A. J. GERRITSON, Publisher.' For the 'Democrat. The Great Conflict Between Democ tact and Abolitionism—Or be tween Liberty and Despotism. "The Republic pis consolidated. The Union, as it Was, hasforever passed away." So said these ancient conspirators against the Union Of "our fatheri3; and' they thus describe their process of, smelting the States -and- " hanimering"` them into a consolidated republic through the furnace of war. • This organ of the monarchists says, in March, 1863 "Are we premature in saying that this war was decreed ? that the consolidation of the republic is in a train of accomplish ment'- Look at the closing measures of Congress. Every act is subversive of the old order of things. Every man in the republic is made a soldier. The President calls him out. Nothing depends on the Governors of States. If Governor Sey mour chooses to be disloyal, it matters not. He cannot throw the great State of New York across the Resident's path. When her freemen fight, -they will fight under the orders of the President. Here tofore the country has been . couvulsed clamors against the President - for a-nam ing authority to suspend thetvrit as corpus. That pica will avail no longer. The power his been given him in accord ance with the express provisions of the Constitution. The Governor of New York, or of any other State, undertaking to thwart the administration in the pros. ecution of the war will forthwith be put in custody. Congress have, however, justly annexed the addition, that every accused person shall have an immediate trial. Citizens are not to be thrown into I Fort Lafayette, by a Secretary and there left, for an indefinite period, deprived of the right to prove their innocence, or, if guilty, of their right to be hung. Tde President is invested with a power almost titial to that of a dictator. s To complete the idea of national con solidation, the President is entrusted with the power of creating money to the extent of a billion of dollars, in addition to more than a billion already expended. The central government possesses all the money of the nation. It takes into its own hands the banking system of the country, thus wielding a power ten fold more formid-thle than that which aroused the hostility of Jackson. "The general government possesses tWe whole power of the army. The con nection of the State Governors with the raising of recruits is now little more than nominal. The conscript ion ant doe <I 1101 rely on thein t;tr its execution. Tin central machinery is perfect without, :•:taiu intervention. States have become pr ,, vinces, and every man capable of be ir:,, a soldier is place at the disposal of the E‘t•etitive. If any one chooses to ignore I:,i, clement of consolidation, we would ask hint to say in what respect the cen tralization of military power in France or Russia, exceeds our own. The consolida tion of civil power will keep pace with that of the military. If the one is gov erned by a single central spring, so will be the others. - Ere long, the so e ldiers of our army will be voters as well as fighters; and an army invariably calls for a strong government. The truth is, no nation on earth, ever-made such rapid strides in the work of consolidation as' we have done for the last two years. States and Gov ernors, so far from being jealous of cen tralization, are doing their utmost to strengthen the' federal power. It needs no amended Constitution to effect this work. If the government triumphs we are henceforth a Consolidated Republic." This consalidated.repablic.4 to be an other Hayti, a government of blacks: and mulattoes. -In February, 1864, their plans are given oat under the head of "A New Country." They say : "The United States will be altogether a new country. A city rebuilt after the prostrations of an•earthquake will not be the same as before. It will be built after new models, corresponding to the advanc ment of ideas. The fabric of ten States has been Swept away, and several others Are tottering to their foundations. They must be rebuilt, will it be after the old Winkle ? Ile must be a very Rip 'Van Winkle that can believe it ? The distinc tion of color will vanish, as no' definite line can be drawn between white and black. Men cry out against amalgama tiou, but the cry comes too late. The race peopling the South is no longer Af rican, it is a mixed white race. How are we to accomplish that interesting prob lem, the restoration and preservation of the races in all their purity ? We might as well attempt to draw the line between English, Irish, - French and Ger man, and pass laws to preserve them in separate tribes, as to attenipt, the. resto ration o f pure blood,!.and permanent dis tinction of black and white'at- the -South. Finally we shall have a government 'of immense strength. It will be strong be cause consolidated. It will .be strong be cause the majority will have the phySiCal as well -as the legal power.- It may or may - not be hazardous to concentrate su preme power in a . single.legislatiie body, with a single executive arm; but is what' Ave have been doing, and shalicontinue to d". The power which 'the President wields . euornionS; greater, perha_p_s, than any other potentate on earth: 'We do not say that our new country will be a paradise, or that the new union will, ne cessarily be a permanent one. That de pends on the virtue and intelligence of the people." In January 1868, these monarchists con tinue as follows : "It became apparent soon after our groat struggle commenced, that States,-as such, must lose a portion of their power, while that of Congress must increase.— Accordingly we find that at the close of the war, the work of consolidation com mences. The first and most beneficial result of the new order of things, is seen in the doings of the Freedmen's Bureau. We give a synopsis of the bill in another column. This is the heaviest blow at State Rights that has ever been struck." History therefore, will pronounce Pres ident Johnson the greatest patriot and hero, that has lived since the patriots and heroes of the Revolution passed away.— By his veto of that bill of abominations, he rendered powerless the heaviest blow that has ever been struck against the lib ertia of the American people, since George the third attempt% to reduce them to slavery to the British Crown.— That it was, and is the intention of that party to establish a monarchy in this once free country, there is not a shadow of doubt. Had President Johnson accepted the power offered hide, American liberty wou:d have been at an end. "The power which the President wields," says the writer above, "is greater, probably, than that of any other potentate on earth." This power, immensely increased, was t;a3sferred to President Johnson, who says of the Freedmen's Bureau : " such a system as the bill proposes, would inev imbly tend to such a concentration of power in the Executive, that it would en ab:e him, if so disposed, to control the action of a.numerous class, and use them for the attainment of his own political ends. Such a power, in time of peace, certainly ought not to be trusted to any one man." This power was offered Pre . sident John son in the expectation that he would be willing, for the sake of making himself Dictator for life, to co-operate with the Abolitionists in the destruction of the government. Ile eaya the Civil. Rights Loll interferes with the municipal legisla tion of the States, is an absorption and assumption of power by the General Gov ernment, which if acquiesced in, must sap and destroy out . federal system of limited powers, and break down the bar rier. 4 which preserve the rights of the States. It is another step toward cen tralization and the concentration of all legislative powers in the National Gov eminent. So far a , the dissolution of the Union was concerned, one is as bad as the other, and tends to the same end—the destruction of the government." No person can trutlifully'Say that the President has misstated the facts of the ease, as he found them. The Abolition ists said the consolidation of the repub lic was in a train of accomplishment.— The President said the same. The Abo litionists gave out their purpose to destroy the old government and build a new one; the President says their measures all tend to that end. The difference between them, is this. The Abolitionists claim that the war ' , aye them the right to tear down the old ''Union and build a new govern ment to suit themselves. The President says they are traitors, no.better than the traitors South, for all they wanted was a government of their own. The Southern rebels were for separation—the Northern rebels for consolidation, and both waging war for'the same end—the destruction of the government. The President says their legislative acts, since the war ended are treasonable. For these acts alone, it might be difficult to indict them—but here we have the proof that they wore engaged in committing real treason for four years. The Constitution says " Trea son shall consist only in levying war against the United States," &c. Now here is the proof that Abolition Members of Congress actually levied war against the United States, for the purpose of ;e -ducing a portion, or all of them to prov inces. They said "Henceforth we are a United State, rather than States." They declare that this revolution was decreed ; that Congress when passing war measures, professedly to preserve the Union—was actually waging a war for its overthrow, and that every act was to subvert the freegovernment of our fathers and estab lish a Consolidated Republic on its ruins. The Conscription bill of Henry Wilson, as• will be proven, was for that very pur pose, as were all their war measures.— Congress in 1861, passed a resolution de fining the object of - the war, so that all might know, when-they voluriteered their services, what they , wore to battle for. They said, "This- war is' not prosecuted on our part, for any purpose of conquest or subjugation, but to preserve.the Union, with all the dignity, equality * and rights of the States unimpaired." The Abolitionists changed the purposes . of - the war. Governor Hamilton of Tea ls, a speaker for the Republicans in Penn- SYlvania, says, "Congress has the' right to blot out State lines, if , neeessary, and romp the country as it thinks proper," -while Secretary Seward says: "In a prac tical sense,ot least,. the States were be fore the American Union. Even while MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, SEPT. 4, 1866. they were Colonies of the British Crown, they still were embryo • States—several, free, self-existing, and indestructible. Our federal republic exists, and henceforth and forever must exist by the combination of these self-existing States." To blot out these States then, and re map the country, would blot out the Union; would blot out the United States of America, and make another nation. And yet C ongress claims the right to do all this and declares that ten States are in reality obliterated from the Union. This is treason transcending in guilt the treason of Jefferson Davis himself, for he only levied war to compel the separation of these self-existing States, while these Northern rebels carried on a war for their annihilation pod destruction. That these Abolitionists are conscious traitors will be clearly proven. That they are revolutionists identical with the revo lutionists who made the rivers of France to run with innocent blood—and ordered General Lafayette to the guillotine, for doing precisely what President Johnson is doing now—trying to maintain the Constitution of his country, and to stop them in their* bloody career—will be proven beyond cavil or doubt, and that al. the loathing horror, with which every historian has portrayed the characters of the actors in that awful tragedy, is justly due the leaders in this wicked crusade against the white people of the South, who, they are determined shall either submit to be ruled by negroes, or expelled from the Union, and exiled from their country. Burglar Caught and Pounded to Death with Croquet Mallets. Wednesday afternoon, while a voting girl, the dauzhter of one of our old zens, was sitting in the drawing-room, she heard a slight noise in the hall. She walked softly to the door, and discovered the front door ajar and the thief walking quickly, though very stealthily, up stairs. She waited a moment, then following cau tiously, observed him enter a front cham ber, the dolir of which being open, expos ed to view a tempting array of jewelry and other articles of bijouterie scattered about the toilet bureau. With a presen . oo of mind wonderful in one so young, she hastily closed and fastened the door, but not before catching a glance of a most vicious pair of eyes. She descended to the trawing-room, almost overcome. with agitation at the success of the bold ex periment, for she was alone in the house. She waited in breathless anxiety until dark, when her parents returning, she communicated the startling intelligence to them of the thief she had so dexter ously caged. Mr. Smith se:zed a mallet and Mrs. Smith another, and both ascended to the chamber. Upon entering they discovered the thief partially screened by the bureau. Mr. Smith demanding his business there, received no reply, saving a malignant glance, accompanied by a dash toward - the door, which Mrs. Smith quickly pushed to, while Mr. Smith gave him a blow with his mallet. The wretched creature now rushed from one side of the room to the other, making frantic efforts to escape the blows leveled at him by Mr. and Mrs. Smith. Finally a crushing blow on the head stretched him senseless. One would have supposed that humanity should now have prompted a cessation of hos tilities, but .Mr. Smith was seen to kick the inanimate form, and Mr. Smith carried him down stairs and threw him, all bleed ing and senseless, into the street. In the morning the poor outcast was found stark and stiff, havinc , probably bled to death during the night. The Common Council have taken no stepi to remove the remains, and they are still to be seen in the vicini ty of the Baptist Church. During the melee a blow from the pa terfamilias aimed at the robber came near disabling Mrs. Smith instead, •while a - fierce lunge from her mallet, (they were croquet ; mallets,) shattered several valua ble panes of glass. It is to be hoped the fate of this unfortunate thief may prove a salutary lesson to other evil-doers.—Erie Dispatch, Aug. 3d. The Rebellion at an End. The President has issued a Proclamation declaring that the Rebellion is at an end throughout the whole country. The Proc. I .atnation is too long for our paper this week. It concludes as follows: Now, therefore, I, Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, do hereby proclaim and declare that the insurrection which heretofore existed in the State of Texas is at an end and is hencefoith to be so regarded in that State, as in other States before named, in which the said insurrection was proclaimed to be at an end by the aforesaid proclamation of the 2d day of April. And I do further pro claim that said insurrection is at au end, and that peace, order, tranquility and civil authority now exist in and through out the whole of the United States of America. The newspapers at New Orleans publish that the details of the riot at that eitr, published at the North, by the radical press• are all wrong—Maliciously distorted to•suit certain political 'clews. The Soldiers'.Convention. The following is the call for the Con vention of Soldiers, which will be held at Cleveland, Ohio, instead of Chicago, 111., as heretofore announced: To the Soldiers and Sailors who served in the Army and Navy daring the late rebellion :—ln uursuance of a resolution of a meeting of soldiers now or lately in the Union army, held in this city last evening, we invite those of you who ap prove of the restoration policy of the President, and the principles announced by the National Union Convention at Philadelphia, to assemble at Cleveland, on the 17th; day of September next for consultation on the momentous issues now convulsing our country. We need not ar gue to you at length the importance .of these issues, nor your duty to take part in their settlerent. After five years of fierce and destruc tive war, in which our arms were glori ously triumphant, the Union for which we fought is still practically unrestored.— Why is this? We struggled to maintain the rightful supremacy of the General Government, to conquer all who iu arms assailed its authority, and to make every rebellious citizen yield to the laws. We held through the war, that the Union was indissoluble, and its powers as expounded by its Courts, supreme ; that no State can of its own motion withdraw, or at the will of its sister States be excluded, and that the duty of each State to main tain the Union and its right to take part in the Government are alike absolute. - Every object of the war ever recogniz ed by or known to the army and navy has been thoroughly achieved. The Southern people, decimated, impoverished and subdued, have for more than a year past abandoned the Rebellion and now only ask that the Union for which we fought may be recognized as existing, and that they may be dealt with as the Con stitution and laws prescribe. In their anxiety to restore the true Union, and bring harmony to its councils, they have gone beyond a mere silent submission to its laws. Through their delegates at the Nation al Union Convention they solemnly re nounced the doctrines of nullification and secession, from which the war arose, re pudiated the rebel debt, and declared of sacred obligation the National debt, pro claimed the faith of the natiGn pledged to the continuance of bounties and pen sions to loyal soldiers' and sailors and their families, declared slavery forever abolished, and the freedmen entitled to the legal protection of the laws, in person and property, with their former masters. Their platform is not only one of emphat ic loyalty, but it is, moreover, most libe ral in spirit on all the great issues growing out of the war. The character of the men who repre sented the Southern States in that Con vention precludes us from believing this enunciation of principles to be insincere. They sent to it their foremost statesmen —men who, like Rives, Graham, Orr, Par sons, Sharkey, Huston, Brockenborough, Hunt, Manning and Stephens, were known throughout the land before the war, as men of the highest character and influ ence. Among the Svc hundred delegates from the South there was not a voice dis senting from the resolutions adopted by the Convention. If the best of the Southern people are ever to be believed we must accept these solemn declarations as sincere. We do accept them as con clusive evidence that a great majority of the Southern people, sick of war and an archy, and longing for a restoration of free government, are ready to bear true allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the Union. We are, therefore, unwilling to see the Southern people held longer in vassalage. They are our countrymen, citizens of the United States, who have incurred penal ties, but who have rights. Those who wilfully participated in the rebellion and are unpardoned are subject to the penal ties prescribed for treason. But though individuals may be tried, convicted and punished, communities cannot, nor can the States and their people, without a plain violation of . the Constitution, be de nied the right of representation through men personally qualified in the counsels of the nation. The intention of Congress seems to be to deprive them of representation just so long as it suits the purposes of the radi cal party. Many assert that it will con cede the right whenever the constitution al amendment shall have been adopted, and each proscribed State shall have rat ified it. But it is quite certain that the amendment will not be ratified by three fourths of the States, and therefore, that it will not be adopted. Some, perhaps many of the Northern States will reject it, and we cannot expect its legal ratifica tion by any of the lately insurrectionary States. If there were no other reason why the Southern States will reject it, it is enough that it proposes to disfranchise nearly all the men in the South who have influence over the mass of the people. If none were to be disfranchised except officers of the Itebel army, we still could not expect the South to adopt it. For a large ma jority of the men in the lately insurrec tionary States, through compulsion or choice, served in the Rebel armies, and their votes alone would overwhelmingly defeat it. Would Union soldiers to re cover political privileges disfranchise their leaders, whom they love and revere for their heroic virtues P How, then, can we expect Southern sol diers to disfranchise and degrade their old commanders. As there is no proba bility that the amendment will be ratified by three-fourths of the States, the plan of restoration whichCongresslappears to have determined on is at best impracticable. That proposed by the President and ap proved by the National Union Convention is feasible,:and we believe safe. We have no fear that the South can ever overthrow the Federal Government, or ever disturb its career of power and glory. They will be the last of the States to rebel, and if they eh all again rise in insurrection the loyal people can and will subdue, and, if need be, destroy them. The Government has asserted its pow er for self-preservation, and the devasta tion and misery of the South proclaim to this generation, at least, the crime and and the terrible penalties of treason. Be holding their woes and contrasting their weakness and our strength, we could af ford to show the confidence and courage of magnanimity. We might well let our vanquashed opponents arise, and like James Fitz James at Corltangle Ford, staunch their wounds and forgive their treason. But we are not asked to be magnanimous,but only consistent and just. This we cannot refuse to be without a violation of the Constitution of our coun try and a risk of its utter overthrow. We seek and will have no association in political action with men, North or South, who are not avowedly, in our opinion sincerely faithful to the constitu tional principles for which we fought.— But if men who have taught or practiced treason now openly renounce their errors, and maintain with us the true principles of our Government, we shall not reject their co-operation, when the - restoration of the Union and the preservation of our form of Government are in issue, howev ever much we regret to cherish political associations and to co-operate with former enemies. We must prefer to act with those who have been wrong and are now right, rather than with those who were right, and now are wrong. Believing that our Government is again in peril, we appeal to you who have fought to save it, and who hold it dearer and more sacred than all party ties, to come to their rescue.— Let the soldiers and sailors agreeing with us in sentiment, but who cannot in per son attend, send delegates through the action of their societies, or of local con ventions. Let us meet in force at Cleve land on the 17th of September, the anni versary of the day when the Constitution was proclaimed by our forefathers, and let us aid in restoring the Union it cre ated, and the liberties it was ordained to secure. G. A. CUSTER, Maj.-Gen. U. S. A. A. D. McCoox, Ditaj.-Gen. L. H. ROUSSEAU, Maj.-Gen. Gno. CROOK, Maj.-Gen. S. MEREDITH, Brevet . M.aj.- Gen. THOS. EWING, Jr., Brevet .Maj.-Gen Committee on Address. WASHINGTON, Aug; 19, 1866. We cordially approve the call for the Convention, and recommend the holding of local conventions to co-operate in the movement. (lIAJOR-GENEIW.B.) James B. Steadman, F. P. Blair, H. W. Slocum, Daniel E. Sickles, Gordon Gran ger, John A. McCiernand, D. N. Couch, W. W. Averill, H. E. Davies, Jr., Orlan do B. Willcox, A. S. Williams,,Gersham Mott, Hugh Erving, Theo. Runyon, Thos. Kelly Smith, A. M. B. Franklin, Thos. L. Crittenden, M. R. Patrick, Alvin C. Gill eman, J. G. Bartlett, G. K. Warren, Jeff. C. Davis, Joseph F. Knipe, A. H. Mark land, Supt. U. S. Mail ; Martin S. McMa han, Brevet Major-General; H. H. Heath, John M. Oliver, A. M. G. Wade, Henry A. Morrow. (BRIGADIER GERM/ALS.) George P. Este, A. G. McCook, Geo. Spalding, C. Whittaker, 0. B. Swetzer, W. W. Davis, W. C. Whittaker, John L. Cruxton, Wm. Baaltz, Wm. Harthorn, J. S. Fullerton, G. Winters, E. B.Brown, 0. G. Parkhurst, Geo. H. Hall, R. A. Vaughn, James Craig, M. L. L. Smith, J. C. MoFerron, J. W. Frizell, Ford. Van Dorveer, Thos. Curley, E. S. Bragg, Chas. G. Halpine, H. S. Commagor, H. C. Hobart, H. C. Dunlap; C. 0. Loomis, C. Fairchild, Henry Bertrand, C. W. Blair, J. K. Mills, Chas. Y3lack , Durbin Ward, John L. Colcull, Quinn Morton, David Murphy, John M. Richardson, Marcus Boyd, J. 0. Brodhead, W. B. Rogers, James Peckham, T. T. Crittenden, Sain'l R. Mott, H. F. Baker, P. H. Alback, Jas. Munn, Henry Barnes, Richard McAllis ter, D. W. Bliss, John. Atkinson; Col's Graham, M. A. Fitch, Henry Harr, L. A. Harris, George Gray, Wm. H. Ent, J. P. Linton, James George, John Heacook, John Howard, Win. R. McCrcery, H. M. Bulkley, C. D. Pennypaoker, J. C. Mc- Kibben, John F. Phillips, M. K. Green, J. W. Glover, John E Phelps, M. Flesh,. Cul. Byrne, and fifty other officers. VOLUME XXIII, NUMBER 36. Gen. (teary and the Solders. We have never yet written. line,asays Col. Davis, in the Doylstown Democrat, in criticism or derogation of the military career of Gen. Geary, the disunion candi date of this State. We have known him for years, and our personal relations have ever been of the most pleasant kind. We served together in the Mexican war, and were both officers in the late war, which were additional reasons why we have never assailed' his military record. We have opposed his election solely -on the ground of want of capacity as a states man, and because of .the radical disunion platform on which he stands. It appears, however, that he has no regard for the military reputation of gentlemen whit dl.; ffer from him in politics, whom he assails regardless of truth or common decency. At a speech which he made at York 'on the 9th instant, in speaking of the late Soldiers' Convention at Harrisburg, he made use of the following paragraph: _ " When I look around this assemblage and feel that around me are fellow sol diers who have borne arms with me from the first battle of Bull Run, not one or two of them from a regiment as was the case at Harrisburg, a few days ago —shy.. sters and cowards, sktilkers and hospital bummers. I know such is the fact, for I have driven thentfrom the army myself." When Gen. Geary made use "of-the above expression he knew that he. mut. telling a LIE, but this knowledge did not restrain him from committing an act that disgraces him in the eyes of all honorablp men. Such a known and willful falsehoed, will render him INFAMOUS. The cloak of charity, that has covered him in the past, will no longer shield him from the merit ed castigation his short-comings in milita ry and civil life invite. For ourself, and' the thirteen other delegates who attended the Convention from this county, Aye pro nounce the charge of Gen. Geary to' he false in every particular and that in mak ing it he has proved himself an unmiti gated liar. Ze'The Lancaster Intelligencer agrees to argue with any Republican paper and prove the following facts. Ist. That the first vote of thanks to the soldiers which passed the'Legislature of Pennsylvania, was moved by a Demo- crat,in a Democratic Legislature,and pass ed by Democratic votes. 2d. That the very first' resolution• ask ing Congress to increase the pay of a pri vate soldier, was introduced into the Leg islature of Pennsylvania by a Democrat, and the Republican majority would not vote for any proposition for instructing Congress to fix the pay of the private soldier at a higher figure than the paltry sum of thirteen dollars a month. 3d. That the Republican party were tbit first to deny the legality of an election held by soldiers in the field, and thefirst to carry a case to the Supreme Court, when the old law allowing soldiers to voteis camp was decided to be unconstitutional ; that the bill amending the Constitution of the State so as to allow soldiers and sailors to vote .was originated in a Democrat% Committee by Democrats and carried through a Democratic Legislature by the votes of Democrats : and Hiester Clymer never did oppose nor vete against it. Qar The Tribune is beginning to learn. For many years past it has contopied that there is no difference between a . white man and a negro but in the coler of his skin. It now informs its readers that it, has discovered that a negro's nose is not like that of a white man; and it is not improbable that before the eleiliof the century it will find out that "allied prisons" grow wool on their heads', Cer- tainly "the world moves." . A Cress IN MU1316.-" First craft ia ered music, stand up. How many kinds of metre are there?" " Three,sir —long metre, short, metro, and meet her. by moonlight stoner "Who told yon that, you booby?' "13ill'Jones, sir." "Go to your seat. Whim school hover we will try and establish the key note of a birch." GENERAL GnArrr's presence al She White House when the President recciy. ed the deputation from the Sae tiqual.Union Convention, has greatly/As. turbed and excited the 'ladled disunion ist& They naturally feel chagrined Orate. many brave and gallant sohliers of the Union are with the President in bit, pat. efforts to save the Republic. g'At Mobile,Ala., an insane woman on Saturday last brew her infant into the red bot furnace of a rolling mill where the iron was fusing. tirSome curious genius has diseovei. ed, that, out of thirty millions of people, two millions write their names 'with Mn ",11on." before them. .„ Ilar Andrew Johnson is in favor ' of Union, Restoration and Conatitutionid Liberty. John W. Geary, t h e auk* of the Radicals for Governor, is bitterly 9p posed to the Prosident'a policy. ljrnOrt men of Pennsylvania, bear this 'in Mina at the ballot-box.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers