A. J. GERRITSON, Publisher.'
For the 'Democrat.
The Great Conflict Between Democ
tact and Abolitionism—Or be
tween Liberty and Despotism.
"The Republic pis consolidated. The
Union, as it Was, hasforever passed away."
So said these ancient conspirators against
the Union Of "our fatheri3; and' they thus
describe their process of, smelting the
States -and- " hanimering"` them into a
consolidated republic through the furnace
of war. • This organ of the monarchists
says, in March, 1863
"Are we premature in saying that this
war was decreed ? that the consolidation
of the republic is in a train of accomplish
ment'- Look at the closing measures of
Congress. Every act is subversive of the
old order of things. Every man in the
republic is made a soldier. The President
calls him out. Nothing depends on the
Governors of States. If Governor Sey
mour chooses to be disloyal, it matters
not. He cannot throw the great State of
New York across the Resident's path.
When her freemen fight, -they will fight
under the orders of the President. Here
tofore the country has been . couvulsed
clamors against the President - for a-nam
ing authority to suspend thetvrit
as corpus. That pica will avail no longer.
The power his been given him in accord
ance with the express provisions of the
Constitution. The Governor of New
York, or of any other State, undertaking
to thwart the administration in the pros.
ecution of the war will forthwith be put
in custody. Congress have, however,
justly annexed the addition, that every
accused person shall have an immediate
trial. Citizens are not to be thrown into I
Fort Lafayette, by a Secretary and there
left, for an indefinite period, deprived of
the right to prove their innocence, or, if
guilty, of their right to be hung. Tde
President is invested with a power almost
titial to that of a dictator. s
To complete the idea of national con
solidation, the President is entrusted with
the power of creating money to the
extent of a billion of dollars, in addition
to more than a billion already expended.
The central government possesses all the
money of the nation. It takes into its
own hands the banking system of the
country, thus wielding a power ten fold
more formid-thle than that which aroused
the hostility of Jackson.
"The general government possesses
tWe whole power of the army. The con
nection of the State Governors with the
raising of recruits is now little more than
nominal. The conscript ion ant doe <I
1101 rely on thein t;tr its execution.
Tin central machinery is perfect without,
:•:taiu intervention. States have become
pr ,, vinces, and every man capable of be
ir:,, a soldier is place at the disposal of the
E‘t•etitive. If any one chooses to ignore
I:,i, clement of consolidation, we would
ask hint to say in what respect the cen
tralization of military power in France or
Russia, exceeds our own. The consolida
tion of civil power will keep pace with
that of the military. If the one is gov
erned by a single central spring, so will
be the others. - Ere long, the so e ldiers of
our army will be voters as well as fighters;
and an army invariably calls for a strong
government. The truth is, no nation on
earth, ever-made such rapid strides in the
work of consolidation as' we have done
for the last two years. States and Gov
ernors, so far from being jealous of cen
tralization, are doing their utmost to
strengthen the' federal power. It needs
no amended Constitution to effect this
work. If the government triumphs we
are henceforth a Consolidated Republic."
This consalidated.repablic.4 to be an
other Hayti, a government of blacks: and
mulattoes. -In February, 1864, their
plans are given oat under the head of "A
New Country." They say :
"The United States will be altogether
a new country. A city rebuilt after the
prostrations of an•earthquake will not be
the same as before. It will be built after
new models, corresponding to the advanc
ment of ideas. The fabric of ten States
has been Swept away, and several others
Are tottering to their foundations. They
must be rebuilt, will it be after the old
Winkle
? Ile must be a very Rip 'Van
Winkle that can believe it ? The distinc
tion of color will vanish, as no' definite
line can be drawn between white and
black. Men cry out against amalgama
tiou, but the cry comes too late. The
race peopling the South is no longer Af
rican, it is a mixed white race. How are
we to accomplish that interesting prob
lem, the restoration and preservation of
the races in all their purity ? We
might as well attempt to draw the line
between English, Irish, - French and Ger
man, and pass laws to preserve them in
separate tribes, as to attenipt, the. resto
ration o f
pure blood,!.and permanent dis
tinction of black and white'at- the -South.
