SEMIS Pontrost ptmotrat. A. 3. GERRITSOIII, • - - - Editor. TUESDAY, OCT. 2, 1866. FOR GOVERNOR: HIESTER CLYMER, OY BEERS COUNTY. FOR CONGRESS: CHARLES DENISON, OF LIIZERNE COUNTY Watch the Traders ! We have the most reliable intelligence, from several sources, that an attempt is to be made to deceive Democrats into voting a ticket, which, appearing to be the Democratic ticket, will contain the name of Archbald, instead of that of Den ison. The intention is to hire men, claiming to be Democrats, to circulate these votes among Democrats. Touch no ballots from suspicious men, or those who may attempt to trade votes. See that you vote a ticket like that at the head of our local column. Bogus "List of Deserters !" Election officers and others should re member that the so-called "list of deser ters" has been made up by partisans ; that the intention has been to omit the names of Republicans, or quietly allow them to vote ; that the names of many Democratic soldiers are printed in said lists, who are not deserters—the plan be ing to illegally interfere with the right of suffrage by scaring men away from the The act of Congress, and the act of the Legislature, w•hieh undertook to disfran chise deserters, have both been set aside by the Courts as unconstitutional, and void ; and no deserter can now be disfran chised. Any person attempting to intimidate voters, or interfere with the election by delaying or excluding votes, is liable to prosecution. Remember this; for every man who at tempts to interfere with the rights of ca ters will be arrested and punished accor ding to law. The Soldier vote in the Army. Let the people remember that the old law to allow soldiers to vote in TO'lTilTeilepjiblicans, as unconstitution al, because the soldiers' vote elected a Democratic Sheriff and other officers in Philadelphia in 1861; and an appeal being taken to the Supreme Court by the Re publicans, the soldier vote was thrown out, and the offrces taken from Democrats and given to Republicans ; The next winter there was a Republi can Legislature, but no amendment was offered to the Constitution to allow the soldiers to vote ; But that the Democrats carried the State in 1862, and the next winter (in 1863) when the Democratic Legislature assembled it elected Charles R. Bucka lew to the United States Senate, and adopted an amendment to the Constitu tion so as to allow soldiers the right to vote when out of the State—which right had been taken from theta by the Re publicans ; That RIESTER CLYMER. VOTED FOR THIS AMENDMENT, and DID Nor vote against it, as the Geary men now falsely allege ; That theater Clymer voted for an bills and resolutions to benefit the soldiers or raise their pay; and never voted against any such measure, in the Senate, when organized. All statements made by Geary news papers or speakers, in contradiction to these facts, are willfully false and decep tive, and made to mislead voters. The Right of Deserters to Vote. The Act of Congress of March 3, 1885, declared that deserters from the military or naval service of the U. S., forfeited their rights of citizenship. The Pennsylvania Legislature, by act of June 4th, 1866, prohibited the Judge or Inspectors of any election from receiv ing the ballot of any person embraced in the said act of Congress. The Supreme Court of this State have, however, since decided, in the , case of "Reber es. Reilly," that an election board is not competent to try and convict a cit izen of the crime of desertion—that bis citizen-rights are not lost, until he is con 'rioted and sent enced for that crime, by some judicial tr ibunal, having jurisdiction in the case. The rights of the electors are thus placed upon grounds which pre clude hesitation or mistake. According to the Supreme Court,there fore, an election board cannot lawfully re fuse the ballot of any man upon the alle gation of desertion, whether that allega tion be true or untrue. B. B. &ram, J. B. Iticeoutru. ]Montrose, Sept. 24, 1868; 1,5 41 /AOllO 4(111):S4(0:13iill The " Loyal League" managers of the negro suffrage party are tr.ying to get Democrats to agree to vote a ticket wbicb contains the name of John W. Geary, or James Archbald. They will also try to get such tickets into the hands of Demo crats by deception. Examine your tick ets, and see that they contain the names of Hiester Clymer, and Charles Denison. Take no ticket from any man unless you know him to be reliable ;, and.beware of all who ofFer to trade votes. THE ACT OF THE LEGISLATURE TO "Disfranchise Deserters," DECLARED UNCONSTITUTIONAL VOID, AND OF NO EFFECT !! I It is well-known to all out readers that the act of Congress to disfranchise deser ters has been set aside by the Supreme Court as having no effect. It is also known that, as the act of our Legislature upon the same subject was based upon and recites the act of Congress, that it also became void under the same decis ion; and that no mode was left by which an election board, (or other authority,) could interfere with the right of suffrage. But recently an election board in Schuylkill County was prosecuted for re jecting a deserter's vote; after fall argu ment upon both sides, the Court declared both the act of Congress and the act of the Legislature void and of no effect.— We quote the closing paragraphs of the opinion by Presiding Judge Ryon : " Again, if a citizen of the United States becomes a qualified elector in this State, his rights as an elector do not depend upon his citizenship of the United States. Cit izenship of a State and the United States are distinct and independent rights. They emanate from different sources, and one is not dependent upon the other. Though a State cannot exclude a citizen of the United States and of another State from the enjoyment of any of the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States, yet a State can extend the rights of State citizenship to other persons with in her territorial limits upon easier terms than those which the United States might deem it expedient to impose, and extend to such the franchise of the local sove reignty. We do not wish to be understood to mean that a State can admit aliens or any other class of persons who are not citizens under the Constitution and laws of the United States, so as to give them the privileges and immunities of citizens of the several States, under Sec. 2, art. 3, Coast. U. S or to introduce such as citi e States. State citizenship is an inde pendent and perfect right, and not under the control of the United States ; and hence a citizen of this Commonwealth, possessing the rights of an elector under our local laws, will not be deprived of that right as a consequence of a forfeiture by the United States of bis citizenship of the United States. be field " We think defendants guilty of the of fense charged, in rejecting the vote of the prosecutor. We will add that the legis lature of this State has attempted in a law approved last session, to enforce the act of Congress of the 3d of March, 1865. This act, of the legislature provides that deserters under this law are deprived of rights of citizenship of the United States, and deprived therefore of the rights of an elector in this State: it also imposed pains and penalties on election officers for receiving a vote of a deserter, &c., and also provides that the rolls of the War Department are to be copied by the State officials and a copy thereof deposited with the clerk of the Quarter Sessions in the respective counties, and his certified cop ies of such copies deposited with him,shall be prima facia evidence of desertion. " This law attempts to enforce the pen alties of the act of Congress of 1805 without trial by due process of law, and is an attempt to legislate upon a subject which is regulated by the Constitution of the State, and over which the Legislature has no control. "Again, this act (of the Legislature) pro poses new and other restrictions which are not found in the Constitution of the State. "FOR THESE REASONS WE THINK THIS ACT (OF THE LEGIS LATURE) IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL, AND VOID, AND OF NO EFFECT." Geary and Negro Equality. John W. Geary, the disunion candidate for Governor,now stands fairly and'square ly upon the platform of negro suffrage and negro equality. On the 3d day of September, 1866, he gave the people of Pennsylvania a practical illustration of his sentiments upon this point. In Philadel phia he walked in the same procession with Fed. Douglass and P. B. Randolph, two negro delegates to the " Torch-and- Turpentine Convention." He was pres ent at the League House when Fred. Douglass demanded for his race all the social and political rights now exercised by the white men, and he occupied a seat upon the platform at National Hall, where Randolph, another negro, spoke in behalf of negro suffrage and negro equality. In all his speeches c le panders to the degrad ing sentiment, and 14as himself written the debasing dogma Upon his banner.— White men of Pennsylvania! The issue has been forced upon you, and you must meet, it at the ballot-box on the second Tuesday of October ! Fir See articles on ffrst page. Original Secessionists. Senator Wade, of Ohio, a prominent leader of the "Torch-and-Turpentine fac tion," is bitterly opposing the reconstruc tion policy of the President, by which the Union is to be restored. This is no mar vel. Senator Wade was an original se cessionist, as is apparent from the follow ing extract from a speech of his to be found in the Congressional Globe, of De cember 4, 1865: " If (the men of the South) do not feel interested in upholding this Union—if it really trenches on their rights—if it en dangers their institutions to such an ex tent that they cannot feel secure under it —if their interests are violently assailed by means of this Union—l am not one of those who expect they will long continue under it; I am not one of those who would ask them to continue in such a Union. It would be doing violence to the platform of the party to which I be long. • * • You can not forcibly hold men to the Union, for the attempt to do so, it seems to me, would subvert the first principles of the government under which we live." Senator Wade declared in 1856 that the platform of the Radical party was a dissolution of the Union, and he acts with the same party now, because it has not changed either its principles or its pur poses. His opposition to the President and his policy is thus easily accounted for. Extra Soldiers' Bounty. The Radicals claim the support of the soldiers on the pretense that Congress at its last session provided for the equaliza tion of bounties. This is not so. The bill passed by the " Rump," if its provis ions mean anything, provides for the payment of larger bounties to negroes for a briefer term of serviee than those given to white soldiers who served through the entire war. But it does not provide for the payment of anything to the white soldiers, for it makes no appropriation of money for that purpose. Radical news papers are now claiming that the general appropriation bill covers the bounties.— When did they discover this? Immedi ately on the passage of the bounty bill the New York Tribune estimated the amount required at C'5,000,000, and fixed the probable time of full payment at three years, stating that "inasmuch as there was no money appropriated to pay these bounties, none can he paid until the next session of Congress." The Radicals tried to cheat the white soldiers by the bill they passed, and they now are endeavoring to falsify the real record of the "Rump' in order to obtain the soldiers' vote at the coming election. But the bill to give negroes $3OO extra bounty has in it an appropriation for the payment of the money. South Carolina Legislation. Irc-tautyrar .7 LIM Radicals for keeping the Southern States out of the Union is that they will not guarantee the rights of the freedmen.— The action of the Legislature of South Carolina, which adjourned on the 14th inst., is right in the teeth of this election eering trick. Among the acts passed by that body which relate to tbo colored man and his civil rights, was the following: "An act declaring the rights of persons known as slaves and as free persons of color. This secures to freedmen the right to make and enforce contracts, to sue and be sued, to give evidence, to inherit, pur chase, lease, sell real and personal prop erty, to make bills, enjoy full and equal benefit of personal security, personal lib erty and private property, and of all le gal remedies the same as whites. It fur ther provides for the infliction of the same punishment for the same offences upon whites and blacks alike, and repeals all laws inconsistent herewith, excepting the law declaring marriages between whites and blacks illegal and void." In this way the people of South Carolina have shown their determination to accept the conse quences of the war. They have protect ed the freedman in his civil rights as fully as any of the Northern States, and they are certainly entitled to representation. If this is not granted, then it will be with held for partizan reasons only, and not on the ground that they refuse to recognize the civil rights of the freedmen. Growing Desperate. The Gearyites started out on the cam paign self-confident, and the idea of de feat never crossed their minds. But when Hiester Clymer's voice was heard in be half of Constitutional Liberty at Reading, misgivings took possession of their minds, and as time wore on and Clymer has traversed the State from the Delaware to the Obio, making votes from the Repub lican ranks, wherever he goes, they be gin to tremble for the result. And well may they fear. Clymer is honest and capable, according to the admission of the bitterest Radical. He is popular and every day gaining strength. The Dem ocracy, who know and love him as a leader and advocate of the rights of the people and defender of our free instin tions, rally to his support with an lyre sistable force. The conservative Repub lican who desires a restoration of the Union on the basis of the Constitution, as indicated in the policy of President Johnson, cannot do otherwise than vote for Clymer who is the Johnson candidate. The enemies of negro suffrage and negro equality are supporting Clymer, to a man. A vast majority of our hundreds of thou sands of Pennsylvania Veterans have fought for the Union,and having preserv ed it and restored peace, are determined their efforts must not prove to have been in vain, and are the vanguard of the grand Johnson and Clymer Union Army. 4r* Vote for Clymer and Denison Extracts from the Speech of Mester Olymer at Lancaster, There must always be opposing can didates in a contest like the present, and they must of necessity be the representa tives of opposing principles. I lime my opponent. He is a gentleman who has served his country in two wars. How faithfully he has served, of what value his services has been to the country, I leave his comrades in arms to say. Far be it from me to pluck from his brow a single leaf of any laurel which ho has fairly earn ed as a soldier. [Cheers.] But, my fellow citizens, he appears before you now in a new attitude. He is no longer a soldier. He has entered the political arena, has allowed himself to be set up as the candidate of a party, and as pires to be Governor of three millions of people. When General Geary, or any any man, comes before the people in such an attitude the great question is, what are the principles which he represents ? The people then have a right to scan his public record closely, and it is their boun den duty as intelligent citizens so to do. Have they not a right to examine the re cord of General Geary as much as that of any other candidate for office? So I deem, my fellow citizens, and I shall therefore call your attention to his record for a few moments. He has a record. He made it for him self. Within a year past be has declared himself to be "a Democrat, a lifo-long Democrat, and a Democrat without affix or prefix." From being a Democrat he has changed, by force of what influences I may conjee. are, into a Republican, and has, as I t:,ink I can show you, blossom ed at last into as ultra a Radical as can he found in the State of Pennsylvania. He has fully defined his position. This he has not done by letter, not by a newspaper article, but by holding up to view an el -1 emplar, and selecting one man from the i whole body of this nation as his pattern, his political guide, the model by which he chooses to be weighed and measured as the candidate of the party which nomina ted him for Governor. Who of all the 1 men in the United States has he chosen to point out as his beau ideal of political perfection ? One, my fellow citizens, well Known to you all, a man living in your midst, the candidate of the Republicans of Lancas ter county for Congress, and their present ' representative. You know the man— know him in his private life, and are fa miliar with his career as a public charac ter. It' you approve of his course, vote for him. General Geary has deliberately declared that this man is his political pat tern. His friend and supporter, Thomas Marshall, of Pittsburg, (a truthful gentle man,) stated in the Convention which nominated him, that General Geary had declared to him a day or two previous that lie fully endorsed every act and speech of Thaddeus Stevens. If then, my fellow eitizensuou desire to have Thad tn.rub, ye. J r urn this district, chosen to the United States Senate from Pennsylvania, and elected Governor of the State in the person of my opponent, I advise you to vote for Gen. Geary. [Laughter and applause.] Mr. Stevens has made a record for him self which by adoption has becoin. the record of my opponent. What that re cord is every man before me knows. Yon have heard him declare his opposition to the restoration of the Union ; you have heard hint boldly proclaim his determina tion to break down every barrier between the two races, and to place the negro up on a political and social equality with the white man. (A voice in the crowd—how about the buckshot war.) About that I have only this to say. Through that Thaddeus Stevens first came into notice, when he attempted to inaugurate a revo lution in Pennsylvania, and he has not ceased to play the part ofa revolutionist. The schemes in which he and the Radi cals who follow his lead are engaged are revolutionary, destructive to the Union, destructive to the Constitution,. and de structive to the form of free government bequeathed to us by our fathers. Such is the man whom my opponent has held up as his exemplar, his pattern for a model statesman, all of who•e words and deeds he declares he heartily approves. Thad dens Stevens was Jol,n W. Geary's plat form before he was nominated. When General Geary was nominated, a platform was prepared for him by the Con ' vention which made him their candidate. You have all had a chance to read that document. If you have done so careful ly and intelligently, you will find that it not only endorses all the acts of the radi cal majority in Congress, but that in the eighth section negro suffrage and negro equality is laid down as part of the creed of thatepublican party in this State. Up on that platform General Geary said he took his stand. If he is true to the pledge he then made he must, if elected Govern. or, do all in his power to carry out the principles of that platform. Forney, who is the chief fugleman of my opponent, declared the day after that platform was adopted that by it the right of the negro to political equality was ful ly recognized, and he has been travelling throughout the State advocating what he, in consort with Horace Greeley, denorn• inates "impartial suffrage." Had General Geary himself said one word in regard to the matter, I do not see bow he could possibly deny that he is fully committed to negro suffrage and negro equality. But he took occasion to speak for himself. At a meeting held some weeks since at the Lochiel Iron Works, near Harrisburg, he defined his own position in the following language : " When the question of negro suffrage cornea up, I shall be ready to meet it, and I will say that I am not prepared to deny the right of voting to the colored man." Such, my fellow citizens, is the flat form of my opponent, such the prtnci pies be represents. If you sanction these principles, - then I say to you vote for General Geary. In such a case Ido not ask your vote. But, what is my record ? Illy / enemies have been busy making up one for me. They have distorted my public acts and have not hesitated to utter and persist in the most bare faced and unblushing false hoods. I believe they have never dared to charge me with being dishonest. You have never heard your candidate stigma tized as a thief, have never heard that be was the servant of any corporation, have never known any man to charge him with being a corrupt legislator. But, you have heard the stale cry of disloyalty. All I ask is that the honest masses shall examine my record as it stands. Let that speak for me. Early in the straggle I laid down my platform in plain terms. In almost the first speech I ever made in a deliberative body, in the Senate of Pennsylvania, speaking for my constituency and to some extent for the Democracy of Pennsylva nia, I made use of the following language, which may be found on page 74 of the Legislative Record of 1861 : "I am here to-day to deny for myself,and I believe for the great body of the Demo cratic party of this State, that they re cognize anything like the right of secess ion of any State. I deny, I say, the right of any State to secede, and I go further— I tell you that the Democracy of this State with one heart and feeling, applaud the gallant Anderson for his defense of the property of the United States. If be should go further still, and allow no flag but the Stars and Stripes to float within the range of his guns, I for one, would say amen to his deeds. There I stand. I say that South Carolina has no cause for secession or rebellion, and that it should be put down by the strong arm of the government." Such was the platform which I laid down for myself as early as the Ilth day of January 1861, aad, before God, as I know my own heart, I have never swerv ed one hair's breadth from it. It was my position during the entire war. He who asserts otherwise, is either ignorant of my record or a wilful falsifier. (Loud cheers.) It is said I voted against arming the State, against increasing the pay of the soldiers, and against giving them the right to vote in the field. Now, my fel low citizens, I want to make a bargain with you. It Ido not nail every one of these assertions down as an infamous lie, just as your fathers used to nail counter feit dollars to the counter, when such things circulated, I will not ask a man of yon to vote for me. If I do, I wish you to refute these slanders. Li it a bargain? (Cries of yes, yes.) I accept the terms, and when I have done so, I want these miserable calumniators to stop lying. (llere follows a history of soldier yo ur ton,%vv., 11 tiitai clearly Clytner and the Democratic party. For the points, see article headed " Hiester Clymer in the Senate of Pennsylvania." More of this in next paper.) A little more of the record which has 'been represented as so terrible. I want to nail down every one of these lies for ( ever. It is alleged that I voted arrainst arming the State. True it is that I voted against the first crude and imperfect bill of the kind which was gotten up. I did so because in it. there was no provision against, frauds. That I was right in fear ing outrages of the grossest character would be perpetrated under its loose pro visions was abundantly proven. The brave men who wore the paper-soled shoes that were provided and the miserable shod dy uniforms that would scarcely hang to gether for a day, need not, be told bow the State and the Government were swin dled by a set of greedy and unprincipled men who amassed huge fortunes by their thieving. The Girard House and the Crowingshield frauds attest them; and all the work of the whitewashing com mittee which was appointed never could efface the infamous record of on' rage and wrong—out-rage upon the soldiers and robbery of the public treasury. It' you say I did wrong in endeavoring to protect the soldiers and the State, vote against me. (Loud cheers for Clymer.) When the second and proper bill was proposed in relation to the arming of the State, with provisions properly protecting both the soldiers and the State, I gave it my full concurrence and my most hearty support. So completely was Governor Curtin convinced of my cordial sympathy with him in the matter, that he asked me to name the officers for the companies of soldiers from Berks county; and I had the pleasure of then appointing the man who conies here to-day at the head of the delegation which represents the " Boys in Blue" of Reading. (Loud and prolonged cheering.) Have I disproved the charges made against me? (Cries of yes.) Have I nailed down each one of the falsehoods which have been so industriously circulat ed ? (Cries of yes and loud cheering.) Such, my fellow-citizens, is my record, honestly and fairly stated, as it can be fonnd on the journal of the Senate. On that I appear before you, ask your suf frages, and boldly declare here, as I have done elsewhere, that there is no part of my record of which I need be ashamed or desire to have altered. (Cheers.) Un der the circumstances I will be pardoned for having made my speech so much one of a personal character. AD- WA Banking. Curtis & Miller, Bankers at Susquehan na Depot, Pa., do a general banking bus. iness and receive large or small sums of money on deposit, for which they will al low interest upon the same principle as the New York Savings Banks. Sept. 11. 4w MST= OLY/lIIER IN THE MAD, OF PENNSYLVANIA. J7tb April, 1861—Sumter fired ea. Same day---Joint resolution introduced into the Senate of Pennsylvania, pledging the State to maintain inviolate the Coe. stitution and the Sovereignty of the Uni tea States. Clymer votes aye. See Leg. islative record, page 927. 2d May, 1861-13111 to aid the families of Volunteers who enter the service. Clymer speaks and votes for it. See page 061 and 969. 11th May, 1881—Bill to create a Loan and arm the State introduced. Clymer speaks for small bonds so as to make popular loan. See page 1087. Clymer speaks for better muskets for the soldiera. Page 1091. He votes for the bill. P age 1092. 9th May, 1881—Clymer introduces resolutions for procuring flags for Penn sylvania Regiments. Page 1046. 10th May, 1881—Clymer moves to pro- ceed to the consideration of the resole. 'ion, and they are read and passed final ly. Page 1068. 4th July, 1866—The flags procured en. der this resolution received by the State authorities from the troops, and Hiester Clymer not invited to take part. 17th February, 1862—Thanks to sol diers and sailors for carrying Roanoke Island, Forts Henry and Donelson, and capturing Savannah. Clymer votes aye. Page 258. 23d January, 1862—Clymerpaspg Penn.eaks favor of joint resolution for y in sylvania soldiers in service of United States. Pages 88 and 90. Bth April 1862—Reilly, Democrat, in troduced resolution for Roll of Honor of five companies who marched from Harris burg to Washit ° Tton, on 18th Anril,lB6l. Clymer speaks for it, and says : "It is right and proper that this State should know the names of those gallant men who, in the darkest hours of our dire ne cessity, garrisoned that Capital and stood there ready to protect it from destruc tion." Page 874. September, 1862, Mr. Clymer volun teered as a private in Captain Hunter's Company, and marched into Maryland, under CM. Knotlerer. 11th February, 1863—Amendments to the Constitution, allowing soldiers to ' vote. Clymer votes aye. Page 167. ; sth of January, 1864—Senate met-71. tie between Democrats and Republicans, Penney, the Speaker refused to leave the ehair—the law and Constitution required him to do so. The Democrats regarded ; this as revolutionary and resited it, and rcfused to proceed to business unlil Penney would resign and a Speaker be elected. 9th March, 1864.—Penney resigned, a Speaker was elected, and Senate probeed ed to business. Between sth of January I and 9th of March, the Republicans at tempted to force the Democrats to legis late. This was resisted, and they voted I against proceeding to consider everything thet ices heoli(!lit up, and invariably gave as their reason for so doing, that the Sen ate was not organized. Page 3. Mr. Johnson moved to proceed to the consideration of the Amendments of the Constitution allowing soldiers to vote.— 1 This mot n was defeated by a tie vote. I Clymer voting nay. Reason given, the s enate was r po, organized. 9th March, 1864--The tie was ni,10..k. ed by the election of Mr. 8:. C:air, a new Senator. The Republicans took up the Constitutional Amendment and passed it before Speaker Penney resigned, Clymer did not vote on its passage beempze the Senate was not yet organised. Penney then resigned, and was relected Speaker; Mr. Clymer then, at once asked leave to record his vote in favor of the Amend ment to the Constitution allowing soldiers to vote. The Republicans refused to al low it. Page 341. 30th March, 1864—Resolution intro duced asking Congress to pass the pri vate soldier in coin or its equivalent. Page 536. Clymer speaks in its favor, and says, " it is strange that those who profess so much love for the soldier should here to day resist a proposition so fair and just. Fulsome praise you can give, it is in your line, but, when the sol dier asks for the means wherewith to supply his wife and little ones with the bare necessaries of life, you turn your backs uppn him, and brand as disloyal every man who advocates his claims. It it be disloyal to stand by, guard, protect and defend the poor and humble against the rich and powerful, to be in favor of the soldier rather than of the shoddy con tractor, then I am disloyal." Page 538. 29th April, 1864—Thanks to Meade for Gettysburg, and testitriGnial to Rey nolds introduced. Clymer votes Aye, Page 933. 18th March, 1885—Bill for the main• tenance and education of destitute or phan children of deceased soldiers and sailors up for consideration. Clynae► speaks for it. Appendix, page 62. Votes for it, appendix, page 135. At all times and in all places, lIIESTER CLYMEit Is admitted to be a pure and Honest man. —Gen. Grant believes that it was the intention of the Indianopolis Disunion ists to murder the President. A ban fired by one of them entered his room and passed within a yard of his head. All this was foreshadowed at the Geary Brownlow convention. —The radicals talk loudly and fiercely about " the debt of gratitude" the nation owes " the boys in blue." They showed their idea of gratitude at the last session of Congress when they voted two ye extra pay in this wise : For every white soldier, IMO to $l OO For every negro soldier, 300 200 For every Congressman,
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