A. J. GERRITSON Publisher. } gal; CONGRESS, .ORALS. DENISON . Charles Denison is a clear-beaded pat riotic statesman—a gentleman who has made the Constitution and the laws of his country the study of his life. He comes of s stock that was reared amid the per ils incident to the establishment.of a free government, and consequently knows how to value the perpetuation of our liberties. Besides, he is a gentleman of irreproach able character, of modest demeanor, of experience as a legislator, of mature judg ment and of undoubted ability and iuteg rity. He knows the wants of the people, and knowing, he has both the desire and the ability to supply them. James Archbald is a clever old gentle man, the part owner .and agent of rail roads, and is not posted in public affairs. If elected he would not represent the peo ple or their interests ; but would vote for the exclusive interests of corporations at the expense of the people. Besides this, he is the candidate of the Thad Stevens radicals, and would vote to force negro suffrage upon the State against the wish es of white men. General Grant's Position This noble soldier has taken so firm a stand in support of the President, as to put to confusion the radicals upon all sides. They threw out their skirmishers, they resorted to artifice and strategem to elpture him ; and failing finally in all such feeble efforts, they determined to carry him by storm, and chose as a convenient opportunity the occasion of his appear ance at Cincinnati in advance of the Pres idential party. They knew he would not give them audience, and it was determin ed, therefore, to surprise him in the the atre whither he had gone for the express purpose of avoiding them. But when the leader of the band enter ed his bo; he said bluntly: "Sir, I am no politician ; the President of the United States is my Commander in•Chief; I con , ider this demonstation in opposition to the President of the U nit ed 'States, Andrew Johnson. If you have any regard for me you will take your men away. I am greatly annoyed at this demonstration. I came here to enjoy the theatrical performance. I will be glad to see you to-morrow when the President at rims." This refusal to receive any honors un less they were shared by the President waq n sad blow to the radicals; so they resorted to lying, and had a newspaper Triter get up a nameless article saying Grant had expressed an opinion favorable to Geary and hostile to Hiester Clymer. Of course this was intentionally false ; hut they hoped Grant would not contra dict it. But lo! the General wail) flanks them, as will appear from the 'following &patch sent. to Philadelphia: " WAstrillovoN, Sept. 22.—Gen. Giant denies the reports put in circulation con cerning his preferences as re g ards a vote in your State. The Genera l says, 'his word is that of a soldier, and he has con demned the practice of officers •making political capital off the records of the luny.' It is not in accordance with his way of doing things. "The General regrets exceedingly that his name has been mixed up with local politics. The report as published, is a Ha nle of ,falsehoods. General Grant never made use of the language attributed to him. lie is a warm supporter of the President's policy, and is doing all in his power to Influence every one to the same way of thinking." Ur At a Geary meeting in Bedford, a few nights ago, Aleck McClure, of the Chambersbnrg Repository, said : "This nation cannot survive this shameless dis crimination on account of color and race; there must be perfect equality before the law." Geary and his party advocate wo dis tinction on account of color or race—all must be perfect equality. Archbald would vote for this doctrine if electO to Con- gress. White men note these facts and vote fur Clymer and Denison. The Oregon Legislature. SAN FRANasco, Sept. 23.—A despatch from Salem, Oregon, dated yesterday, says: The Democratic contestants from Grant County have been admitted to seats in the House_, andlthe two [bogus] Republi can members ousted. The House now stands twenty-four Democrats to twenty three radicals. It was through the aid of these ousted members that the negro constitutional amendment was passed in the House. It had been previously passed by the Sea ete. Reidy Ward Beecher's Letters. Rev. Henry Ward Beecher has written a second political letter. Mr. Beecher says he deems his first letter "BOUND IN rrs virws," and he is not sorry he wrote it. His second letter goes into a criticism of some of the acts of the President, but on the great question, vir,: the admission of the South, it reaffirms the views taken in the Cleveland letter and is patriotic and unequivocal. Mr. Beecher says : "Either the advantages of a Union are fallacious or the continuous seclusion of the South froth it, tvill breed disorder, make the future reunion more difficult, mid especially subject the freedmen to the very worst conditions of society which can well exist. No army, no government, and no earthly power can compel the South to treat four millions of men justly if the inhabitants, whether rightly or wrongly, regard these men as the cause, or even the occasion, of their unhappy disfranchisement. But no army, or gov ernment, or power will be required when Southern society is restored, occupied and prospering in the renewed Union." Toward the close of his letter, Mr. Beecher urges the election to Congress of men " who will seek the early admisson of Recreant States." These are the opin ions and desires of all good Conservative Union men, and M. Beecher's reiteration of, them will, gratify all who regarded his first letter as one of the ablest efforts of a strong, but somewhat erratic mind. Geary for Negro Equality. One of the most favored and popular speakers in the late negro-equality Con vention which assembled in Philadelphia, was Frederick Douglass, a colored dele gate from Rochester, New York, who sat in the Northern wing in company with General Geary. He was received by his Republican brethren at the League House and at National Hall with great enthusi asm, and in one of his speeches he thus addressed the faithful : "The question then comes to us. Shall the presence of this vast black population in our mid ft nandft hip " 6 l enl h ''" serves, a b easing to us, and a bl ess ing to the whole country, or a curse to them selves, a curse to us, and a curse to the whole country ? Statesmanship bas but one answer. It was given this morning from the eloquent lips of Senator Yates. Philanthropy has but one answer, and it is given from a thousand pulpits and a thousand platforms to-day. It is this: A thorough and complete incorporation of this whole black element into the American body politic—(cries of "Good,") —anything less than this will prove an atter failure, in my judgment—with a right to the jury -box, the witness-box, and the ballot box." Yes, a thorough incorporation of the Week element into the American body politio•ia the doctrineiof Geary and Arch bald. Vote for Clymer and Denison. "Facts for the Fontana" The Radical journals with an unblush ing effrontery unparalleled in partizan warfare,. are appealing to our adopted cit izens for votes for Geary, who was at one time the most proscriptive Know Nothing in Pennsylvania. Let any candid man ex amine the record of the Radical leaders in this State, and he cannot fail to see the shameles hypocrisy of the disunionists who-are now vainly attempting to secure the support of men whom they once so fearfully persecuted and whose temples of worship they so ruthlessly consigned to the flames. Pollock, Curtin, Kelley, Gea ry, Cameron, Myers, O'Neill, and nearly every oue of their present managers, gave vitality to the Know-Nothing organization and by secret oaths swore to deprive our adopted citizens of the rights which they now claim for the negro. Significant and Important Endorsement _ . of the President. The letter of Henry Ward Beecher fell like a thunderbolt into the camp of the Radicals, filling them with amazement and fear. Following close upon it comes an other letter from another clergyman—a calm, temperate, patriotic letter, from one of the ablest, if not the ablest, and most powerful of. all the orthordox clergymen in the United States. The Rev. Stephen H. Tvng unequivocally and fully endorses the Restoration Policy of President John son. Mr. Tyng has for many years enjoyed the distinction of being one of the very ablest, profoundest, and soundest divines in the Republic; and has always been a radical Republican. I== WELL SUNPAIED Up.—The boys in blue fully comprehend the extra bounty busi ness. A one-armed veteran pithily sum med it up the other day at a meeting in Philadelphia, as" one hundred dollars for the white man, three hundred dollars for the nigger, and two thousand dollars for the member of Congress." The soldier evidently appreciates Radical generosity at its exact value. MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, OCT. 2, 1866. A Radical's Opinion of the Rump Congress. The Republican party, at the-close of the war, had a great meet open to it.