Finally we shall have a government 'of
immense strength. It will be strong be
cause consolidated. It will .be strong be
cause the majority will have the phySiCal
as well -as the legal power.- It may or
may - not be hazardous to concentrate su
preme power in a . single.legislatiie body,
with a single executive arm; but is what'
Ave have been doing, and shalicontinue to
d". The power which 'the President
wields . euornionS; greater, perha_p_s,
than any other potentate on earth: 'We
do not say that our new country will be a
paradise, or that the new union will, ne
cessarily be a permanent one. That de
pends on the virtue and intelligence of
the people."
In January 1868, these monarchists con
tinue as follows :
"It became apparent soon after our
groat struggle commenced, that States,-as
such, must lose a portion of their power,
while that of Congress must increase.—
Accordingly we find that at the close of
the war, the work of consolidation com
mences. The first and most beneficial
result of the new order of things,
is seen
in the doings of the Freedmen's Bureau.
We give a synopsis of the bill in another
column. This is the heaviest blow at
State Rights that has ever been struck."
History therefore, will pronounce Pres
ident Johnson the greatest patriot and
hero, that has lived since the patriots and
heroes of the Revolution passed away.—
By his veto of that bill of abominations,
he rendered powerless the heaviest blow
that has ever been struck against the lib
ertia of the American people, since
George the third attempt% to reduce
them to slavery to the British Crown.—
That it was, and is the intention of that
party to establish a monarchy in this once
free country, there is not a shadow of
doubt. Had President Johnson accepted
the power offered hide, American liberty
wou:d have been at an end. "The
power which the President wields," says
the writer above, "is greater, probably,
than that of any other potentate on earth."
This power, immensely increased, was
t;a3sferred to President Johnson, who
says of the Freedmen's Bureau : " such a
system as the bill proposes, would inev
imbly tend to such a concentration of
power in the Executive, that it would en
ab:e him, if so disposed, to control the
action of a.numerous class, and use them
for the attainment of his own political
ends. Such a power, in time of peace,
certainly ought not to be trusted to any
one man."
This power was offered Pre . sident John
son in the expectation that he would be
willing, for the sake of making himself
Dictator for life, to co-operate with the
Abolitionists in the destruction of the
government. Ile eaya the Civil. Rights
Loll interferes with the municipal legisla
tion of the States, is an absorption and
assumption of power by the General Gov
ernment, which if acquiesced in, must
sap and destroy out . federal system of
limited powers, and break down the bar
rier. 4 which preserve the rights of the
States. It is another step toward cen
tralization and the concentration of all
legislative powers in the National Gov
eminent. So far a , the dissolution of the
Union was concerned, one is as bad as
the other, and tends to the same end—the
destruction of the government."
No person can trutlifully'Say that the
President has misstated the facts of the
ease, as he found them. The Abolition
ists said the consolidation of the repub
lic was in a train of accomplishment.—
The President said the same. The Abo
litionists gave out their purpose to destroy
the old government and build a new one;
the President says their measures all tend
to that end. The difference between
them, is this. The Abolitionists claim that
the war ' , aye them the right to tear down
the old ''Union and build a new govern
ment to suit themselves. The President
says they are traitors, no.better than the
traitors South, for all they wanted was a
government of their own. The Southern
rebels were for separation—the Northern
rebels for consolidation, and both waging
war for'the same end—the destruction of
the government. The President says
their legislative acts, since the war ended
are treasonable. For these acts alone, it
might be difficult to indict them—but
here we have the proof that they wore
engaged in committing real treason for
four years. The Constitution says " Trea
son shall consist only in levying war
against the United States," &c. Now
here is the proof that Abolition Members
of Congress actually levied war against
the United States, for the purpose of ;e
-ducing a portion, or all of them to prov
inces. They said "Henceforth we are a
United State, rather than States." They
declare that this revolution was decreed ;
that Congress when passing war measures,
professedly to preserve the Union—was
actually waging a war for its overthrow,
and that every act was to subvert the
freegovernment of our fathers and estab
lish a Consolidated Republic on its ruins.
The Conscription bill of Henry Wilson,
as• will be proven, was for that very pur
pose, as were all their war measures.—
Congress in 1861, passed a resolution de
fining the object of - the war, so that all
might know, when-they voluriteered their
services, what they , wore to battle for.
They said, "This- war is' not prosecuted
on our part, for any purpose of conquest
or subjugation, but to preserve.the Union,
with all the dignity, equality * and rights
of the States unimpaired."
The Abolitionists changed the purposes
. of - the war. Governor Hamilton of Tea
ls, a speaker for the Republicans in Penn-
SYlvania, says, "Congress has the' right
to blot out State lines, if , neeessary, and
romp the country as it thinks proper,"
-while Secretary Seward says: "In a prac
tical sense,ot least,. the States were be
fore the American Union. Even while
MONTROSE, PA., TUESDAY, SEPT. 4, 1866.
they were Colonies of the British Crown,
they still were embryo • States—several,
free, self-existing, and indestructible. Our
federal republic exists, and henceforth
and forever must exist by the combination
of these self-existing States."
To blot out these States then, and re
map the country, would blot out the
Union; would blot out the United States
of America, and make another nation.
And yet C ongress claims the right to do
all this and declares that ten States are
in reality obliterated from the Union.
This is treason transcending in guilt the
treason of Jefferson Davis himself, for he
only levied war to compel the separation
of these self-existing States, while these
Northern rebels carried on a war for their
annihilation pod destruction.
That these Abolitionists are conscious
traitors will be clearly proven. That they
are revolutionists identical with the revo
lutionists who made the rivers of France
to run with innocent blood—and ordered
General Lafayette to the guillotine, for
doing precisely what President Johnson
is doing now—trying to maintain the
Constitution of his country, and to stop
them in their* bloody career—will be
proven beyond cavil or doubt, and that
al. the loathing horror, with which every
historian has portrayed the characters of
the actors in that awful tragedy, is justly
due the leaders in this wicked crusade
against the white people of the South,
who, they are determined shall either
submit to be ruled by negroes, or expelled
from the Union, and exiled from their
country.
Burglar Caught and Pounded to Death
with Croquet Mallets.
Wednesday afternoon, while a voting
girl, the dauzhter of one of our old
zens, was sitting in the drawing-room,
she heard a slight noise in the hall. She
walked softly to the door, and discovered
the front door ajar and the thief walking
quickly, though very stealthily, up stairs.
She waited a moment, then following cau
tiously, observed him enter a front cham
ber, the dolir of which being open, expos
ed to view a tempting array of jewelry
and other articles of bijouterie scattered
about the toilet bureau. With a presen . oo
of mind wonderful in one so young, she
hastily closed and fastened the door, but
not before catching a glance of a most
vicious pair of eyes. She descended to
the trawing-room, almost overcome. with
agitation at the success of the bold ex
periment, for she was alone in the house.
She waited in breathless anxiety until
dark, when her parents returning, she
communicated the startling intelligence
to them of the thief she had so dexter
ously caged.
Mr. Smith se:zed a mallet and Mrs.
Smith another, and both ascended to the
chamber. Upon entering they discovered
the thief partially screened by the bureau.
Mr. Smith demanding his business there,
received no reply, saving a malignant
glance, accompanied by a dash toward - the
door, which Mrs. Smith quickly pushed to,
while Mr. Smith gave him a blow with his
mallet. The wretched creature now
rushed from one side of the room to the
other, making frantic efforts to escape the
blows leveled at him by Mr. and Mrs.
Smith. Finally a crushing blow on the
head stretched him senseless. One would
have supposed that humanity should
now have prompted a cessation of hos
tilities, but .Mr. Smith was seen to kick
the inanimate form, and Mr. Smith carried
him down stairs and threw him, all bleed
ing and senseless, into the street. In the
morning the poor outcast was found stark
and stiff, havinc , probably bled to death
during the night. The Common Council
have taken no stepi to remove the remains,
and they are still to be seen in the vicini
ty of the Baptist Church.
During the melee a blow from the pa
terfamilias aimed at the robber came near
disabling Mrs. Smith instead, •while a
- fierce lunge from her mallet, (they were
croquet ; mallets,) shattered several valua
ble panes of glass. It is to be hoped the
fate of this unfortunate thief may prove a
salutary lesson to other evil-doers.—Erie
Dispatch, Aug. 3d.
The Rebellion at an End.
The President has issued a Proclamation
declaring that the Rebellion is at an end
throughout the whole country. The Proc.
I .atnation is too long for our paper this
week. It concludes as follows:
Now, therefore, I, Andrew Johnson,
President of the United States, do hereby
proclaim and declare that the insurrection
which heretofore existed in the State of
Texas is at an end and is hencefoith to be
so regarded in that State, as in other
States before named, in which the said
insurrection was proclaimed to be at an
end by the aforesaid proclamation of the
2d day of April. And I do further pro
claim that said insurrection is at au end,
and that peace, order, tranquility and
civil authority now exist in and through
out the whole of the United States of
America.
The newspapers at New Orleans publish
that the details of the riot at that eitr,
published at the North, by the radical
press• are all wrong—Maliciously distorted
to•suit certain political 'clews.
The Soldiers'.Convention.
The following is the call for the Con
vention of Soldiers, which will be held at
Cleveland, Ohio, instead of Chicago, 111.,
as heretofore announced:
To the Soldiers and Sailors who served
in the Army and Navy daring the late
rebellion :—ln uursuance of a resolution
of a meeting of soldiers now or lately in
the Union army, held in this city last
evening, we invite those of you who ap
prove of the restoration policy of the
President, and the principles announced
by the National Union Convention at
Philadelphia, to assemble at Cleveland,
on the 17th; day of September next for
consultation on the momentous issues now
convulsing our country. We need not ar
gue to you at length the importance .of
these issues, nor your duty to take part
in their settlerent.
After five years of fierce and destruc
tive war, in which our arms were glori
ously triumphant, the Union for which we
fought is still practically unrestored.—
Why is this? We struggled to maintain
the rightful supremacy of the General
Government, to conquer all who iu arms
assailed its authority, and to make every
rebellious citizen yield to the laws. We
held through the war, that the Union was
indissoluble, and its powers as expounded
by its Courts, supreme ; that no State
can of its own motion withdraw, or at
the will of its sister States be excluded,
and that the duty of each State to main
tain the Union and its right to take part
in the Government are alike absolute. -
Every object of the war ever recogniz
ed by or known to the army and navy
has been thoroughly achieved. The
Southern people, decimated, impoverished
and subdued, have for more than a year
past abandoned the Rebellion and now
only ask that the Union for which we
fought may be recognized as existing, and
that they may be dealt with as the Con
stitution and laws prescribe. In their
anxiety to restore the true Union, and
bring harmony to its councils, they have
gone beyond a mere silent submission to
its laws.
Through their delegates at the Nation
al Union Convention they solemnly re
nounced the doctrines of nullification and
secession, from which the war arose, re
pudiated the rebel debt, and declared of
sacred obligation the National debt, pro
claimed the faith of the natiGn pledged
to the continuance of bounties and pen
sions to loyal soldiers' and sailors and
their families, declared slavery forever
abolished, and the freedmen entitled to
the legal protection of the laws, in person
and property, with their former masters.
Their platform is not only one of emphat
ic loyalty, but it is, moreover, most libe
ral in spirit on all the great issues growing
out of the war.
The character of the men who repre
sented the Southern States in that Con
vention precludes us from believing this
enunciation of principles to be insincere.
They sent to it their foremost statesmen
—men who, like Rives, Graham, Orr, Par
sons, Sharkey, Huston, Brockenborough,
Hunt, Manning and Stephens, were known
throughout the land before the war, as
men of the highest character and influ
ence.
Among the Svc hundred delegates
from the South there was not a voice dis
senting from the resolutions adopted by
the Convention. If the best of the
Southern people are ever to be believed
we must accept these solemn declarations
as sincere. We do accept them as con
clusive evidence that a great majority of
the Southern people, sick of war and an
archy, and longing for a restoration of
free government, are ready to bear true
allegiance to the Constitution and laws of
the Union.
We are, therefore, unwilling to see the
Southern people held longer in vassalage.
They are our countrymen, citizens of the
United States, who have incurred penal
ties, but who have rights. Those who
wilfully participated in the rebellion and
are unpardoned are subject to the penal
ties prescribed for treason. But though
individuals may be tried, convicted and
punished, communities cannot, nor can
the States and their people, without a
plain violation of . the Constitution, be de
nied the right of representation through
men personally qualified in the counsels
of the nation.
The intention of Congress seems to be
to deprive them of representation just so
long as it suits the purposes of the radi
cal party. Many assert that it will con
cede the right whenever the constitution
al amendment shall have been adopted,
and each proscribed State shall have rat
ified it. But it is quite certain that the
amendment will not be ratified by three
fourths of the States, and therefore, that
it will not be adopted. Some, perhaps
many of the Northern States will reject
it, and we cannot expect its legal ratifica
tion by any of the lately insurrectionary
States.
If there were no other reason why the
Southern States will reject it, it is enough
that it proposes to disfranchise nearly all
the men in the South who have influence
over the mass of the people. If none
were to be disfranchised except officers of
the Itebel army, we still could not expect
the South to adopt it. For a large ma
jority of the men in the lately insurrec
tionary States, through compulsion or
choice, served in the Rebel armies, and
their votes alone would overwhelmingly
defeat it. Would Union soldiers to re
cover political privileges disfranchise their
leaders, whom they love and revere for
their heroic virtues P
How, then, can we expect Southern sol
diers to disfranchise and degrade their
old commanders. As there is no proba
bility that the amendment will be ratified
by three-fourths of the States, the plan of
restoration whichCongresslappears to have
determined on is at best impracticable.
That proposed by the President and ap
proved by the National Union Convention
is feasible,:and we believe safe. We have
no fear that the South can ever overthrow
the Federal Government, or ever disturb
its career of power and glory. They will
be the last of the States to rebel, and if
they eh all again rise in insurrection the
loyal people can and will subdue, and, if
need be, destroy them.
The Government has asserted its pow
er for self-preservation, and the devasta
tion and misery of the South proclaim to
this generation, at least, the crime and
and the terrible penalties of treason. Be
holding their woes and contrasting their
weakness and our strength, we could af
ford to show the confidence and courage
of magnanimity. We might well let our
vanquashed opponents arise, and like
James Fitz James at Corltangle Ford,
staunch their wounds and forgive their
treason. But we are not asked to be
magnanimous,but only consistent and just.
This we cannot refuse to be without a
violation of the Constitution of our coun
try and a risk of its utter overthrow.
We seek and will have no association
in political action with men, North or
South, who are not avowedly, in our
opinion sincerely faithful to the constitu
tional principles for which we fought.—
But if men who have taught or practiced
treason now openly renounce their errors,
and maintain with us the true principles
of our Government, we shall not reject
their co-operation, when the - restoration
of the Union and the preservation of our
form of Government are in issue, howev
ever much we regret to cherish political
associations and to co-operate with former
enemies.
We must prefer to act with those who
have been wrong and are now right,
rather than with those who were right,
and now are wrong. Believing that our
Government is again in peril, we appeal
to you who have fought to save it, and
who hold it dearer and more sacred than
all party ties, to come to their rescue.—
Let the soldiers and sailors agreeing with
us in sentiment, but who cannot in per
son attend, send delegates through the
action of their societies, or of local con
ventions. Let us meet in force at Cleve
land on the 17th of September, the anni
versary of the day when the Constitution
was proclaimed by our forefathers, and
let us aid in restoring the Union it cre
ated, and the liberties it was ordained to
secure.
G. A. CUSTER, Maj.-Gen. U. S. A.
A. D. McCoox, Ditaj.-Gen.
L. H. ROUSSEAU, Maj.-Gen.
Gno. CROOK, Maj.-Gen.
S. MEREDITH, Brevet . M.aj.- Gen.
THOS. EWING, Jr., Brevet .Maj.-Gen
Committee on Address.
WASHINGTON, Aug; 19, 1866.
We cordially approve the call for the
Convention, and recommend the holding
of local conventions to co-operate in the
movement.
(lIAJOR-GENEIW.B.)
James B. Steadman, F. P. Blair, H. W.
Slocum, Daniel E. Sickles, Gordon Gran
ger, John A. McCiernand, D. N. Couch,
W. W. Averill, H. E. Davies, Jr., Orlan
do B. Willcox, A. S. Williams,,Gersham
Mott, Hugh Erving, Theo. Runyon, Thos.
Kelly Smith, A. M. B. Franklin, Thos. L.
Crittenden, M. R. Patrick, Alvin C. Gill
eman, J. G. Bartlett, G. K. Warren, Jeff.
C. Davis, Joseph F. Knipe, A. H. Mark
land, Supt. U. S. Mail ; Martin S. McMa
han, Brevet Major-General; H. H. Heath,
John M. Oliver, A. M. G. Wade, Henry
A. Morrow.
(BRIGADIER GERM/ALS.)
George P. Este, A. G. McCook, Geo.
Spalding, C. Whittaker, 0. B. Swetzer,
W. W. Davis, W. C. Whittaker, John
L. Cruxton, Wm. Baaltz, Wm. Harthorn,
J. S. Fullerton, G. Winters, E. B.Brown,
0. G. Parkhurst, Geo. H. Hall, R. A.
Vaughn, James Craig, M. L. L. Smith,
J. C. MoFerron, J. W. Frizell, Ford.
Van Dorveer, Thos. Curley, E. S. Bragg,
Chas. G. Halpine, H. S. Commagor, H. C.
Hobart, H. C. Dunlap; C. 0. Loomis, C.
Fairchild, Henry Bertrand, C. W. Blair,
J. K. Mills, Chas. Y3lack , Durbin Ward,
John L. Colcull, Quinn Morton, David
Murphy, John M. Richardson, Marcus
Boyd, J. 0. Brodhead, W. B. Rogers,
James Peckham, T. T. Crittenden, Sain'l
R. Mott, H. F. Baker, P. H. Alback, Jas.
Munn, Henry Barnes, Richard McAllis
ter, D. W. Bliss, John. Atkinson; Col's
Graham, M. A. Fitch, Henry Harr, L. A.
Harris, George Gray, Wm. H. Ent, J. P.
Linton, James George, John Heacook,
John Howard, Win. R. McCrcery, H. M.
Bulkley, C. D. Pennypaoker, J. C. Mc-
Kibben, John F. Phillips, M. K. Green,
J. W. Glover, John E Phelps, M. Flesh,.
Cul. Byrne, and fifty other officers.
VOLUME XXIII, NUMBER 36.
Gen. (teary and the Solders.
We have never yet written. line,asays
Col. Davis, in the Doylstown Democrat,
in criticism or derogation of the military
career of Gen. Geary, the disunion candi
date of this State. We have known him
for years, and our personal relations have
ever been of the most pleasant kind. We
served together in the Mexican war, and
were both officers in the late war, which
were additional reasons why we have
never assailed' his military record. We
have opposed his election solely -on the
ground of want of capacity as a states
man, and because of .the radical disunion
platform on which he stands. It appears,
however, that he has no regard for the
military reputation of gentlemen whit dl.;
ffer from him in politics, whom he assails
regardless of truth or common decency.
At a speech which he made at York 'on
the 9th instant, in speaking of the late
Soldiers' Convention at Harrisburg, he
made use of the following paragraph: _
" When I look around this assemblage
and feel that around me are fellow sol
diers who have borne arms with me from
the first battle of Bull Run, not one or
two of them from a regiment as was the
case at Harrisburg, a few days ago —shy..
sters and cowards, sktilkers and hospital
bummers. I know such is the fact, for I
have driven thentfrom the army myself."
When Gen. Geary made use "of-the
above expression he knew that he. mut.
telling a LIE, but this knowledge did not
restrain him from committing an act that
disgraces him in the eyes of all honorablp
men. Such a known and willful falsehoed,
will render him INFAMOUS. The cloak of
charity, that has covered him in the past,
will no longer shield him from the merit
ed castigation his short-comings in milita
ry and civil life invite. For ourself, and'
the thirteen other delegates who attended
the Convention from this county, Aye pro
nounce the charge of Gen. Geary to' he
false in every particular and that in mak
ing it he has proved himself an unmiti
gated liar.
Ze'The Lancaster Intelligencer agrees
to argue with any Republican paper and
prove the following facts.
Ist. That the first vote of thanks to
the soldiers which passed the'Legislature
of Pennsylvania, was moved by a Demo-
crat,in a Democratic Legislature,and
pass
ed by Democratic votes.
2d. That the very first' resolution• ask
ing Congress to increase the pay of a pri
vate soldier, was introduced into the Leg
islature of Pennsylvania by a Democrat,
and the Republican majority would not
vote for any proposition for instructing
Congress to fix the pay of the private
soldier at a higher figure than the paltry
sum of thirteen dollars a month.
3d. That the Republican party were tbit
first to deny the legality of an election
held by soldiers in the field, and thefirst to
carry a case to the Supreme Court, when
the old law allowing soldiers to voteis
camp was decided to be unconstitutional ;
that the bill amending the Constitution of
the State so as to allow soldiers and sailors
to vote .was originated in a Democrat%
Committee by Democrats and carried
through a Democratic Legislature by the
votes of Democrats : and Hiester Clymer
never did oppose nor vete against it.
Qar The Tribune is beginning to learn.
For many years past it has contopied
that there is no difference between a .
white man and a negro but in the coler of
his skin. It now informs its readers that
it, has discovered that a negro's nose is
not like that of a white man; and it is
not improbable that before the eleiliof
the century it will find out that "allied
prisons" grow wool on their heads', Cer-
tainly "the world moves." .
A Cress IN MU1316.-" First craft ia
ered music, stand up. How many kinds
of metre are there?"
" Three,sir —long metre, short, metro,
and meet her. by moonlight stoner
"Who told yon that, you booby?'
"13ill'Jones, sir."
"Go to your seat. Whim school hover
we will try and establish the key note of
a birch."
GENERAL GnArrr's presence al She
White House when the President recciy.
ed the deputation from the Sae
tiqual.Union Convention, has greatly/As.
turbed and excited the 'ladled disunion
ist& They naturally feel chagrined Orate.
many brave and gallant sohliers of the
Union are with the President in bit, pat.
efforts to save the Republic.
g'At Mobile,Ala., an insane woman
on Saturday last
brew her infant into the
red bot furnace of a rolling mill where the
iron was fusing.
tirSome curious genius has diseovei.
ed, that, out of thirty millions of people,
two millions write their names 'with Mn
",11on." before them.
.„
Ilar Andrew Johnson is in favor ' of
Union, Restoration and Conatitutionid
Liberty. John W. Geary, t h e auk* of
the Radicals for Governor, is bitterly 9p
posed to the Prosident'a policy. ljrnOrt
men of Pennsylvania, bear this 'in Mina
at the ballot-box.