The daily morning post. (Pittsburgh [Pa.]) 1846-1855, March 03, 1847, Image 2

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" SPEECH OP
BON, THOMAS H.` BENTON,
ON THE THREE MILLION BILL.
Ma. Pure] DENT : The senatofflom South Car
olina [Mr. CA I.llOrTi] has boldly made the inue as,
to the authorship of this war, and as boldly ‘ thrown
the blaine of it upon the present administration.
On the contrary, I believe himself to be the Author
of it, and will give a part of my reasons for be - -!
lieving.soP In saying this, I do not consider the
march to the Rio Grande to .have been the cause
of the war, any more than -I consider the British
march upon Coneord and Lexington to have been
the cause of the American revolution, or the cross
ing of the Rubicon by Caesar to have, been the
cause of the civil war in Rome. In all these ca.-
ses, I consider the causes of war as pre:existing
and the marches as only the effect of these causes.
I consider the march upon the Rio Grande. as
being unfortunate, and certainly should have ad;
• wised against it if I had been consulted, and that .
without the least fear of diminishing my influence
in the settlement of the • Oregon question. My
opinien of Mr. Polk—and experience in that very
Oregon case has confirmed- it—did not authorize.
me to conjecture ;that any, one would lose influ
ence with him by giving him honest opinions;
so
I would have advised against the march to the Rio
Grande if I had been., consulted. Nor do I see
how any opinion adverse to the President's - was to. I
have the effect of lessening. his - influence in the 1
.settlement of the Oregon question. That ques.l
tion was settled by us, not the President. Half
the dimocratic senators went contrary ,to the.
President's opinion, and none of „them lost infiu
encewith- him on that account; and so I can see
no possible"..connexion between the facts of the
caseand the senator's reason for not interfering to
save his country from the war which, he says, he
saw. His reason is to me unintelligible, incom
prehensible, unconnectible with the facts of the
' case. But the march on the Rio Grande was not
the cause of the war; but the causes of this event,
.like the causes of our ovrtfrevolutionary war,were
in - progress long before hostilities broke out: The
causes of this Mexican war were long anterior to
this march ; and, in fact, every circumstance of
war then existed, except the actual-collision of
arms.. Diplomatic intercourse had ceased:
inerce was destroyed : fleets and armies confronted
each other: treaties were declared to be broken;
the contingency had occurred in which Mexico
had denounced the existence of war, the incorpora.
tion of Texas, with a Mexican war on hit- hands,
had produced, in legal contemplation, the status
MU between the two countries: and ail this had
occurred before the march upon the Rio Grande,
and before the commencement of this administra
tion, and had produced a state of things which
was impossible. o continue, and which could only I
receive their solinion from- arms or negotiation.
The march to the Rio Grande broUght op the col-,
lision of arms; but, so far from -being the-cause
of the- war, it was itself the effect of these
catises. The. senator from. South Carolina is
the author of those causes, and therefore the au
thor of th.i war ; and this I propose to show, at
present, by evidence drawn from himself—from
hie public official acts—leaving all the evidence
derived from other source.s, from private and unof
ficial acts, for future production, if deemed neces
sary.
•
The' Senate'''. from South Carolina, in his effort
to throw the hiame.of thewar upon the President,
- goes no farther hack in his search for causes than
to _this march upon the Itio Grande,: - upon the
same principle, if he wrote a history of the Amer
-
lean revolution,
he would begin at the march opon
Lexington and Concord, leaving out of view the
ten years Work* of Lard North's administration.
- No, the - march upon the Rio Giande was not the
cause of the war: had it not been for pre-existing
causes, .the arrival of the American army on the
Mexican frontier would have been saluted with
military courtesy, according to the usage of all
civilized nations, and with none so much as with
the Spaniards. Complimentary visits,dinners,andl
fandangos, balls—not 'cannon balls—would have'
been the salutation. The causes of the war are
long anterior ; and I begin with thebeginning, and
show the senator from South Carolina an -actor
froth the first. In doing this, I. am acting in de
fence oi - the country, for the President represents
the country:. The senator from, South Carolina
" charges the war upon the President: the whole
opposition follow him : the bill tinder discussion
is forgotten; crimination of
.the President is now
the object; and, in that crimination, the country is
injured by being made to appear the aggressor in
the war. This' is my justification for defending
the President, and showing the 'truth that the sen
- ator, in his -manner of acquiring Texas, is the true
cause of the war. -
The cession of Texas to Spain in ISI9 is the be
ginning pent in the chain of causes which have
led to thi-s - war; for unless the country had been
ceded-away, there could have been no quarrel with
any power in getting it back. For a long time
the negotiator of that treaty of cession (Mr. J, Q.
ADAMS) bore all the blame of the. loss of Texas;
and his motives for giving it away were set down
to hostility to the south and west, and a desire to
clip the wings of the slaveholding States. At last
the truth of history has vindicated itself, and has
abown who was the true author of that mischief
'to the south and west. Mr. AD/X8 has made a
public declaration, which no one controverts, that
that, cession was made in conformity to the decis
ion of Mr. Monroe's cabinet, a majority of which
was slaveholding, and among them the present
senator of Shuth Carolina, and now the only sur
vivor of that majority. Re does not -contradict
the statement Of Mr. ADAMS: he, therefore, stands
admitted the co-author of thatmischief to the south
- and west which the cession of Texas involve-1, and
to e:scape from which it became necessary, in the
opinion of the'senator from South Carolina, to get
back Texas at the expense of war with Mexico.
. This conduct of- the senator in giving away Texas
When-we had her, and then making war to get her
back, is an enigma which he has never yet conde
stended to explain, and which., un it explained,
- leaves him in a state: of sell contradiction, Which,
whether it impairs his own confidence in himself
or not, must have the effect of destroying the con
fidence of others in him, and wholly disqualifies
him for the office of champion of the slaveholding
. States. It ,was the . heaviest blow they had ever
received, and put an end, in conjunction with the
. Missouri compromise, and the permanent location
of the Indians west of the Mississippi, to their fit
Pre groyth or extension as slave States. The
compromise, which was therf , in full progress, and
_eitablished at the next session of Congress, cut off
• the Slave States from all territory north and west
of 'Missouri, and "south of 36i degress of north lat.
itudeJhe treaty of 819 ceded nearly all south of
that degreercinnprising not only all Texas, bot a
larger pait of the valley-of the Mississippi on the
Red river and the Arkansas, to a foreign power, and
brought a non-slaveholding empire to the confines
of Louisiana and Arkansas: the permanent appropri
ation of the rest of the territory for the abode of
'ciVilized Indians swept the little slaveholding ter
ritory west of the Arkansas, and lying between the
comprdmise line and the cession line: and left the
slave States without one inch of ground for their
future growth. Nothing was left. Even the then
Territory lA - Arkansas was .encroached upon. A
breadth of forty miles wide, and three hundred long
was Cut off from her, and given to the Cherokees;
re
and the was not as Much'slave territory left west
of the Mississippi as a dove could have rested the
sole of her foot upon. It was not merely a curtail
ment, but a total extinction of slaveholding territo
ry;' and done at time when' the Missouri contro
versy was raging, and every effort made by north
ern abolitionists" to stop the growth of slave States.
The senator from' South Caroling, in his support
of-the cession of Texas, and ceded a part of the
Valley of the Mississippi, was then the most effici
ent ally of the restrictionists at that time, and de
prives him of the right of setting up as the chem.
pion of the slave: States new. I denounced the sac
rifice of Texas then, believing ?fir:Musts to have
been the author of it: I denounce it now, knowing
the senator (mini South Carolina to be its author: -
and for this—his flagrant recreancy to the slave
interest in their hour of utmost perilt—l hold him
disqualified for the office of champion : Of the four
teen slave States, and shall certainly require him
to keep out of Missmiri, and to confine himself to
hiltown bailwick.. -
-'' ,_
cflme now tO3he 'direct proofs of the senator's
authorshiP-of
with
war; and begin with the year
-iS3oVand with the month .of May of that year,
and• With the 27th clay of that month, and with
the ., first"rumors of the victory of San Jacinto.. The
_Congress of theZnited States , was then in session:,
the senator from South Carolina *as then a mem- I
- • - " -
EM=
, „4,4
-4.- : -.-..i :' 4 '''''''''''''''
- i - -
.-,l';':_'-iP' . i: l,7 - ,.
~'','',:',- ; -.',, . 17 . .i':',..:'',',, -4 ., ! '- : .:'',4', , ' .;F;
her of this, body; and, withoUteVen waiting for the
official confirmation of that great event, he propos
ed at once the inimediate reeognition of the inde
pendence ofTexas, and her immediate admission
into. the Makin, He Put the two propositions to
.gether—recognition, and admission:.. and allowed
its no further time for the double vote than the few
days which were to intervene before the officialin
telligence of the victorylshould arrive. Here are
some extracts from his speech on that occasion,
and which verify what I say, and show that he
was theaready to plunge the country into the Tex
an War with MeSico, without the slightest regard
to its treaties, its commerce, its duties, or its char
acter:
'fir. Calhoun was of opinion that it would add
.more strength to the cause of Texas to wait fur a
'few days until they received official confirmation
Of the victory and Capture of Santa Anna, in order
-to obtain a more unanimous vote in favor of the
recognition of Texas. • • • He had made up
:his mind not only to recognise the independence
of Texas, bat for her admission into the Union; and
if.the Texans managed their affairs prudently, they
- would soon be called upon to decide that question.
'There were powerful reasons why Texas should be
pant of this Union. The southern states owning
4 slave population, were ,deeply interested in pre
veuting that country from having the poser to an
noy-them; and the navigation and 'manufacturing,
interest of the north and 'east were equally inter
[anted in making it a part of the Union.- He thought
they would soon he called on to decide these ques-
I tions; and when they did :act on it, he was for act
ing on both together—for recognising the inde
,pendence of - Texas- and fen . admitting her into the
Union. • If events Should go on es they had
done, he could not but hope that befdre the close
Of ttie present session of CongreSS they would,not
only acknoWledg,e the independence of Texas, but
admit herinto the Union. He hoped there would
liznonnneeessary delay for in such cases delays
•
were dangerous--but that they would act with
unanimity and act promptly." . —.•
• Here, then, is the prtrof of the fact, that ten years
ago, and without a word of explanation with ides
ito. or arty request from Texas—without the lutist
notice the people of the United States, or time for
deliberation among ourselves, or any regard to ex
isting, commerce—he wasior plunging us into In
-Stant war with Mexico. .I say instant war; for
Mexico and Texas: ere then in open war; and to
incorporate Texas, , avai to incorporate the war at
the same time. All this the Senator was then for
immediately after 'his own gratuitous cession of'
Texas, and long before the, invention of the Lon
don abolition plot came so opportunely to his aid.
Promptness and .unanimity were then his watch- 1
words. Immediate action—action before Congress ,
adjourned—was his demand. No delay. Delays
were dangerous. We must vote, and vote unani- 1
iniusly and promptly. I Well remember the sell
itoes-look and attitude om that occasion—the fix.
edness of his look, and the magisteriality of his at-'
.etude. It wassuch, as he often favors us with,
especial!). when he is in a , crisis, and brings for
wand something which ought to be instantly and I
unanimously rejected—as when he brought in his
string of abstractions on Thursday last So it was
in 1836—prompt and unanimous action, and a
look to put down opposition. But the senate were
tint looked down in 1836. • They promptly and j
unanimously refused the senator's motion ! and the
crises and the danger—good natured souls l—itn
mediate!). postponed themselves until wanted for
another occasion.
The peace of the country was then saved; but
it - was a respite only, and a speech of the senator
from South Carolina, brief as it was, becomes mo
mentous as forshadowing eve4-thing that has sub
sequently taken place in relatien to the admission
ofTexas; In this brief speech we have the shad-
Owe of all future movements, coming in proces
advance of the events. In the significant
f t intimationyqualified with the if the Texans
iradeatly managed their affairs, they (the Senate)
might soon be called upon to decide the
qurstion , of ad
mission:9n' that pregnant and qualified intimation,
there was a visible doubt that the Texans might
nig be prudent enough to manage their own affairs
and might require help; and also a visible feeling
of that paternal guardianship which afterward as
stitned the -management of their affairs for diem.-
Iln the admonitions to unanimity, there was that
denunciation of any difference of opinion which
afterwards displayed itself in the ferocious bunting
down of all whOnpposed the Texas treaty. re
ference to southern slavery, and annoyance to slave
property from Texas, we have the germ of the
'`rei.f,defeace" letter, and the first glimpse of the ab
olition plot of John Andrews, Asbbel Smith, Lord
' Aberdeen—l beg pardon of Lord Aberdeen fornem
ing'him to such a connection—and the World's
Convention', with which Texas, Mexico and the
United States were mystified and bamboozled in
April, 1844. And, in the interests of the maim
' facturing and navigating states of the north and
beast; as connec ed with Texan admission, we have
the text of all the communications to the agent,
Murphy, and of all the letteriand speeches to which
the Texas question, seven years afterwards gave
rise.- We have all these subsequent events here'
shadowed fOrth. And now, the wonder is, why
all these things were not forseen a little while be
fore, when Texas was being c'edeel to a non slave- 1
holding empire ? and, why, after being so immin-1
eat and deadly in May, 1836, all these dangers
suddenly went to sleep, and never waked up agai n till 1519
? These are wonders: but let us not an
ticipate questions, and let us proceed with the
narrative.
The Congress of 1830 would not admit Texas.
The senator from South Carolina became patient:
the Texas question went to sleep; and for seven
good years it made no disturbance. It then woke
up, - and with a suddenness and violence proportion
ed to its long repose. Mr. Tyler was then Presi
dent: the, senator from South Carolina was potent
under his administration, and soon became his
Secretary of State. All the springs of intrigue
and diplomacy were-immediately set in motion to
resuscitate the Texas question, and to re-invest it
with all the dangersand alarms which it had worn
in 1836. Passing over all the dangers of annoy
mice . from Totes as possibly non-slaveholdina.
foreseen by the senator in 1836, and not foreseen 1;
him in 1810, with all the need for guardianship,
then foreshadowed, and all the arguments then
suggested: all these immediately deVeloped them-I and intriguing, agents 'traversed earth and
sea, from' Washington to Texas, and from London'
to MeXico :—passing over all this, as belonging to'
a 'class of evidence not now to be used, I come at
once to the letter of the 17th of January, from'
the Idexan minister to Mr. Upshur, the American
Secretary of State; and the 'answer to that letter'
by Mr. CAtnoux, of April 11th of the same year
They are both vital in this case; and the first is '
these words:
" Mr. Van Zan.* to !Mr. Upshur.
•. LEGATION OP TETAS,
,'• "Washington, January 17, 1844.
" Stu : It is known to you that an armistice
has been proclaimed between Mexico and Texas ;
that ; that armistice has been obtained through the
intervention nfAseveral great powers, mutually ,
friendly; and that negotiations are now pending,
having for their object a settlement of the di ffi cul:'
ties heretofore existing; between the two countries.
A proposition, likewise, having been submitted by
the President of tho. United States, through you,
for the annexation of Texas to this country,
therefore ..(without indicating; the nature of the
reply:which the President of Texas may direct to
be made to this proposition) Ibeg leave to suggest
that it may be apprehended, ximuld a treaty of
annexation be concluded, ',Mexico may think pro
per twat once terminate the, armistice, break off
all negotiations for peace. and again threaten or
commence hostilities against Texas; and that some
of the other governments who ,have been instru
mental in obtaining their cession, if they do not
throw their influence into the Mexican scale, may
altogether withdraw their good offices of mediation,
thus losing to Texas their friendship, and exposing
her to*the unrestrained menaces of Mexiene In
view, them, of these things, I desire to submit,
through yon, to - his excellency the President of the
United States, this inquiry; should the President
, of Texat-accede to tbe propogjtion of annexation,'
l • would the -President of the United States, after,
the, sio * ning of the treaty, and before it shall be rat- 1
hied and receive- the final action of theother
branches . ; of both governments, in case Texas
should desire it , or with her consent, ofdef such
number of the military and nasal forces of the
United Sikes to such necessary I points or places
upon the, territory, or borders of Texas, or the
Gulf of Mexico, as shalt.be sufficient to protect
her against .aggression 1- •
“This coinmunication,:as well as , the reply
ESIES
SIEM
-1- --,- ,•:-?..•:: . ‘•;4• - •-i - t - ''' - •'
•
which you may. make, Will be considered by ME`
as entirely confidential , not to be etnkiraced in my
regular official cbrresPiandence to my goverinent,'
but enclosed "direct to the President or Texas:for
his infirrmation." . .
" With assurances of my great regard,—l have
the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient
servant, "ISAAC VAN ZANDT.
"Hon. A. P. LTestrun, &c."
This letter reveals the true state of the Texas
question in January, 1844. and-the conduct of all
parties in relation to it • Texas and Mexico, weary
of the war, reposing under an armistice, and treat;
ing for peace. ; Great Britain and France .acting
the noble - part of mediators, and . endeavoring to
make peace. Our own government, secretly in
triguing for annexation, acting the wicked, part Of
wischief-makers, and trying to renew the war . ; and
the issue of its muchinatiOns to be unsuccessful
unless the United, States should be involved in the
renewed hostilities. That was the question; and
the litter openly puts it to the American Secretary
of State. The answer to that question, rid my
opinion, should have been, that the Presidept, of the]
United States did, not' ktiow of the armistice and
the peace negotiations at the time that he pro.'
posed to Texas to do an act ivhich would be n 1
perfidious violation of those sacred engagements,
and bring upon herself the scourge of renewed in -1
vasion and the stigma of perfidy—that he would
would not have made 'such a proposal for the
whole round world, - if. he had-known of the ar
mistice and the peace negotiations--that-he wishes !
success to the peace -makers, both for the sake of '
Mexico and Texas, and ;because Texas could then
`come into the Union without the least interrup
tion to our friendly, commercial, and social rela
tions with our sister republic of Mexico; and that,
as to secretly lending the army and navy of . the
United States to Texas to fight ;Mexico while we l.
were at peace with her, it Would be a crime against
God, and man, and our own constitution; for which
heads might be brought to the block, if presidents]
and their secretaries, like constitutional kings and
ministers, should be held capitally responsible for
capital crimes. ThiS, in my opinion, should have
been the answer. Bdt the first part of it--that of;
the scienter upon the point of the armistice and
the peace negotiations—could not be given in point
cif fact;for the Department of State was full of
communications giving that information*.—one o
them from the agent, (Murphy,) in these words`
"The powers to be given to General Henderson
are to be of the fullest and most complete charac
ter, so that no impediment shall be found requiring
further or other powers, or further or other instruc
tions. But, inasmuch as the commissioners of
Texas now in Mexico, treaty or negotiation,'
touching an armistice, are; supposed not to have
concluded their labors, and is clear to the Presi-,
dent of Texas that so soon as this negotiation in
relation to annexation is known to the govern
ment of Mexico, all negotiation on that and all
other questions between Texas and Mexico wall
cease, and that the President of Mexico will in-;
stantly commence active hostilities against Texas,
which Texas is wholly unprepared, by sea or land, I
to resist,—it is understood that the government of
the United Slates, having invited Texas to this ne
gotiation, will at once, and before any negotiation
is set on foot, place a sufficient naval force in the
Gulf to protect the coast of Texas, and hold a suf-1
ficient force of cavalry, or other description of
mounted troops, on the southwestern bonier of the
United States, in readiness to protect or aid in the
protection of Texas pending the proposed negotia
tion for annexation. I trust my government will I
at once see the propriety of this course of - policy ;1
for I found it impossible to induce this .govern..l
ment to enter heartily into 'the measure of annex
ation without an assurance that my government
would not fail to guard Texas against all the evils
which were likely to assail Texas in consequence!
of her meeting and complying with the wishes of!
the United States."
Denial of the knowledge of the existence of the I
armistice, and of the , opening of negotiations, was,
therefore, impossible. Mr. Upshur, to whom the
letter of the 17th of January was addressed, gave
it no answer at all. During the forty days that
his life was spared, be answered not ; and I men.
tion this particularly in justice to the memory of!
a gentleman who is no more: Mr. Nelson, the at.
torney general, his temporary successor in the De -1
partment of State, slid not answer it to the Texan •
minister in Washingeom.but he did'to Mr.'flilur
pliy in Texas, in reply to his communication to
the same Effect - with the letter. Mr. Nelson's let
'ter is dated the .11th of March, and is in these
words:
. "Of the anxiety of the President to provide for
the annexation of the territory of Texas to that of
the United States, you have been heretofore ap
prized ; and of his readiness, by negotiation.
promptly to effectuate this desire, you are well
aware. He regards the measure as one of vital
importance to both parties, and as recommended
by the highest considerations of a sound public
policy.
"Entertaining these views, the President is grati
fied to perceive, in the course you have pursed in
your intercourse with the authorities of Texas, the
evidences of a cordial co operation in this cherish.
ed object of his polity; but instructs me to say,
that whilst approving the general tone and te
nor of that intercourse. he regrets to perceive, in
the pledges given by you in your communication
to the Hon. Anson Jones of the 14th February,
that you have suffered your zeal to carry you be
yond the line of your instructions. and to commit
the President to measures for which he has no con
stitutional authority to stipulate.
"The employment of the army or navy against
a foreign power, with which the United States are
at peace, is not within the competency of the
President; and whilst . he is not indisposed, as a',
measure of prudent precaution, and as preliminary 1
to the proposed negotiation, to concentrate in the
Gulf of Mexico, and on the southern borders of
the United States, a naval and military force to be
directed to the defence of the inhahitants and terri-
tory of Texas at a proper time, he cannot permit
the authorities of that government or yourself to
labor under the misapprehension that he has pow
er to employ them at the period indicated by your
stipulations.
"Of these impressions, Mr. Van Zandt, the
charge d'affairs of* Texan government, has been,
and General Henderson, who is daily expected
here, will be fully advertised. In the mean time,
the President desires that yon will at once coun
termand your instructions to Lieutenant Davis, as
far as they are in conflict with these views.
"In any emmergency that may occur, care will
be taken that the commanders of the naval and
military forces of the .17nited.states shall be prop
erly instructed. tour'request that they may be
placed under your control cpnot he granted."
This is .very constitutional and proper language;
and if it bad not been reversed, there would have
been no war with Mexico. But it was reversed.
Soon after it was writ'en, the present senator froM
South Carolina took the chair of the Department
of State. Mr. Pinckney Henderson, whom Mr.
Murphy mentions as coming on - vith 'full powers,
on the faith of the pledge he had given, arrived'
also; and found that pledge entirely cancelled by
Mr Tyler's answer through Mr. Nelson ; and he
utterly refused to treat.. The new secretary was
in a strait; for time was short, and Texas must be
had; and Messrs. Henderson and Van Zandt would
not even begin to treat without a renewal of the
pledge given by Mr. Ilf , irphy. That had been
-cancelled in writing, and the cancellation-had gone
to Texas, and had been made on high constitutional
ground. The new secretary was profuse of verbal
assurances, and even permitted the ministers to
take down his words in writing, and read them
over to him, as was shown by the senator from
Texas, [General ITousrox,.) when he spoke on this
subject on Thursday last. But verbal assurances,
or memoranda of conversations, would not do.
The instructions under which the ministers acted,
required the pledge to be in writing, and properly
signed. The then President, present senator from
Texas, who bad been a'lawyer in Tennessee before
he went to Texas, seemed to look upon it as a case
under the statute of frauds and.perjuries—a si
case added to the five enumerated in that statute—. xth
in which the promise is not valid, unless reduced
to writing, and signed by the person to be charged
therewith, or by some other person dulTauthorized
by him to sign for him. The firmness of the Tex
an ministers, under the' instrustious of President
Houston, prevailed ; amat last, and after long de ,
lay, the secretary wrote and signed the pledge
which Mr. Murphy had iven, and in all - th e am:
i+
plitude of his original promise. That letter was
dated on the I lth day of April, .1844, and was in
these words:
=NV
INE
FBNII
" Mr. Calhoun to :11feitsri. ran Zandt and Henderson.
. "Wyountiron, .11, 1844.
•
.L - ! . ..GenTssatxte-: The letter addresited by Mr. Van
Zafidt to the late Secretary of State; Mk. liPshur,
to — which , you have called my attention; dated
Washington, 17th - January, 1844, his been laid-be
fore the President'of the United Staten.'
'"ltt reply . to ..am directed Jty the,President
to say that the eSecretary of the Navy has been
instiucted' to order a strong. naval force to concen
trate in the Gulf of Mexico, - ,to meet any emergen
cy ; and' that, similar orders have been issued by
the S.ecretary of War,, to move the disposable mili
tary forces'on our southwestern frontier,' for the
same purpose.' Should the exigency arise to'
%ilia : l-you - refer in your note 'to Ilk Upshur,T am
furtherdirected by the Presidebt - to say; that,
du
ring the pendeitey of the freatiof annexation, he
,Would.deetn it his datyto ustAll the means placed
within_ his power by the constitution .to protect
-Texas from all foreign invasion, _I. hivethe bon
or to be; sc, J:'C. CALHOUN.
"Mesita., VAN: ZA;TIDT and J. P. thiNDUILSON,
from the Republic of Texas,"
This it the answer given by Mr. Secretary CAL.
ILIOUN.IO„t4 demand; and, although a little dilphic
in the specification of the emergencies and the exi
genczes in which oui forces were to fight the Mexi
cans, yet,' taken in connexion with the terms of
the letter to which, it was an answer, and to which
it refers, it is sufficiently explicit to show that it is
a clear, end absolute: promise to do the thing which
Murphy hld promised,and which President Tyler,
through the : Attorney General, Mr. Nelson, had re
fused to do; because it involved a violation of the
constitution of the United States.' I:he protnise
was clear rind explicit to lend the army and navy
to the Prisident of Texas, to fight the Mexicans
while they were at peace with us.. That was the
Point--- 4 4,petice with us. Mr Catoorn's assump
sit was clear-and explicit to that point; and, ,that
no circumstance of contradiction or folly. should •
be vantinglo crown this itlot of. crime and imbe•
cility, it so happened that on the same day that '
our new Secretary here) was giving his written as
sumr*it to lend the army and navy to fight Mexi
co while we were at peace with her, the Agent
Murphy was communicating to the Texan govern
ment, in Texas, the,refusal of Mr. Tyler, through
Mr. Nelson. to do so, because of its unconstitution
ality. Here is 'the letter of Mr. Murphy
',Mr.. Murphy to Mr. Tone'. -
' 1 LI:13 ATION OP TOE 'UNITED STITES,
Galveston, (Texas,) April 12, 1844.
Sin: The undersigned, charge d'afihires of the
United States neaethe government of the republic
of Texas, has the honor of informing Mr. Jonei , ,
that Ale his government approves of the. goner-
I al tone and tenor of his; intercourse with the gov
ernment of the republic of Texas, a regret is telt
in perceiving that his zeal for the accomplishment
of objects alike beneficial and interesting to both)
countries had led him beyond the-strict line of his I
instructions; that the President of the United
States considers himself restrained by the con.sti.
tutiou of the Union from the employment of the
army and navy against a foreign power with wlitim
the United States are at peace; and that whilst tin
President of the United States is not indisposed, as,
l a measure of prudent precaution, and as prelimi
nary to the proposed negotiation, to concentrate in
the Gulf of Mexico and' on the southern - borders
of the United States a sufficient navatand
force, to be directed to the defence of 'the
inhabi
tants and territory of Texas at a. proper time, he
is unwilling that the authorities of Texas should
apprehend that be has power to employ this force
[ at the peria indicated in my note to you of the
14th of February last."
' In conformity with the Secretary's letter 'of
April 11th, detachments of the army and easy
were immediately sent to the frontiers of Texas,
and to the coast of Mexico. The senator from
South Carolina, in his colloquy with the senator
from Texas . .[Gen. Ilouirros) on Thursday last,
starred anxious to have ,it understood that these
land and naval forces were not to repel invasions,
but only to . reportthem to our government, fr its
report to Ciltigress. - The paper read bv the sena
tor from Texas; consisting of our Secretary's
t words, taken-down in his presence, and read over
to him for his cbrieetion by the Texan ministers,
establishes the `contrary; and Shows that there
ptilse-01. the invasion was in the mean--tiene tek
made. And",:jolac't, any other course would have
been a fraud tip= ibe promise. For if the inv i a
shin had to be,:made known at Washington, and
the sense of °Ong:reset - taken-on the question of re
pelling it, cesiiiinly, in the mean time, the mis
chief would have been done—the invasion would
have been made; and, therefore, to be consistent
with himself, the President in the mean time was
bound to repel the invasion, Without waiting to
hear what Congress would' say about it. And this
is what he himself tells us in his two messages to
the Senate, of the 13th and 31st of May, doubtleis
written by his Sectetary of State, and both avow
ing and justifying his intention to fight Mexico, in
case of invasion, while the treaty of annexation
was depending, without awaiting the action Of
Congress. Hero arc extracts from these messages:
!Message-15th of May y.—Extract.
" At the same time, it is due to myself that
should declare it as my opinion, that the United
States having, by the treaty of annexation, acqui
red a title: to Texas; which requires only the ac
tion of the Senate to perfect it, no other power
could be permitted to invade, and, by force of arms.
to possess itself of any portion of the territory of
Texas, pending your deliberations upon the treaty,
without placing itself in a hostile attitude to the
United States, and justifying the employment of
any military meana at our disposal to drive back
the invasion:"
Nessage, 31st of
,May.—Extrart.
"In my message to the Senate of the 13th - of
this month, I adverted to the duty which, in my
judgment, the signature of the treaty for the an
nexation of. Texas bad imposed upon me, to repel
any invasion of that country by a foreign power,
while the treaty was !miler Consideration in the
' Senate; and I transmitted reports from the Secre
' taries of War and of the Navy, with a copy of the
orders which had been issued from those depart-,
meats forthepurpoSe of enabling Me to execute
that duty. In those orders, General Taylor was
directed to communicate directly with the Presi
dent of Texas upon the subject, and Captain Corr
ner was instructed tOcommunicate with the charge
d'affairs of the United States 'accredited to that
government. No eopy of any communication
which either of those offieert may have made pur
suant to thou orders has yet been received at the
departments froth Which they emanated."
Here are the.avoW;al of the fact, and the reasons'
for it—that honor required vs to fight for Texas,
if we intriguetlheremite ivar. I admit that would
be a - good reason between individuals, and in a
case where a big bully should involve a little fel
low in the fight
.agate after he had got himself
parted; but not so between nations and under our
constitution. The 'engagement to fight Mexico
for:Texas, while we were:at peace with .),lexico,
was to make.war with Mexico I—a pieee of busi
nen which belonged Ito the Congress, and should
have been referred to them! and which:on the
' contrary,Was concealed froth tlieth, though in ses
sion, and present! add the feet only. found out af
ter the troops had Marched, and then by dint of
calls from the Senate.
The proof is complete that the loan of the land
and naval forces was: to fight Mexico while we
were at peace with berl and this.becomes a great
turning point .1n the history of this war. Without
this pledge-giiien by Our Secretary of State—with
out his reversal of Mr, Tyler's first decision--there
could have been no. war! Texas and Mexico
would have made peace, and then annexation
would have followed of. itself. The victor of San
Jacinto, who had gone forth and recovered by the
sword, and erected into a new republic the beauti
ful domain given away by our Secretary in 181.9,
was at the bead of the Texan 'government, and
was conducting hiscoUntry to peace and acknow
' !edged independence._ If let alone, he would have
accomplished his object; fOr he had .alreadyeur.
mounted . the great difficulty of the first step—the
armistice and the commencement of peace nego
tiations; and 'under the powerful. mediation of
Great Brital.n.,and France v the' establishment of
peace was certnin. kheavenly benediction rests'
upon the !abets of thelpoaceLinaker; and what is
blessed at Gixl must Succeed.. At all
.events, it
does not lie in the mouth of any man—and least
of all, in the -mouth of the mischief maker—to I
say that the peaceful mediation would not have
succeeded. .q was the part .of all men to. have
aided, and wished, and hoped for success; and had
it not been foi our Secretary's letter otApril
MEM
authentic facts warrant the as4erti - on That Texas
and Mexiio would have! made peace in the spring
ot 1844. ...Then,Texas woad, hatm cune:' intirtbis
Union asitaturally, 'end as easily, and with asliftle
offence . tO'nny body, as Eve went into= dam's be!:
som in the garden of Eden. There would"have
been no More need Aai intriguing.politicians to get
her in, by plots and tricks, than - there wits for some'
old hag of a match-makinetelle-darne, with'her
arts and allurements, her philters and her potions,
to get
,Eve into Adam's bosom. And thus, the
breaking 'up . of.. the peace negotiations becomes the
great turning point in the problem of the Mexican
The treaty of- annexation was signed, and in
signing it the Secretary knew' that - he had made
war With Mexico. No less than three formal no
tices were .on - file- in the Department of State, in
which the,Mexican government solemnly declared
that it.would consider annexation as equivalent'to
adeclaration of war; and it was in allusion to these
notices that the Secretary of State, in his notifica
tion to Mexieo of the signature of the treaty, said
it had been signed Ix rum. visw Os ALL -Nisei-
BLE iONSSQ.IIZN CSel. meaning war as the come
quence! At the same time, he suited the action to
the word; he sent off detachments of the army, and
placed them under the command of President Hous
ton, and made him the judge. of 'the emergencies'
and exigencies in which they wereto fight. This
authority to , the President of Texas Was continued
in full force 'until after the rejection-of the treaty,
and then only modified by placing the American
diplomatic agent in Texas between President Hous
ton and the'-naval and military commanders, and
maising him the medium of, communication be
tween a foreign President and our forces; but the
forces themselves were not withdrawn. They re
mained on the Texan and Mexican-frontier, wait
ing for the exigencies and c r energencici in which they
were to fight During all that time a foreign Presi
dent was .c ommander-in-chief of a large, detath-,
t b
imenf the army and navy of the United States.
He was President General of our land and sea for' :
ces, made so by the !senator from South Carolina,
I with authority to fight them against 'Mexico with
whom we were at peace—an office and authority
rather above that of a lieutenant generall—and we
fare indebted to the forbearance and prudence of
President Houston for not incurring the war in
1544, which fell tipOn Min IS4G. '
The treaty was rejected by the Senate; but so
apprehensive was the senator of immediate war,
that, besides keeping the detachments of the army
and navy at their posts, a measeager was despatch
ed.with a deprecatory letter to Mexico, and, as re 7
; port said, the offer-of a large sum of money to purl
chase peace Cram her, by inducing her to , treat for
a boundary whiCh would leave Texas within our
limits. This was report; and I would_ not mention;
it, if the senator was :not present to contradict it
if not correct. Report at the time said from five
to' ten millions of dollars: from one of Mr. Shan
, non's letters, we may set it down at ten millions.
Be it either sum; it will show that the senator was
then 'secretly willing to pay an immense sum to,
pacify Mexico, although he now declares that he
I does not know how he will vote in relation to the
1 three millions responsibly asked by Mr. Polk.
The secretary knew that he had made war with'
Mexico—that in accepting the gage three times
laid down, he had joined the issue with that com
pound of Celtic blood, called Spanish, would re
deem. rknew it, and said it on this floor, in se
cret session—for I did not then choose to say it in
public—that if there was but one man of that
blood in all Mexico, and he is no bigger than Gen
Tom Thimib, he would light. Senators will recol
lect it.
I now come to thislast act in this tragedy -of
errors--the alternative resolutions adopted by
Congress in the last days of the session of IS44—'s,
and in the last moments of Tyler's administration.
A resoke, single and absolute, had been made by
the House of Representatives; it came to this body;
and an alternative resolution was added„ subject to '
the choice of the President,authoriziagnegotiations '
for the admission, and appropriating $lOO,OOO to
defray the expenses of these negotiations. A sen
ator from North Carolina, and now a member oft
.this body, but who I have the pleasure to see sitting
near me, knows all about that alternative resolu
,
tion, and his country owes hfrn .good Maas. for
his labors about it. It was considered by every
body,that the,choiee between these resolutions be:
longed to the who had been elected
with a Special view to the admission of Texas, and
who is already in the city, awaiting the . morning
of the 4th of March to enter upon the execution of
!his duties, and upon whose administration all the
evils of a mistake in the choice of these resolutions
were to fall. We all expected the question: obe
tett open to the new. President; so strong was that
expectation, and so 'strong the feeling against the
decency or propriety of interfereece on the-part of
the expiring administration, to snatch this choice
out of the hands of Mr. Polk, that, on a mere sug
gestion of such a proceeding, in a debate on this
floor, asenator standing in the relation personally,
and politically, and locally, to feel for the honor of
the then Secretary of State, declared they would
not bave the audacity to do it. Audacity was the
word: and that was the declaration of a gentleman
of honor and of patriotism, no longer a member of
this body, but who has the respect and best wishes
of all who ever knew him. 'I speak of Mr. Mc
and. quote his words as heard at the time,
and as since printed and published by others.
Mr. McDutlie was' mistaken! They did have
the audacity ! They did do tt! or rather. HE did
it, (looking at Mr.. CACUOUZI" fur it is incontes
table that Mr. Tyler was nothing, in anything that
rehited to the Texas question, from the time of the
arrival of his Secretary of State. His last act in
relation to Texas, was the answer which Mr. Nel
son gave for him through-the agent, Murphy, de
nying his right to lend our forces to the President
of Texas to fight the Mexicans while we were at
peace with them : the reversal of that answer by
his new secretary was the extinction of his power
over the Texas question. Its, the then Secretary
of State, the present:senator from Sonth Carolina,
'to whom I address myself, did it. On Sunday; ttie
second day of March,—that day which preceded
' the last day of his authority—and on that day, sa
cred to peace—the council sat, that acted on the
resolutions ;—and in 'the darkness of a night how
-1 ling With the'storm, and battling with the ele
ments, as if Heaven warred upon the. audacious
act, (for well do I remember it,) the fatal messen
ger was sent off, which carried the selected resolu
tion to Texas. The act was then done: Texas
was admitted: all the consequences of admission
were incurred—and especially that consequence
Mr. de Bocanegra had denounced, and which our
Secretary -. bad accepted—WAß. -The state of
war Was esiablished— r the status belli was created
—and that by the operation of our own constitu;
tion, as well as -by the filed declaration of Mexico;
for Texas then being admitted into the Union, the
war with her extended to the whole Union; and
the duty of protocting her, devolved upon the
President of the United States. The selection of
the absolute resolution exhausted our action: the
alternative resolution for negotiation was defunct:
the only mode of admission was the absolute one,
and it made war. The war was made t0i..411r.
Polk's hand : his administration came into exis.:
tence with
%war upon i t s hands; and under the con
Istitutional duty to protect Texas at the expense
war With Mexico: and to that point, all events ra
pidly tended- The Mexican minister, General Al_]
motile, who had
_returned to Washington city after ,
the rejection of the treaty of annexation, demand
ed his passports, and let the United States. The;
land forces which: had been advanced to the Sabine,,
were advanced to Corpus Christi: the Mexican
troops moved towards the Rio Grande: the fleet
;which remained at Vera Cruz, continued there:
commerce died out: the citizens of each country
left the other, as far as they could: angry denun
effitions filled the press of each country : and when
a minister was sent from the United States, his re
ception was refused. The state of war existed
legally . : all the circumstances of war, except the
single circumstance of bloodshed, existed at' the
accession of Mr.. Polk; and the two countries,
MeXico and the United,States, stood in a - relation
to each -other impossible to be continued. The
, march upon the Rio Grande brought on the con
fliet,---made the collision of arms—but not the
war. The war was prePared, organized, establish
ed by the Secretary ofState, before he left the de
partment. It was his legacy to the democracy,
and to the 'Polk administration—his last gift to
' them, in4he moment of taking a long farewell.—'
!And -now he. sets up : for a man of peace, ant
throws all-the blame of war upon Mr. Polk, to
whom he bequeathed it. • 2 '
CiCelt says that Antony,, flying from •Rome to
the camp of Cmsiir in CisalPine Gaul, was the cause
of the:civil war which lotioired'=a - i much so as
EINEM
Helen was of the Trojan war. - Lit Helena Trrjan
sic ills lua , republice-;causes belli aura penis
A ah
algae exit:if:tit.- He says that t a tght pht
end to all:chance 9f , accommodation . ; closed ',the.
floor to all conciliation; broke up the plans of.all
peaceable men;: and by inducing Cresar to break
up-his can* in Gaul, and march across the Rubi-'
- ion, lit up the flames of civil war- Italy.' In
like manner, I Say, that the flight of the winged
messenger -from this capital on the Sunday night
before the 3d of March, despatched by the then
Secretary of State, in the expiring moment:of his
power, and bearing. his fatal choice to the capital
of Texas, was the direct cause of the war with
Mexico in which we are now engaged, Like the
flight of Antony, it broke - up the- plans of all
peaceable.men,sslarnmed the door , upon -negotia-1
(ion, put an end to all chance for accommodation,
broke up the camp on the Sabine, sent the troops
towards Mexico, and lit .up the war. Like Anto-,
ny, and the others, he made the war.: unlike An.
tony; he does not stand to it; but, copying rather
the conduct of the paramottr of Helen, he flies
from the combat he has provoked! and, worse)
than Paris, !lei endeavors to dritiv along with him,
in ; his own unhappy flight, the whole 'American
host. Paris . fled alone at the sight Of. Menelaus;
the senator from South . Carolina urges us all to fly
afthe sight of Santa Anna. And, it may be, that
worse than Paris again, he may refuse to return
to the field. Paris went back under the keen re-.
proach of Hector, and tried to fight. _
• Asfor 'thee the' soldier bleeds,' the Mafriin mourns,
And wasteful !Oar in all its fury burns. ,,
Stung with,this just and keen: rebakel—this,viv
id - picture of the ruin he had made—Paris returm
ed to the field, - and tried'to fight; and,itew, it re
, rnilns to be seen whether' the senator from Soutb
e
Carolin can do the same . : and, if Ea rl "whether he
cannot, at least, cease to abstruct the - anns of oth
ers..--cease .to _labor ,to involve the whole army in i
ibieown unmanly retreat
upon the evidence .nov-given drawn from his
publie official,acts alone, he stands the Undisputed
anthor and architect ,or that -.calamity. - History
Will so write - down. :Inexorable Itrirronir,
with her p!.n - of iron and tablets of brass,'.will so
write hint - down i and two; thousand ,years ..herice,
and three thousand years hence, the boy at his les
"son shall learn it in the 1:4;01:.; that. as Helen Was!
.the'cause or the Trojan, and Anthony the ' cause ofd
the Roman civil war; and Lord North - made the]
war of the,revolution, just so 'Certainly lEIJoun. C.
CALHOUN' the author of the present war between
the United States and Mexico. .
He now steps up for the character of pacifica
tor—with what justice, let the further 'fact pro
claim which I` nowek p ose Three hundred news
papek in the summer Of 1844, in the pay of ;the
Department of State, spoke the sentiments of the
Department of State, and pursued as traitors to
the Linited• States all who were for the peaceable
annexation of Texas ; by settling tike boundary
line of Texas with' Mexico simultaneously.with
the annexation. Here is the instruction under
which the three hundied acted
"As the conductor of the official johrnal here, he
has requested me to answer it (your letter,) which
request I comply with readily.
•
"With regard to the course of your paper, you
can take the tone of the administration from the
* . think, however, and
would recommend that you would conftnayourself
to attacks upon Benton,Showing that he has allied
himself 'with the whiga ori the Texas question.
Quote Jackson's letter on Texas,W.here he denoun
cei all those as traitors to the ernuirriwho oppose
the treaty. Apply it to Benton: Proclaim that
;Benton, by attacking Mr:Tyler and his friends, and
driving them from the party, is aiding the election
Of Mr. Clay: and charge him with doing this-o,de.
'feat Mr. Polk, and insure him the succession in
1,845, and claim That full justice be done to the
acts and motives of John .Tyler by the leaders.
Harp upon these things:L.l)o not propose. the Uni
on; 4it is the I usiness of the democria to do this,
and arrange it to our perfect satisfaction.' I pat'
here from our leading friend at the south. Such Is
the'conrse which I recommend, and which you
can pursue, or not, according to your real attach-
Meat to the adminiltration.
"Look out for my leader of to-morrow as an in.
dication, andingard this letter as of the most strict
and :inviolate-confidence ofcharactee-
I make no comment an this letter, nor read the
other parts of it: a time will:come for that.. It is
an origniarand will keep - and will prove
I merely read a paragraph now to show with what
jiistiCe the person who was in the Department of
State! when these SOD newspapers in its pay were
thus 'attacking the men of peace, now sets up.for
the character of pacificator ! , •
tat t nocx. Does he intend to say that I ever
wrote such a letter 3 • -
13xs.rosr. I•read it- .I say nothing,
CAl.llotrN. , ' never wrote such • a letter as that.
Ilewrosr. I have not said so; -
C.L.r.uotizr. I take this occasi.ari to - saythat .
never exercised the slightest influence over that
paper. I never had that the slightest connection
with it. I, never was a subscriber to it and -very
rarely read it
Bax-rox. It was tlieWork of one of the organs
of the administration, not John Jones,• and the in
struction was.followed by- three hundred newspa
pers in the pay of the Departinent of State. -
I have now finished what I propose to say, at
this time, in relation to the authorship of this war.
I confine myself to the official words and acts of
the senator, and rely upon them to - sliciwthat he,
and not Mr. Polk, is the author of 'this Calamity.
Bat, while thus presenting him as the author of
the war, I do not-believe that war was his 'object.
but only incident to his object ; and that all his
conduct in relatien to the admission of Texas re
fers, itself to the periods of our presidentiaLelec
tions, and' to some connexion with those elections,
and explains his activity and inactivity on those
occasions. Thus, in May, 1836, when hemas in
such hot and 'Violent haste for immediate admission,
the election of that year was impending, Snd Mr.
Van Buren the democratic candidata; and if the
Texas question could then have been broiight up,
he might have been shoved aside just as easily as
he was afterwards in 1844. ,This explains his ac
tivity hi 1836. In 1840, the senator from South
carolina was a sort of ,p supporter of Mr. Yen Bu
ren, and might, have ..thought that orie good turn
deserves another;, and so nothing was said about
Texas at that election--dangerous aswas the least
delay four years before: and this may explain the
inactivity of 1840,
The election of 1844 was coming on,- and the
Senator from South Carolina was on the turf hitn
self ; and-then the Texas question, with all its dan
gers and alarms, which had so accommodatingly
postponed themselves - ifor , seven good.yearsoutd
denly woke up; and with an activity and 'vigor
proportioned to its long repose:,' Itiatnt adniission;
at all hazards, and at the expense of renewing -hos
tilities between Mexico and Texas, and involving
the United States in them, became indispensable--
necessary to our own salvation--a clear case of
self-defence: and therrenmunenced all thnsemachi
nations which ended in the overthrow of Mr. Van
suren and Mr. (us , for the presidency, and in pro
acing the present Near with Mexico; .buy - without
making the senator President.' And this May ex
plain his activity in 1844. Now, another presi
dential election is approaching; and, if there, is
any truth in the rule which .interprets certain gen
tlemen's declarations by their contraries, he will be
a candidate again; and, this may explain the rea
son of the production of that string, of resolutions
which the senator laid upon the table last week;
and upon which he has required us to Vote instant
ly, as he did in the sudden. Texas movement of
1836, and with the same magisterial look and at
titude. IThe Texas slave question has gone-by—
the Florida slave question .has-gone by—L•them is
no chance for it now in any of its old haunts:
hence the necessity for a new theatre of agitation,
even if we have to , go as far as California for it.
and before we have got California, And thus, all
the senator's conduct in relatipalto Texas, though
involving his country iu war, may 'have had no
other object than to, govern a presidential election.
Our northern friends have exceeded my hopes
and expectations in getting themselves and the
Union safe through the,Texas and slave questions,
and - are entitled to a little , repose. - So - far from
that, they are now, to be plunged into a California
slave question, long before it could arise of itself,
if ever. The string of resolutions laid on the ta.
ble by the senator from South Carolina is to raise
a new slave question on the borders of the Pacific,
which, upon his own principles, cannot soon oc
cur, if ever. He will not take - the, country by
conquest—only by treaty—,and that treaty to be
got by sitting out the Mexicans on a line of °col-
patioo." At .the same time he shows that he
knows that Spanish blood is good at that game,
and shows:that they sat it out, and fought it out,
for 800 years. 'against the Moors occupying half
their country...Ey-the-by, it was only 700; but
that is enough : ZOO years is no object in such a
matter.. The Spaniards held out 700 years against
the Moors, holding half their country, and 300
against halfof the other half; and, what is more
material, whipped them both out at the end of
time. This is a poor chance for California on
the senator's principles. His five regiments would
be whipped out in a fraction of the time; but
no matter; men contend more violently for noth
ing than for something; and if he can get-up a
California slave question now, it will answer all
the purposes of a, reality, even if the question
should never arise in point of fact.
The', senator from South Carolina. has been
wrong in all this business, from beginning to end
ing—wrong in. 1810, in giving away. Texas—
wrong in 1836, in his sudden and hot brute to get
her' - 'back-.-.wrong in all his machinations for bring
ing on the Texas question of 1849—wrong in
breaking up the armistice and peace negotiation,
between Mexico and Texas—wrong in secretly
sending the army and navy to fightMexico'while
we were at , peace wiih her—wrong in secretly ais7- -
pointing the President Of Texas president general
of the army and navy of the United States, with
leave to fight them against a power With whom
we were' at peace—virrong in writing to Mexico
,that - he took -Texas in s b view of all ; possible con
sequences, meaning-war—wrong in secretly offer
ing Mexico, at the same time; ten millions of dol
lars to hush up the war which he had created....
wrong now in r efusing Mr. Polk three millions to
aid in getting out of the war which be made=
wrong in throwing the blame of this war of his
own making upon, the shoulders of Mr. Polk—
wrong in his ',treat and occupation line of policy
—wrong in expelling old Father Ritchie from the
Senate, who worked so hard for him during the
Texas annexation; and more wrong now, than ev
er, in that string of resolutions which he has laid
upon the table. and, in which, as Sylla saw in the
Cmsar many Marinses, sodo r see in them many
nullification. . .
In a picture of so many, and such dreadful er
rors, iris hard to specify, -the worst, or to 'dwell
upon any one to the exclusion of the rest; but
there is one feature in this picture of enormities
which seems to demand that distinction: 'allude
to the , pledie upon which the armistice and the
peace negotiations between Mexico and Texas
were brOken up in JB44s and those two countries
put back into a state of war, and ourselves
volved in the contest. The story, is briefly told,
and admits of no dispute. The lett:trof the 17th
of January is the accusing record, from which
„there is no escape. Its awful words cannot be
read now, without freezing up the blood. "It is
known, to you that an armistice exists between
Mexico and Texas, and that negotiations for peace
are now goittsron muierthe mediation of two pow. erful sovereigns, mutually friendly. If we yield to
• your solicitation to be annexed to the United
States, tinder these circumstances, we shall draw
upon ourselves a fresh invasion from Mexico, incur
the imputation of bad faith, and lose the friendship
• and respect of the two great mediating povrers,---
Now, will yob,. in the •event of our acceding to
your request-, step between, us and Mexico, and
take the war. off our hands?" This was the letter,
I and• the terrible.question with which-it concluded. -
Mr. Upshur, to whom it was addressed, gave it no
answer. In the forty days that his life was spared,
be gave it no answer. Mr. Nelson, his temporary
successor, gave it an answer; and, speaking for the
President of the United States, positively refused
to take annexation on the condition
.proposed..-:-
This answer was sent to Texas, and put an end .
to all negotiation for annexation.
The senator from South Carolina came into the
Department of State, procured the reversal of the
President's deCision, and gave the pledge to the
whole extent that Texas asked it. 'Without, in the
least, denying the knOwledge of the armistice,
and the negotiations fur peace, and all the terrible
consequences which were to result from their
breach, he accepts the whole, and gives the fatal
pledge which his predecessor had tefused;and fol
loWe4 it up by sending our troops and ships to fight
a people with whom we were at peace--tbe whole
veiled by the mantel of secrecy, and pretested by
motlves as tibtoinided as they were absurd. Now,
what Says morality and Christianity to this . cotr
duet? Certainly if two individuals were engaged
in strife, and two others should part then:4'mA put
them ,under areagreeinent to submit to an amicable
settlement; and while the settlement was going on,
another man, lying behind a badge, should secret
ly instigate one of the parties to break off the a
greement and renew the strife, and promise to take
the fight off his hands if be did: what would mo
rality and Christianity say to this? Surely the
malediction of all good men would fall upon the
man who had interfeted to renew the strife. And
if this would be the voice of all good men in the
case of mere individuals, what would it be when •
the strife was between nations, and when the re
newal of it was to involve a third nation in the
contest, and such a war as we now have with our
sister republic of Mexico- This is the question
which now presents itself to the moral sense of the
civilized World. iii.judging the conduct of the sen
ator from South Carolina in writing that letter of
the 11th of April, 14344 aggravated by now throw
ing upon another the blame of ts war for which he
then contracted.
• Married,
;his morning by Rev. J. F. Mtbre!), Mr.
TOOMAS B. YOV2I - 0 to Miss EsazAssru, daughter
of Mr. John Rutherford, of .Minersville.
March .2, 1847.
-Notice to Contractor'.
OFFICE OF. T/IE friONONO‘A/LELA NAV/OATSOIf CO,
• Pittsburgh, March 3d, 1347.
P ROPOSALS will ha received at this office up to
3 o'clock, P. M.,- on. Monday the- fith day or
April next, forthe construction of an additional cut
atone Lock, at dam No.l, to be fifty-six by two hun
dred and fifty feet in the chamber.
Proposals will state the price for Cash, payments,
also, for payments in Certificates.
• Plans and specifications ofthe work will be ezhibi
ted at the office ten days previous to the letting, and
infrmation respecting the same, will be given by
P anus Lothrop, Esq., Engineer:
PROPOSALS will also be received at thesame timo
and place, for loaning the Company Twenty thou
sand dollars, upon the bonds and certificates.afore
said. S. K. MOORHEAD, Pres't..
Mar3-dtas (Gazette and J4::•.u . nia( copy,)
Pennsylvania Railroad. Company.
L ETTERS Patent bearing date the 25th day or
February A.l). 1847, baying beenissued by the
Governor of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, in
pursuance of the provisions of an Act of the ' General
Assembly of said Commonwealth, entitled "An Act
to incorporate the Pennsylvania Railroad Company."
IV6tice ie hereby given, Thzt the uaderSigned
ing q. majority of the acting Commissioners, have
and do hereby appoint a meeting of the subscribers
to the Capital Stock of said Company to be held on
Tuesduy, the 30th day of March, A. D. 1847, tit ten
o'clock A. M., in the Room of the. Board of Trade,
No. Philadelphia Exchange, in the City of Phila..
delphia, in order to organize said Company, and
then add there to elect thirteen Directors of said
Company agreeably to the provisiontof said Act 4'
Assembly, February 25, 1847.
Thomas P Cope T bl Pettit
Robert Toland George M Stroud • •
David.S Brown, 11 M Watts
James Magee Phillip M Price •
George W Toland Robert Flinn, Jr
J Fisher Learning Wm Musser. • -
11 R Rneaes • T C Rockhill • .
Geo W Carpenter ' john 9 Cash
Elliott Cresson C G Childs
Robert Allen Roberts Steen
Charlie S Wood C Macalirter
Duet Campbell E A Penniman
Johri B Myers Alex Fullerton
A G Ralston Edward Siter L.
-
Gideon scull Archibald Wright
A S Robs ' Henry . Welsh
Win C Patterson John M 'Atwood
B M Hindman A Lewis
John Welsh, Jr Nathaniel Trotter • •
ToWnsend Sharpies/ James Martin
Thomas Spark. John J McCashea -
Charles Humphreys Hugh Catherwood
James Steel - -
Monongahela llrltlge,
Porsinnuin, MAacn 27, 1847.
The Bonds issued by this Company will be paid in
par funds, at the Bank of Pittsburgh, both principal
and interest, as they respectively become due.--
The holders of said Bonds are requested to present
the same for payment, and are notified that the in
terest will:cease and determine on the darthe prin
cipilis at maturity, after which no interest will lin
paid thereon. •
mar3-wit• . * JOHN TIIAWa TIMM.
91 , ' ,7 17.
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