— Its leaders had only to show that they comprehended and valued the sound prin ciples-of constitutional liberty, and they might have ruled for years to come. If they lose the support of the country, that •is their own fault. It was their duty and policy to show that if in a war they knew how to use with etibet the enormous pow er of the central government, in peace they were equally ready tore-establish as quickly as possible that local self-govern ment,on which, as the balance-wheel in in our political system, our true and safe progress in liberty depends. As the party in power, during the war they bad used force to an unlimited extent; it was the more necessary that on the restoration of peace they should show a readiness to re turn at once to strict constitutional forms, practices and limitations. But the policy imposed upon the party by those men who unhappily have seized the leadership of it has been just the con trary of this. Their whole political the ory and practice tend dangerously toward a consolidation of power and authority in the bands of the central government.— They have aimed to leave nothing to the States, nothing to that local government, which is our greatest safeguard against despotism. They will make of the Federal government, if they have their way, as overshadowing and all devouring a mon ster as the government of Napoleon is in France. They proceed upon the prin ciple that Congress is to legislate upon all matters whatever; is to interfere in all the relations of society and life, and to establish rules and laws for every event under heaven. Not only do we see a useless and absurd Bureau of Agriculture established, at an expense of hundreds of thousands of dol lars per annum to prepare reports which are published three years after date, and which, when they are fresh have not half the value of a good agricultural paper; and to distribute seeds to farmers who are quite intelligent enough to buy them; bureaus of education, of mining, of in surance, of statistics, are proposed and urged. Thus patronage is increased, office-holders grow more numerous, the NW . Nri m c; n oWas'iq Eirn774„ idlers—the po litical agents of those who appoint them, corrupting the morals of the nation and robbing its industry. This is not all. In pursuance of the same false and perilous theory of consolidation, these men seek to make the general government the pa tron and supporter of all manner of pri vate enterprises and schemes. Not only are steamship lines and other private en teprises legislated on. Not only are steamship lines and other private under takings subsidized; not only are certain branches of manufacture selected as the object of special favoriteism at the ex pense of the general public, and to the impoverishment of the treasury; the evil extends much further. If a mining com pany needs capital, Congress at once makes it a grant of public lands • if an other set of speculators appeal for land to plant trees—which Mr. Bayard Taylor in forms the Tribune nature does much bet ter—Congress hastens to do their bidding. Nor should we wonder, for the men who aim to make the Freedman's Bureau a permanent institution go upon the prin ciple that the office of the general gov ernment is not merely to do justice, brit to feed the poor, to clothe the ragged, to shelter the houseless, provide employment to the unemployed, to tell the people what to buy and where to sell, what to make and how to spend---in short, to surround their lives on all sides with its " fostering" arms, and by making them helpless pre pare them to become the victims of des potism. How perilous such a policy is we may see by reviewing the huge steps already taken on this downward road.— The President has done his utmost to check the attempts of Congress to con centrate and centralize all power in Wash ington. With all his mistakes in other respects, be has shown a true and states manlike comprehension of this danger: he made haste to put out of his own hands all extraordinary power and patron age growing out of the war ; he has by his vetoes prevented the consummation of some of the most mischievous measures. But the centralizers have not heeded his warnings; and it is high time for the country to awaken to the dangers of their course. Already we see this false policy bearing fruit. If a citizen now-a-days suffers wrong he no longer appeals to the laws—he turns to the central government to protect him. The Civil night Act has been several months in force, but instead of requiring those who need it to set the courts in mo tion Congress continues the Freedman's Bureau in operation another year. Thus, by steps which are no less imperceptible, the citizens are trained to undervalue and disregard the laws, and to oast all the re sponsibilities of life from their own shoul ders upon that of the central government. The road leads as surely to ruin as the one called 4 .‘ secession," which has fright ened so many inconsiderate people from the middle path. We have no fear but that the country will see and escape one danger as well as it did the other. But in doing so it will drop the men who are leading it into unsafe paths. If the Re publican party chooses to go with those men, it goes straight towards ruin. It will lose inevitably the best part of its followers, nor will it need a 7'riAune to read these out of the party. The country is now at peace; the condition of affairs is such that men need no longer set aside all other interests to unite upon a single point. Slavery has gone down ; the re bellion has been crushed, and American citizens may once more turn their attention to other and equally important questions. It is a mistake to suppose that one party can now rule by the stale cry that the Union is in danger from either slavery or rebellion.—N. Y. Evening Post. How the late Rebel Soldiers Feel. While the great Union Soldiers' Con vention was in session, the following des patch was received from a meeting of the late rebel soldiers, at Memphis : " MEMPHIS, Sept. 17 :—To the Presi dent of the Soldiers and Sailors' Conven tion, Cleveland, Ohio : " The soldiers of the late Confederate army, met here to-day, and deputed the undersigned to congratulate your Con vention on its effort to restore peace and quietude to the country, and to eipress their deep sympathy with your purpose, and further to assure you that the Con federate soldiers are entirely willing to leave the determination of their rights as citizens of States, and of the United States, to the soldiers of the Union. On our part, we pledge security of life, per son and property, and freedom of speech and opinion to all. A mass meeting will be held here to-morrow night to give for mal expression to their purpose and sen timents. Signed, N. B. Forrest., Leon Trnesdale, M. C. Galloway, M. Jordon, M. Jones, R. Chalmers and L. J. Dupsie." A recess was taken till 3p. m. On re-assembling a response to the Memphis dispatch was read and approved as fol lows: " CLEVELAND, Sept. 18.—To N.B. For rest and others, Memphis, Tenn.: "The National Union Convention of soldiers and sailors assembled here are profoundly grateful for the patriotic sen tarivitpipressed in your dispatch. We peace, prosperity and brotherly affection throughout oar entire country. War has its victims, but peace and Union are bless ings for which we will manfully contend until harmony and justice are restored tin der the Constitution. " Signed.—Gordon Granger, G.A. Cus ter, J. B. Steadman, John E. Wool, Thom as Jr., Thomas Crittenden, Thos. Bramlette, Committee." Statement of Rev. John Laughlin Cath olic Priest of Archbald, Lnzerne Co. " I was drafted and wished to avail my self of the act of Congress entitling per sons of religious scruples to exemption on payment of commutation of three hun dred dollars; but thinking that in Scran ton, for me at least, there was not much chance for fair play, I applied direct to the Secretary of War, and was by him referred to Provost Marshal Fry, received a letter from him to the Provost Marshal of the District empowering him to ex empt me on payment of three hundred dollars. In the absence of Provost Brad ford I was seized by order of a Dr. Moody who acted in the absence of Bradford.— I was most shamefully abused by parties in the office, by being stripped naked, caused to walk about the room in that plight, and otherwise insulted. I was told by Dr. Moody that I was no better than a negro; was cast into the lock-up with, very probably, bounty-jumpers and others of no better repute, then clad in uniform and marched before a picket with fixed bayonets to the depot, and from thence to Philadelphia, to the great joy, as I have good reason to think, of the Radicals of Scranton, as neither Mr. ARCHBALD, Mr. Scranton, Dickson, nor any other of them interfered to pre vent the wanton outrages to which I was exposed. I say wanton, because, when offered the commutation, they should as directed have let me go, but the opportu nity of insulting a Catholic Priest was too good a thing to be lost by them." In the face of such things, these Know- Nothings arc asking Irish Catholics to vote for Geary and Archbald, who would take the right to vote and hold office from the Irish, and give it to the negro. Vote for Denison and Clymer, Slandering the Soldiers. The Radicals are sneering at the sol diers and sailors who took•part in the im mense demonstration of the gallant de fenders of the Republic at Cleveland. In the same spirit John W. Geary, the dis union candidate for Governor, spoke of them at Baumgardner's woods, near York. Upon that memorable occasion ho de nounced all " the boys in blue" who met in convention at Harrisburg, as " shys ters, cowards, skulkers, and hospital bum mers." They will not fail to remember "the hero of Snickerville" at the ballot box ! GEN. GRANT " A ITILITARY AD VENTURER." The Harrisburg Telegraph, Geary's cen tral organ, of the Bth inst„ attacks Gen. Grant in the following insidious and cow ardly manner: "We do not believe that the intelli gent masses of the country will permit themselves 4p be led from the right by any man, however distinguished may be his position in a civil or military sense. We must not forget that Ulysses S. Grant is only a man, with no larger capa city to form opinions on such subjects as the rehabilitation of the South, than two thirds of the respectable men of the na tion. He has no right * to lug in his military reputation to sway the judgment of the people in deciding a civil issue. If Gen. Grant, or any soldier, attempts such a movement, it is the beginning of the end of his military glory. That moment such soldiers would cease to great men, terminating what would otherwise have been immortality of glory on the historic pages of the country's history. If this would not be the case, the destiny of the country must be put entirely in the hands of irresponsible military adventurers. " What applies to Gen. Grant is appli cable to all other soldiers. * The sol dier who attempts thus to mislead the people, puts a poor estimate upon a nation to which he is indebted for his most substantial honors, and should al ways hold himself in readiness to be hurl ed from his high position." If there be any truth in the foregoing in relation to Gen. Grant, with how much greater force may it not be applied to Gen. Geary ? If Gen. Grant is " only a man," is it possible for Geary to be more than Grant? If Grant, illimitably the superior of Geary in everything, has "no larger capacity to comprehend the ques tion of re-establishing the Union "than two-thirds of the respectable men of the nation," how much less must be the ca pacity of the Thad Stevens candidate ? If Grant " has no right to lug in his mili tary reputation to sway the judgment of the people in deciding a civjl issue," has Geary any right to make a "military rep utation" for himself by declaring from the stump that he "set squadrons in the field ;" that "he never met defeat," etc.; and to use that fictitious military reputa tion as tkorei cian - - But, accepting as true the assertions of Geary's supporters that he has a " milita ry reputation" (inferior to Grant's, how ever, of course,) the moment he attempts to use that reputation "to sway the judg ment of people in deciding a civil issue," as he is doing every day in his election eering trips through the State, that mo ment. "is the beginning of the end of his militarl glory." At this moment, therefore, Geary stands divested, by the confession of his central organ, of "an immortality of glory." He has ceased to be a great man, and is a mere " irresponsible military adventurer." We leave the reader to pursue the ap plication. LAST HOURS OF CONGRESS, Among the last acts of the last session of the Radical Congress are some that de serve notice : By a resolution the pay of members of Congress was increased sixty-six per cent. and the employees of the two Houses 25 per cent. The bill to allow pensions to the old soldiers of 1812 was defeated. Reason given—" want of money." A resolution was adopted which appro priates ten thousand acresl of " good land" to the orphan children of eolored soldiers, and is to be called the " Nation al Farm for Orphans." These orphans are to live on this farm, and-it is to.be man aged and worked •by a Bureau, whose offi cers aro to be white men. An amend ment was offered to appropriate a Na tional Farm to the orphans of white sol diem. Not agreed to. Reison—" want of money." Ten thousand bushels of limo were do nated to the colored ladies of Washing ton, who were politely, requested to white wash the houses in which they are living at Government expense. • A joint resolution was adopted direct ing the Secretary of the Interior to con tract with Miss Vinnie Ream, a maid of Massachusetts, for a life-size model and statue of the late President Lincoln, to be executed by her, the price not to ex ceed 810,000. An amendment was of fered appropriating $lO,OOO to aid in the erection of the monument to Geo. Wash ington. Voted down. Reason—" want of money." Mr. Schenck offered a resolution, which was adopted, appropriating $50,000 to a Massachusetts schoolmaster to write out a history of the rebellion ! Another resolution was adopted au thorizing the Secretary of War to con tract with a Massachusetts Yankee for the use of his slimed discovery of the mode of treatment of the disease of hor ses' feet, and his services for one year.— Some $lO,OOO, it is supposed, is to be be stowed upon this Massachusetts disun ioniqt for this humbug liniment! The hill making an additional appropri ation of eleven millions of dollars to the i VOLUME XXIII, NUMBER 40. negro Freedmen's Bureau was adopted, Mr. Banks presented the conference re port on the civil rights bill, which was thereupon read by the clerk. It retains the provisionlorthe increase of the com pensation of members and senators, with an additional amendment fixing the pay of the Speaker_at $B,OOO per annum. A resolution- was then adopted in both Houses appointing a committee on Re trenchment and Reform!—after which the Rump Congress adjourned. The Negro Radicals for Disunion. Frederick Douglass was a regularly chosen delegate to the late disunion Con vention in Philadelphia. He walked arm in arm with the white radicals in their procession, was feasted and petted by the League, and delivered more than one speech, which was enthusiastically ap plauded by them. To show what Doug lass thinks of the Union, in what estima tion he holds Washington, Jefferson,Hen ry, and the soldiers and sages who achiei ed our independence and laid the founda tions of this Republic, we present the fol lowing extracts from a speech delivered by him 'at Syracuse, New York, Jan. 15, 1850 : "I believe that the slaves would be more than a match for the enslavers, if left to themselves. Let the Union, then, be dissolved. I wish to see it dissolved at once. It is the Union of the white people of this country, who can be sum moned in their whole military power to crush the slave, that perpetuates slavery. Dissolve the nion, and they will raise aloft their arms, and demand freedom; and, if resisted, would hew their way to liberty, despite the pale and puny opposi tion of their oppressors. In review of the oppression of this Union, I welcome the bolts, whether from the North or the South—from Heaven or from hell—which shall shiver this Union in pieces. Did our fathers think of holding on to the Union with the British ? Did they look for the ories or precedents to ascertain what were their rights ? No. They laid down the doctrines of equality, consent, and that resistance to tyrants is obedience to God. But after they had achieved indepen dence, they attempted to unite in holy wedlock with the dead body of slavery, and the whole was tainted. Let this un holy thin nnrint tonna I Tninn hn disanlved. of our ancestors. I know that they were slaveholders. This one fact is enough for me. Talk to me of the love of liberty of your Washingtons, Jeffersons, and Hen rys. They were strangers to any great ideas of liberty He who does not lovo justice and liberty for all, does not love justice and liberty. They wrote of liber ty in the Declaration of Independence with one hand, and with the other clutch ed their brother by the throat ! These are the men who formed the Union ! cannot enter into it. Give me no Union with slaveholders. I wish to dissolve the Union of these States, and to do it in a direct way." The Radicals endorse Fred Douglass, and thus endorse his platform—hatred to the Union, and such men as Washington, Jefferson and Henry. This is the issue which must be met by white men. Most of the . States keep an agent, at Wai3bingten.City, , to lOok after -the - inte rests of their soldiers. We gee it; an nounced in the papers that ; the 'agents from N'ew York, Illinois and other Statei arc required to attend to ; the soldiers' extra bounty and' other natters free.of charge: to the soldiers. Pennsyl vania -also -has an agent, , Frank Jerdon,, who draws a large salary .from the tax-payers of the State, but instead of attending to his legitimate business -- be is and has seen for some time at Philadel phia, as the chairman of the radical State committee, figuring for Geary—for Radi cals, and in favor of disunion and negro suffrage; and the soldiers have to divide the pittance prom ised them with the law yers to try to get it collected. Isn't IL time we had a change ? • The chief hope of the Radicals in the pending contest is their ability to colon ize votes, and perpetrate a great fraud at the ballot-box. They are now filllg'satia fied that they cannot carry the election:by fair means. , They know that the popular current is against them. 'Their ranks-are gradually giving way in every section of the Commonwealth. Defection stares them in the face at every point. To coun teract this, they are importing votes into the State, and throwing , them into locali• ties where they can control the election boards. Lot the Democracy be vigilant, and they will certainly foil these dark po litical gamesters in their oraanizect con. spiraey to cheat and defraud the people. —Age. I===l Pennsylvania State Agent. Radical Colonization. gar Another Republican journal—the " Union Republican," at Williamapitort, has taken Geary's name from the bead of its columns. It.eannot go for disunion, negro suffrage and negro equality.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers