory letter to Mexico, and, as re 7 ; port said, the offer-of a large sum of money to purl chase peace Cram her, by inducing her to , treat for a boundary whiCh would leave Texas within our limits. This was report; and I would_ not mention; it, if the senator was :not present to contradict it if not correct. Report at the time said from five to' ten millions of dollars: from one of Mr. Shan , non's letters, we may set it down at ten millions. Be it either sum; it will show that the senator was then 'secretly willing to pay an immense sum to, pacify Mexico, although he now declares that he I does not know how he will vote in relation to the 1 three millions responsibly asked by Mr. Polk. The secretary knew that he had made war with' Mexico—that in accepting the gage three times laid down, he had joined the issue with that com pound of Celtic blood, called Spanish, would re deem. rknew it, and said it on this floor, in se cret session—for I did not then choose to say it in public—that if there was but one man of that blood in all Mexico, and he is no bigger than Gen Tom Thimib, he would light. Senators will recol lect it. I now come to thislast act in this tragedy -of errors--the alternative resolutions adopted by Congress in the last days of the session of IS44—'s, and in the last moments of Tyler's administration. A resoke, single and absolute, had been made by the House of Representatives; it came to this body; and an alternative resolution was added„ subject to ' the choice of the President,authoriziagnegotiations ' for the admission, and appropriating $lOO,OOO to defray the expenses of these negotiations. A sen ator from North Carolina, and now a member oft .this body, but who I have the pleasure to see sitting near me, knows all about that alternative resolu , tion, and his country owes hfrn .good Maas. for his labors about it. It was considered by every body,that the,choiee between these resolutions be: longed to the who had been elected with a Special view to the admission of Texas, and who is already in the city, awaiting the . morning of the 4th of March to enter upon the execution of !his duties, and upon whose administration all the evils of a mistake in the choice of these resolutions were to fall. We all expected the question: obe tett open to the new. President; so strong was that expectation, and so 'strong the feeling against the decency or propriety of interfereece on the-part of the expiring administration, to snatch this choice out of the hands of Mr. Polk, that, on a mere sug gestion of such a proceeding, in a debate on this floor, asenator standing in the relation personally, and politically, and locally, to feel for the honor of the then Secretary of State, declared they would not bave the audacity to do it. Audacity was the word: and that was the declaration of a gentleman of honor and of patriotism, no longer a member of this body, but who has the respect and best wishes of all who ever knew him. 'I speak of Mr. Mc and. quote his words as heard at the time, and as since printed and published by others. Mr. McDutlie was' mistaken! They did have the audacity ! They did do tt! or rather. HE did it, (looking at Mr.. CACUOUZI" fur it is incontes table that Mr. Tyler was nothing, in anything that rehited to the Texas question, from the time of the arrival of his Secretary of State. His last act in relation to Texas, was the answer which Mr. Nel son gave for him through-the agent, Murphy, de nying his right to lend our forces to the President of Texas to fight the Mexicans while we were at peace with them : the reversal of that answer by his new secretary was the extinction of his power over the Texas question. Its, the then Secretary of State, the present:senator from Sonth Carolina, 'to whom I address myself, did it. On Sunday; ttie second day of March,—that day which preceded ' the last day of his authority—and on that day, sa cred to peace—the council sat, that acted on the resolutions ;—and in 'the darkness of a night how -1 ling With the'storm, and battling with the ele ments, as if Heaven warred upon the. audacious act, (for well do I remember it,) the fatal messen ger was sent off, which carried the selected resolu tion to Texas. The act was then done: Texas was admitted: all the consequences of admission were incurred—and especially that consequence Mr. de Bocanegra had denounced, and which our Secretary -. bad accepted—WAß. -The state of war Was esiablished— r the status belli was created —and that by the operation of our own constitu; tion, as well as -by the filed declaration of Mexico; for Texas then being admitted into the Union, the war with her extended to the whole Union; and the duty of protocting her, devolved upon the President of the United States. The selection of the absolute resolution exhausted our action: the alternative resolution for negotiation was defunct: the only mode of admission was the absolute one, and it made war. The war was made t0i..411r. Polk's hand : his administration came into exis.: tence with %war upon i t s hands; and under the con Istitutional duty to protect Texas at the expense war With Mexico: and to that point, all events ra pidly tended- The Mexican minister, General Al_] motile, who had _returned to Washington city after , the rejection of the treaty of annexation, demand ed his passports, and let the United States. The; land forces which: had been advanced to the Sabine,, were advanced to Corpus Christi: the Mexican troops moved towards the Rio Grande: the fleet ;which remained at Vera Cruz, continued there: commerce died out: the citizens of each country left the other, as far as they could: angry denun effitions filled the press of each country : and when a minister was sent from the United States, his re ception was refused. The state of war existed legally . : all the circumstances of war, except the single circumstance of bloodshed, existed at' the accession of Mr.. Polk; and the two countries, MeXico and the United,States, stood in a - relation to each -other impossible to be continued. The , march upon the Rio Grande brought on the con fliet,---made the collision of arms—but not the war. The war was prePared, organized, establish ed by the Secretary ofState, before he left the de partment. It was his legacy to the democracy, and to the 'Polk administration—his last gift to ' them, in4he moment of taking a long farewell.—' !And -now he. sets up : for a man of peace, ant throws all-the blame of war upon Mr. Polk, to whom he bequeathed it. • 2 ' CiCelt says that Antony,, flying from •Rome to the camp of Cmsiir in CisalPine Gaul, was the cause of the:civil war which lotioired'=a - i much so as EINEM Helen was of the Trojan war. - Lit Helena Trrjan sic ills lua , republice-;causes belli aura penis A ah algae exit:if:tit.- He says that t a tght pht end to all:chance 9f , accommodation . ; closed ',the. floor to all conciliation; broke up the plans of.all peaceable men;: and by inducing Cresar to break up-his can* in Gaul, and march across the Rubi-' - ion, lit up the flames of civil war- Italy.' In like manner, I Say, that the flight of the winged messenger -from this capital on the Sunday night before the 3d of March, despatched by the then Secretary of State, in the expiring moment:of his power, and bearing. his fatal choice to the capital of Texas, was the direct cause of the war with Mexico in which we are now engaged, Like the flight of Antony, it broke - up the- plans of all peaceable.men,sslarnmed the door , upon -negotia-1 (ion, put an end to all chance for accommodation, broke up the camp on the Sabine, sent the troops towards Mexico, and lit .up the war. Like Anto-, ny, and the others, he made the war.: unlike An. tony; he does not stand to it; but, copying rather the conduct of the paramottr of Helen, he flies from the combat he has provoked! and, worse) than Paris, !lei endeavors to dritiv along with him, in ; his own unhappy flight, the whole 'American host. Paris . fled alone at the sight Of. Menelaus; the senator from South . Carolina urges us all to fly afthe sight of Santa Anna. And, it may be, that worse than Paris again, he may refuse to return to the field. Paris went back under the keen re-. proach of Hector, and tried to fight. _ • Asfor 'thee the' soldier bleeds,' the Mafriin mourns, And wasteful !Oar in all its fury burns. ,, Stung with,this just and keen: rebakel—this,viv id - picture of the ruin he had made—Paris returm ed to the field, - and tried'to fight; and,itew, it re , rnilns to be seen whether' the senator from Soutb e Carolin can do the same . : and, if Ea rl "whether he cannot, at least, cease to abstruct the - anns of oth ers..--cease .to _labor ,to involve the whole army in i ibieown unmanly retreat upon the evidence .nov-given drawn from his publie official,acts alone, he stands the Undisputed anthor and architect ,or that -.calamity. - History Will so write - down. :Inexorable Itrirronir, with her p!.n - of iron and tablets of brass,'.will so write hint - down i and two; thousand ,years ..herice, and three thousand years hence, the boy at his les "son shall learn it in the 1:4;01:.; that. as Helen Was! .the'cause or the Trojan, and Anthony the ' cause ofd the Roman civil war; and Lord North - made the] war of the,revolution, just so 'Certainly lEIJoun. C. CALHOUN' the author of the present war between the United States and Mexico. . He now steps up for the character of pacifica tor—with what justice, let the further 'fact pro claim which I` nowek p ose Three hundred news papek in the summer Of 1844, in the pay of ;the Department of State, spoke the sentiments of the Department of State, and pursued as traitors to the Linited• States all who were for the peaceable annexation of Texas ; by settling tike boundary line of Texas with' Mexico simultaneously.with the annexation. Here is the instruction under which the three hundied acted "As the conductor of the official johrnal here, he has requested me to answer it (your letter,) which request I comply with readily. • "With regard to the course of your paper, you can take the tone of the administration from the * . think, however, and would recommend that you would conftnayourself to attacks upon Benton,Showing that he has allied himself 'with the whiga ori the Texas question. Quote Jackson's letter on Texas,W.here he denoun cei all those as traitors to the ernuirriwho oppose the treaty. Apply it to Benton: Proclaim that ;Benton, by attacking Mr:Tyler and his friends, and driving them from the party, is aiding the election Of Mr. Clay: and charge him with doing this-o,de. 'feat Mr. Polk, and insure him the succession in 1,845, and claim That full justice be done to the acts and motives of John .Tyler by the leaders. Harp upon these things:L.l)o not propose. the Uni on; 4it is the I usiness of the democria to do this, and arrange it to our perfect satisfaction.' I pat' here from our leading friend at the south. Such Is the'conrse which I recommend, and which you can pursue, or not, according to your real attach- Meat to the adminiltration. "Look out for my leader of to-morrow as an in. dication, andingard this letter as of the most strict and :inviolate-confidence ofcharactee- I make no comment an this letter, nor read the other parts of it: a time will:come for that.. It is an origniarand will keep - and will prove I merely read a paragraph now to show with what jiistiCe the person who was in the Department of State! when these SOD newspapers in its pay were thus 'attacking the men of peace, now sets up.for the character of pacificator ! , • tat t nocx. Does he intend to say that I ever wrote such a letter 3 • - 13xs.rosr. I•read it- .I say nothing, CAl.llotrN. , ' never wrote such • a letter as that. Ilewrosr. I have not said so; - C.L.r.uotizr. I take this occasi.ari to - saythat . never exercised the slightest influence over that paper. I never had that the slightest connection with it. I, never was a subscriber to it and -very rarely read it Bax-rox. It was tlieWork of one of the organs of the administration, not John Jones,• and the in struction was.followed by- three hundred newspa pers in the pay of the Departinent of State. - I have now finished what I propose to say, at this time, in relation to the authorship of this war. I confine myself to the official words and acts of the senator, and rely upon them to - sliciwthat he, and not Mr. Polk, is the author of 'this Calamity. Bat, while thus presenting him as the author of the war, I do not-believe that war was his 'object. but only incident to his object ; and that all his conduct in relatien to the admission of Texas re fers, itself to the periods of our presidentiaLelec tions, and' to some connexion with those elections, and explains his activity and inactivity on those occasions. Thus, in May, 1836, when hemas in such hot and 'Violent haste for immediate admission, the election of that year was impending, Snd Mr. Van Buren the democratic candidata; and if the Texas question could then have been broiight up, he might have been shoved aside just as easily as he was afterwards in 1844. ,This explains his ac tivity hi 1836. In 1840, the senator from South carolina was a sort of ,p supporter of Mr. Yen Bu ren, and might, have ..thought that orie good turn deserves another;, and so nothing was said about Texas at that election--dangerous aswas the least delay four years before: and this may explain the inactivity of 1840, The election of 1844 was coming on,- and the Senator from South Carolina was on the turf hitn self ; and-then the Texas question, with all its dan gers and alarms, which had so accommodatingly postponed themselves - ifor , seven good.yearsoutd denly woke up; and with an activity and 'vigor proportioned to its long repose:,' Itiatnt adniission; at all hazards, and at the expense of renewing -hos tilities between Mexico and Texas, and involving the United States in them, became indispensable-- necessary to our own salvation--a clear case of self-defence: and therrenmunenced all thnsemachi nations which ended in the overthrow of Mr. Van suren and Mr. (us , for the presidency, and in pro acing the present Near with Mexico; .buy - without making the senator President.' And this May ex plain his activity in 1844. Now, another presi dential election is approaching; and, if there, is any truth in the rule which .interprets certain gen tlemen's declarations by their contraries, he will be a candidate again; and, this may explain the rea son of the production of that string, of resolutions which the senator laid upon the table last week; and upon which he has required us to Vote instant ly, as he did in the sudden. Texas movement of 1836, and with the same magisterial look and at titude. IThe Texas slave question has gone-by— the Florida slave question .has-gone by—L•them is no chance for it now in any of its old haunts: hence the necessity for a new theatre of agitation, even if we have to , go as far as California for it. and before we have got California, And thus, all the senator's conduct in relatipalto Texas, though involving his country iu war, may 'have had no other object than to, govern a presidential election. Our northern friends have exceeded my hopes and expectations in getting themselves and the Union safe through the,Texas and slave questions, and - are entitled to a little , repose. - So - far from that, they are now, to be plunged into a California slave question, long before it could arise of itself, if ever. The string of resolutions laid on the ta. ble by the senator from South Carolina is to raise a new slave question on the borders of the Pacific, which, upon his own principles, cannot soon oc cur, if ever. He will not take - the, country by conquest—only by treaty—,and that treaty to be got by sitting out the Mexicans on a line of °col- patioo." At .the same time he shows that he knows that Spanish blood is good at that game, and shows:that they sat it out, and fought it out, for 800 years. 'against the Moors occupying half their country...Ey-the-by, it was only 700; but that is enough : ZOO years is no object in such a matter.. The Spaniards held out 700 years against the Moors, holding half their country, and 300 against halfof the other half; and, what is more material, whipped them both out at the end of time. This is a poor chance for California on the senator's principles. His five regiments would be whipped out in a fraction of the time; but no matter; men contend more violently for noth ing than for something; and if he can get-up a California slave question now, it will answer all the purposes of a, reality, even if the question should never arise in point of fact. The', senator from South Carolina. has been wrong in all this business, from beginning to end ing—wrong in. 1810, in giving away. Texas— wrong in 1836, in his sudden and hot brute to get her' - 'back-.-.wrong in all his machinations for bring ing on the Texas question of 1849—wrong in breaking up the armistice and peace negotiation, between Mexico and Texas—wrong in secretly sending the army and navy to fightMexico'while we were at , peace wiih her—wrong in secretly ais7- - pointing the President Of Texas president general of the army and navy of the United States, with leave to fight them against a power With whom we were' at peace—virrong in writing to Mexico ,that - he took -Texas in s b view of all ; possible con sequences, meaning-war—wrong in secretly offer ing Mexico, at the same time; ten millions of dol lars to hush up the war which he had created.... wrong now in r efusing Mr. Polk three millions to aid in getting out of the war which be made= wrong in throwing the blame of this war of his own making upon, the shoulders of Mr. Polk— wrong in his ',treat and occupation line of policy —wrong in expelling old Father Ritchie from the Senate, who worked so hard for him during the Texas annexation; and more wrong now, than ev er, in that string of resolutions which he has laid upon the table. and, in which, as Sylla saw in the Cmsar many Marinses, sodo r see in them many nullification. . . In a picture of so many, and such dreadful er rors, iris hard to specify, -the worst, or to 'dwell upon any one to the exclusion of the rest; but there is one feature in this picture of enormities which seems to demand that distinction: 'allude to the , pledie upon which the armistice and the peace negotiations between Mexico and Texas were brOken up in JB44s and those two countries put back into a state of war, and ourselves volved in the contest. The story, is briefly told, and admits of no dispute. The lett:trof the 17th of January is the accusing record, from which „there is no escape. Its awful words cannot be read now, without freezing up the blood. "It is known, to you that an armistice exists between Mexico and Texas, and that negotiations for peace are now goittsron muierthe mediation of two pow. erful sovereigns, mutually friendly. If we yield to • your solicitation to be annexed to the United States, tinder these circumstances, we shall draw upon ourselves a fresh invasion from Mexico, incur the imputation of bad faith, and lose the friendship • and respect of the two great mediating povrers,--- Now, will yob,. in the •event of our acceding to your request-, step between, us and Mexico, and take the war. off our hands?" This was the letter, I and• the terrible.question with which-it concluded. - Mr. Upshur, to whom it was addressed, gave it no answer. In the forty days that his life was spared, be gave it no answer. Mr. Nelson, his temporary successor, gave it an answer; and, speaking for the President of the United States, positively refused to take annexation on the condition .proposed..-:- This answer was sent to Texas, and put an end . to all negotiation for annexation. The senator from South Carolina came into the Department of State, procured the reversal of the President's deCision, and gave the pledge to the whole extent that Texas asked it. 'Without, in the least, denying the knOwledge of the armistice, and the negotiations fur peace, and all the terrible consequences which were to result from their breach, he accepts the whole, and gives the fatal pledge which his predecessor had tefused;and fol loWe4 it up by sending our troops and ships to fight a people with whom we were at peace--tbe whole veiled by the mantel of secrecy, and pretested by motlves as tibtoinided as they were absurd. Now, what Says morality and Christianity to this . cotr duet? Certainly if two individuals were engaged in strife, and two others should part then:4'mA put them ,under areagreeinent to submit to an amicable settlement; and while the settlement was going on, another man, lying behind a badge, should secret ly instigate one of the parties to break off the a greement and renew the strife, and promise to take the fight off his hands if be did: what would mo rality and Christianity say to this? Surely the malediction of all good men would fall upon the man who had interfeted to renew the strife. And if this would be the voice of all good men in the case of mere individuals, what would it be when • the strife was between nations, and when the re newal of it was to involve a third nation in the contest, and such a war as we now have with our sister republic of Mexico- This is the question which now presents itself to the moral sense of the civilized World. iii.judging the conduct of the sen ator from South Carolina in writing that letter of the 11th of April, 14344 aggravated by now throw ing upon another the blame of ts war for which he then contracted. • Married, ;his morning by Rev. J. F. Mtbre!), Mr. TOOMAS B. YOV2I - 0 to Miss EsazAssru, daughter of Mr. John Rutherford, of .Minersville. March .2, 1847. -Notice to Contractor'. OFFICE OF. T/IE friONONO‘A/LELA NAV/OATSOIf CO, • Pittsburgh, March 3d, 1347. P ROPOSALS will ha received at this office up to 3 o'clock, P. M.,- on. Monday the- fith day or April next, forthe construction of an additional cut atone Lock, at dam No.l, to be fifty-six by two hun dred and fifty feet in the chamber. Proposals will state the price for Cash, payments, also, for payments in Certificates. • Plans and specifications ofthe work will be ezhibi ted at the office ten days previous to the letting, and infrmation respecting the same, will be given by P anus Lothrop, Esq., Engineer: PROPOSALS will also be received at thesame timo and place, for loaning the Company Twenty thou sand dollars, upon the bonds and certificates.afore said. S. K. MOORHEAD, Pres't.. Mar3-dtas (Gazette and J4::•.u . nia( copy,) Pennsylvania Railroad. Company. L ETTERS Patent bearing date the 25th day or February A.l). 1847, baying beenissued by the Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in pursuance of the provisions of an Act of the ' General Assembly of said Commonwealth, entitled "An Act to incorporate the Pennsylvania Railroad Company." IV6tice ie hereby given, Thzt the uaderSigned ing q. majority of the acting Commissioners, have and do hereby appoint a meeting of the subscribers to the Capital Stock of said Company to be held on Tuesduy, the 30th day of March, A. D. 1847, tit ten o'clock A. M., in the Room of the. Board of Trade, No. Philadelphia Exchange, in the City of Phila.. delphia, in order to organize said Company, and then add there to elect thirteen Directors of said Company agreeably to the provisiontof said Act 4' Assembly, February 25, 1847. Thomas P Cope T bl Pettit Robert Toland George M Stroud • • David.S Brown, 11 M Watts James Magee Phillip M Price • George W Toland Robert Flinn, Jr J Fisher Learning Wm Musser. • - 11 R Rneaes • T C Rockhill • . Geo W Carpenter ' john 9 Cash Elliott Cresson C G Childs Robert Allen Roberts Steen Charlie S Wood C Macalirter Duet Campbell E A Penniman Johri B Myers Alex Fullerton A G Ralston Edward Siter L. - Gideon scull Archibald Wright A S Robs ' Henry . Welsh Win C Patterson John M 'Atwood B M Hindman A Lewis John Welsh, Jr Nathaniel Trotter • • ToWnsend Sharpies/ James Martin Thomas Spark. John J McCashea - Charles Humphreys Hugh Catherwood James Steel - - Monongahela llrltlge, Porsinnuin, MAacn 27, 1847. The Bonds issued by this Company will be paid in par funds, at the Bank of Pittsburgh, both principal and interest, as they respectively become due.-- The holders of said Bonds are requested to present the same for payment, and are notified that the in terest will:cease and determine on the darthe prin cipilis at maturity, after which no interest will lin paid thereon. • mar3-wit• . * JOHN TIIAWa TIMM. 91 , ' ,7 17. ;!;.' .4't13.-C4A". =EI Aim ~• • • •--: , • • f - 1 - I - • • ;,• ••• t • • 4., ':•ija - • • , -2. rt 7 • = • • •:••44 . • , - •1'•• ••••,.` .• ' • -,•- • - ‘,4••• .•• • • •••= ••' - 7' , • •- , • • • • , f - 1", . .„ •• • -•• • MIEI . • Mal • • .• 0 'l. - 7 - • r ' • - r .` , - • ' - %- • ' ' _ -'• , - • • '" , • , ;",:, k = ENE • . . 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Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers