RECONSTRUCTION. A i Partial Report of the Oongression Committee. Important Testimony of Alexander H. Stephens, WasmikffiTort, April 16.—The testimony reported to-day from the Committee on Re construction embraces the examination of a dozen witnesses relating to the condition of Arkansas, Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia. It is conflicting in its character in respect to all the States excepting the former, about which all the witnesses so far ex amined agree in testifying favorably. We have room only for the testimony of Alex.- ander H. Stephens in relation to the condi tion of Georgia. Mr. Stephens was sworn and examindd by Mr. Boutwell, as follows: - Q. What means have you had since Lee's surrender to ascertain the sentiments of the peopie of Georgia with regard to the Union ? A._l was at home in Georgia at the time of the surrender of Gen. Lee and remained there until the 11th of May, and during that time conferred very freely with the peoPle in my immediate neighborhood, with the Governor of the State, and with one or two other leading or prominent men in the State. From the 11th of May until my re turn to Georgia which was the 25th of October; I had no means of knowing any thing of.the public sentiment then except through the public press and such letters as I received. From the time of my return until I left the State on my present , visit here 'I had very extensive intercourse with the Re:Tie, visiting Augusta, visiting Mill edgeville during the session of the Legis lature, first on their assembling, again in January, upon their reassembling, and again in the latter part of Februal.y. While there I conversed very freely and fully with all-the prominent leading men or most, of them in the Legislature, and met a great many of the prominent, influential men of the State not connected • with the Legisla ture, and by letters from and correspon dence with men in the State, whom I have' not' met, I believe that embraces a full anSwer , to the question as to my means of ascertaining the sentiment of the people of that State upon the subject stated in the question. Q. As the result of your observation,what is your opinion of the purposes of the people with,reference to the reconstruction of the Govbrinneltt; and whatare their desires and purposes concerning the maintenance of the government? A. My opinion—and decided opinion—is that an overwhelming majority of the people of Georgia are exceedingly anxious for the reconstruction of the Gov ernment, and for the State to take her for mer position in the Union, to have her Se nators and Representatives admitted into Congress, and to enjoy all her rights and didcharge all her obligationsas a State under the Constitution of the United States as it stands amended.- Q. What are their present views concern ing the justice of the rebellion? Do they at present believe that it was a reasonable and proper undertaking, or otherwise? A. My opinion of the sentiment of the people of Georgia upon that subject is that the exer cise of the right of secession was resorted to by - them from a desire to render their liber ties and institutions more secure, and a be lief onstheir part that this was absolutely necessary for that object. They were divided upon the question of the policy of the mea sure; there was, however, but very little di vision among them upon the question of the right of it. It is now their belief, in my opmion—and I give it merely as an opinion —that the surest, if not the only hope for their liberties, is the restoration of the Con stitution of the United States and of the Gov ernment- of the United States under the Con stitution. Q. Has there been any change of opinion as to the right of secession as a right in the people or irithe States? A. I think there has been 'a very decided change of opinion as to the policy by those who favored it; I think the people generally are satisfied suf ficiently with the experiment never to re sort to that measure of redress by force, whatever may be their own abstract ideas upon that subject; they have given up all idea of a maintenance of these opinions by , a resort to force; they have come to the -conclusion that it is better to appeal to the forums of reason and justice, to the halls of legislation and the courts for the preser vation of the principles of constitutional liberty, than to the arena of arms; it is my settled conviction that there is not any idea cherished at all in the public mind of Georgia of ever resorting again to secession or to the exercise of secession by force; that the whole policy of the maintenance of their rights, in my opinion, is at this time totally -abandoned. Q. But the opinion as to the right, as I understand,remains substantially the same? A. I cannot answer as to that; some may have changed their opinion in this respect; it would be an unusual thing as well as a difficult matter for a whole people to change their ,convictions upon abstract truths or principles; I have not heard this view of the subject debated or discussed recently, and I wish to be understood as giving my opin ion only on that branch of the subject which is of practical character and importance. Q. To what do you attribute the change of opinion as to the propriety of attempting to maintain their views by force? A. ;Well, sir, my opinion about that—my individual opinion, derived from observation—is, that this change of opinion arose mainly from the operation of the war amongst them selves, and the results of the conflict from their own authorities in their indiVidutal rights of person and property, the general breaking down of constitutional barriers which usually attend all protracted Wars. Q. In 1861, when the ordinance of seces sion was adopted by your State, to what extent wasdt supported by the people? A. After the proclamation of. President Lin coln calling out 75,000 militia, under the cir cumstances it was issued, and blockading the Southern ports,' and the s saspension of the writ of h - abeas corpus, the Southern cause s as it was termed, received the almost unanimous support of the people of Georgia. Before, they were much divided on the question of secession, but afterwards they supported the cause, within the range of my khowledge, with very few exceptions There were some few exceptions, not ex ceeding .half a dozen.. I think the impres sion then prevailing was that public liberty was endangered, and they supported the causabacause of their zeal for constitutional right's. They still differed very , much as to the ultimate• object to be obtained and the means to be used; but these differences yielded to the emergency of the appre hended common danger. Q. Was not the ordinance of secession adopted earlier in date than the proclama tion for the seventy-five thousand volun teers. 4. Yes, sir; I stated that the people were very' much divided on the question of the ordinance of secession, bat after the proclamation the people became almost unanimous in the cause. Some looked to an adjustment - or- settlement of the contro- - versy upon any basis that would secure their constitutional rights; others looked to a separate Southern nationality as their only object and hope, These different views as to the nitimate object did'not interfere with the general active support of the cause. la. Was there a popular vote upon the ordinance of secession? A. Only so far as s in the election of delegates to the convention. Q. There was no subsequent action? A. No, sir. The ordinance of secession was never submitted to a popular vote after trards.• Q. Have you any opinion as to the vote it would have received, as compared with the whole, if it had been submitted to the free action of the ppople. , , Witness. Do you rnean'aftr A:Was adopted by the convention?„_...: Mr. Boutwell—Yea, after it was adopted by the convention, if it had been submitted forthwithorwithin reason Ole tinier A. Taking the, then state of things Into consideration, South Carolina, Florida and Mississippi, I think, having seceded, my opinion is that - a majority of 'the` people would have ratified it—perhaps a decided or large majority; if, however, South,Carolina and the other States had not adopted their ordinance of secession, I am very well satis fied that a majority of the people of Georgia, and perhaps' a very decided majority, would have been against secession if her ordinance had been submitted to them; but as matters stood at the time, if the ordinance had been submitted to the popular vote' - of the State, it would have been sustained; that is my judgment and opinion about that matter. Q. What was the date of the Georgia ordi nance? A. The 18th or 19th; I think the 19th of January, 1861, though I am not cer tain. Q. Theßuestion of secession was involved in the election of ; delegates to that oonven fion, was it not? A. Yes, sir. , Q. What was the result of the election,as far as the convention expressed any opinion upon the question of secession? A. I think the majont3rwas about thirtyin the conven tion in favor of secession; do•not recollebt the exact vote. Q. Ina convention of how many? A.- In conTengon. :baSbd. upon . the numher of Senators and members of the House in 'the General Assembly of the State; the exact number I do not recollect, but I think it was near three hundred, perhaps a fevrover or under.' , Q. Was there any difference in the differ ent narts of the State in the strength of the Uniiin sentiment at that time? A. In some of the motmtain - counties the Union senti ment was generally prevalent; the cities, towns and villages were generally for se cession throughout the State, I think; with some exceptions; the anti-secession senti ment was more general in the rural districts and in the mountain portions of the State, yet the people of some of the upper coun ties were, very active and decided. secession ists. There was nothing like a sectional disunion of the State,at all; for instance,the delegation from Floyd county, in which the city of Rome is situated, in the upper part of the State, was an able one, and strong for secession, while the county of Jefferson, down in the interior of the cotton belt, sent one of the most' prominent delegations for the Union. I could. designate other partic ular counties in , that way throughout the State, showing that there was not what might be termed a sectional or geographical division of the State on the question. Q. In what particular did the people be lievartheir constitutional liberties were as sailed or endangered from the Union? A. Mainly, I would say, in their internal, social polity, and their apprehension from the general consolidating tendencies of the docrines and principles of that political party which had recently succeeded in the choice of a President and Vice President of the United States. It was the serious ap prehension thatif the Republican organiza tion, as then constituted, should = succeed to power, it would lead ultimately to a vtrtual subversion of the Constitution of the United States and all its essential guaran tees of public liberty; I think that was the sincere and honest conviction in the minds of our people. Those - who opposed 'seces sion did not apprehend that any such re sult would necessarily follow the elections which had taken place; they still thought that all their rights might be maintained in the Union and under the Constitution, especially, as there were majorities in both Rouses of Congress who agreed with them on. Constitutional questions. Q. To what feature of their internal social policy did they apprehend danger? A. Principally the subordination of the African race, as it existed under their laws and in stitutions. Q. In what spirit is the emancipation of the slaves received by the people? A. Gene rally it is acquiesced in, and accepted, I think, in perfect good faith, and with a dis position to do the best that can be done in the new order of things in this particular. Q. What at present are the relations sub sisting between the white and the black people, especially in the - relation of em ployer and employed? A. Quite as good. I think, as in any part of the world that ever I have been in, between like classes of employer and employe; the condition of things in this respt, on my return last fall, was very different from what it was when I left home for my present visit to this city; during the fall, and np to the close of the year, there was a general opinion prevailing among the colored people that at Christmas there would be a division of the lands, and a very general intention on their part not to make any contracts at all for the present year. Indeed there were very few contracts, I think, made throughout- the State until after Christmas or about the first of Jan ualy. General Tillson, who is at the head of the bureau in the State, and whose ad ministration has given very general satis faction to our people, I think, was very ac tive in disabusing the minds of the colored people from their error in this particular. He visited quite a number of places in the State, and addressed large audiences of col ored people, and then they became satisfied that they were labbring under a mistake in anticipating a division of lands. After Christmas and the first of January they made contracts very readily generally, and since that time affairs in the main have moved on quite smoothly and quietly. Q. Are the negrocis generally at work? A. Yes, sir, they are generally at work; there are some idlers, but this class constitute but a small proportion. Q. What upon the whole has been theii conduct, proper under the circumstances under which they have been placed, or otherwise? A. As a whole, much better than the most hopeful looked for. Q. As far as you saw, what are the lead ing objects and desires of the negro popula tion at the present time in reference to themselves? A. Itis to be protected in ther rights of persons and property; to be dealt by fairly and justly. • for he Q. What, if anthing, has en done by the Legislature of y your State for e accom plishment of these objects? A. The Legis lature has passed an act of which the follow ing is a copy: ice. 90.—A 71 act to define the term, "persons of color," and to declare the rights, of such persons. SECTION 1. Be it enacted, &e.. That all ne pees mulattoes, mestiz3es, and their de scendants, having one-eighth negro or Afri can blood in their veins, shall be known in this State as "persons of color." SEC. 2. Belt further enacted, That persons of color shall have the right to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be sued, to be par ties and give evidence, to inherit, to pur chase, and to have fall and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of person and estate, and shall not be subjected to any other or different punishment, pain or penalty for the commission of any act or offence, than such as are !prescribed for white persons committing like - acts or of fences. The third section of this act simply repeals all conflicting laws; it was approved by the Governor on the 17th of March last. Q. Does this act express the oinions of the people, and will it be sustaine p d? A. I think it will be sustained by the courts, as well as by public- sentiment; it was passed by the present Legislature, as, an evidence otlthe - tone of the Legislature of the State, upon this Subject. [Here Mr. Stephenii sub mitted a letter he had written to Senator Stewart stating that the act passed seemed .rfi..:oA.XX4y.'.Ey'sNlN.ti- BlLTf'A'Atiw...t.::.,,,:.::,Ogi-,414•1j.0LPH.TA.--.Tp:•..E:.p.a.,.y.',r._AVß.lL:l7;:iiq6' freed persons all their essential rights before the law.] Q. What, if anything, is being done in Georgia with regard to the education of the negroes, either children or adults? A. No thing by the, public authorilieS, as yet. S,chools are being established in many por tions-'of the State' under the auspices, I think, of the Freedmen's Bureau, and quite ,te number by the colored people th.emselves, encouraged by the whites. Q. What disposition do the negroes mani fest 'in regard to education? A. There seems to be a very great desire on the part of the children and their parents to have them educated. • • Q. What is the present legal condition of these who have lived together as husband and wife- do the laws recognize and sus tarn the relations and thelegitimacy 'of their offspring? A.. Our State laws do—they recognize all those liVing as man and wits as legally, man and wife; a good many, of them took outlicenses and were married in the usual way; there is no difference in our laws in that respect; licenses are issued for white and black alike, only they are pro hibited from intermarrying with each other; the races are not permitted to inter rParry. • Q. Were the amendments to the Constitu tion of the State of Georgia recently adopted stibmitted to the people? A. No, sir, they were not submitted; I have no . ...hesitation, however, in expressing the opinion that nine-tenths of the people would have voted for them if the Constitution - 'bad -been sub znitted; that is but an opinion; I heard no dissent at all in the , State: I was there at the time; I got home before the - convention ad journed; the State Constitution as made by the Convention would have been ratified almost without opposition; it would have been ratified mein con, if it had been sub mitted, that atleast is my opinion. Q. What was the .voting, population of your State in 1860? A. Something upwards sf a hundred thousand. Q. What is probably the present _voting population ?r• A. The voting. population of the State under the present Constitution is perhaps_ _eighty_ thousand; _ that is a. mere estimate. • t Q. What_is_the pnblip sentiment of Geor gia with regard to the extension of the right of voting to the negroes? A. The general opinion in the State la - very much averse to it. Q. If a proposition were made to amend the Constitution so as tohave representation in Congress based nponvoterssubstantially, would Georgia ratify such a proposed amendment if it were made a condition pre cedent to the restoration of the State to po litical power in the Government? A. I do not think they would. The people of Geor gia, in my judgment, are perfectly willing to leave suffrage and the basis of repre3en tation where the Constitution leaves it. They look upon the question of suffrage as one be longing exclusively to the States; one over which, and under the Constitution of the United States, Congress has no jurisdiction, power or control, except in proposing amendments to the States, and not in ex acting them from them; and I-do not think, therefore, that the people of that State,while they are disposed, as I believe earnestly, to deal fairly, justly and generously with the freedmenawould be willing to consent to a change in:the_Constitution that would give Congress jurisdiction over the question of suffrage; and especially would they be very much averse to Congress executing any such jurisdiction without their Representa tives in the Senate and ROUES) being heard in the public councils upon this question, and that egivitallY concerns their internal policjr, its well as the internal policy of all the States; April,l;, 1866. Examination of Alex. H e Stephens resumed. By Mr. Boutivell Q. Do you mean to be understood inyour answer that there - is no constitutional power in the Government as at present organized to exact conditions precedent to the restora tion of political power of the eleven States that have been in rebellion? A. That is my opinion. Q. Do you entertain the same opinion in reference to the amendment to the Constitu tion abolishing slavery? A. I do. I think the States have abolished slavery in good faith as one of the results of the war; their ratification of the constitutional amendment followed as a consequence. Ido not think there is any constitutional power on the part of the Government to, have exacted it as a condition precedent to their restoration under the Constitution, or the resumption of their places as members of the Union.. Q. What, in your opinion, is the legal value of the laws passed by Congress and approved by the President in the absence of Senators and Representatives from the eleven States? A. I do not know what particular laws you refer to, but my answer genera3ly is, that the validity of all laws depends on their constitutionality; this is a question for the judiciary to determine; my own judgment, whatever it might be, would have to conform to the judicial de termination of the question; it is a question for the courts to determine. Q. Have ou formed any opinion upon that question y ? A. I cannot say that I have formed any material opinion in reference to any particular aceof Congress embraced in the question. Q. Assume thatil Congress shall, at this session, in the absence of Senators and Re presentatiies from the eleven States, peal. an act levying taxes upon all the people oi the United States, including the eleven, is inyour opinion that such an act would be constitutional? A. I should doubt if it would be; it would certainly, in my opinion, be manifestly unjust and against all ideas of American representative government; its constitutionality would, however, be a question for the judicary to decide) and I should be willing to abide by that decision, whatever it might be. Q. If the eleven States have at present an immediate Constitutional right to be repre sented in Congress on a footing with the States at present represented, has that been a continuous right from the formation of the Government, or from the time of admission of the new States respec tively, or has it been interrupted by war? A. I think, as the Congress of the United States did not consent to the withdrawal of the seceded States,it was a continuous right, tinder the Constitution of the United States, to be exercised so soon as the seceding States respectively made knownthelr readi ness to resume their former practical rela tions with the Federal Government under the Constitution of the United States. As the General Government denied the right of secession, Ido not think any of the States attempting to exercise it thereby lost any of their, rights uncletk the Constitution, as States, when their people abandoned that attempt. Q. is it or not yo r opinion) that the Leg islatures and peopl of the eleven States re spectivelyhave at present such a right to elect Senators and Representatives to Con gress, that it may be exercised without re gard to the part which persons elected may have had in the rebellion? A. Ido not think they could exercise that right in the choice of their Senators and members so as toimpair in the slightest degree the consti tutional right of each House for itself to judge of the qualifications of those who might be chosen; the right of the constitu tional electors of a State to choose, and the right of each House of Congress to judge of the qualifications of those elected to the re spective bodies are very _distinct and differ ent questions, and in thus judging of fications, I am free to admit that in my opinion no one should be admitted as a member of either House of. Congress who is not really and truly loyal to the Constitu tion of the United States and to the Govern ment established by it. Q. State wether, from your observation, the events of h the war have produced any change in the public mind of the South Upon the queetion of the reserved rights of , the States under the Constitution of the United States? Thtititiestion inivielid in part yesterday: . While I cannot• state from personal knowledge - to - what extent the opinions of the-Southern States upon the abstract question of the reserved rights of the States may have changed, my decided opinion is that a very thorough change hae taktn place upon the practical policy of re sorting to any such right. Q. What events or experience of, the war have contributed to this change? A. First the people are satisfied that a resort to the exercise of this right, while it is denied by the Federal Government, will lead to war, which many thought before the late at tempted secession would not be the case, and civil wars they are also now very well satis fied are • dangerous to liberty; and, more over, their experience in the late war, 'I think, satisfied them it greatly endangered their own. I allude especially to the sus pension of the writ of habeas corpus and the military conscriptions, the proclamations of martial law in various places, general im pressments and, the levying - of forced con tributions, as well as the very demoralizing effects of war generally. Q. When were you last a member of the Congress of the 'United States? A. I went out on, the 4th of March,.lBs9. Q. Will you state, if not indisposed to do so, the considerations or opinions which led you to identify yourselves with the rebsl lion so far as to accept the office of Vice Presidency of the Confederate States of America,so-called? A. I believed thoroughly in the reserved sovereignty' of the several States of ' the Union 'under the compact of the Union or the Constitution of 1787; 'I opposed Secession, therefore, es aa question of policy, and not one of right on the part of Georgia. When the State seceded, against my judgment and vote, .I thought my ulti mate allegiance was due to her, and I pre ferred to cast my fortune and destiny with hers and herpeople, rather than take any other course, even though it might lead to my sacrifice and her ruin. In accepting position under the new order of things my sole object was to do all the good I could in preserving and perpetuating the principles of liberty as established under the Constitu tion of the United States. If the Union was :to be abandoned, either with or without force,which I thought a very impolitic mea sure, I wished,if possible, to rescue, preserve and perpetuate the principles of the Constitution. This I was not without hope might be done in the new confederacy of States formed. When the conflict arose, my efforts were directed to as speedy and peace ful an adjustment of the questions as possi ble. This adjustment, I always thought, to be lasting, would have ultimately to be set tled upon a continental basis, founded upon the principles of mutual convenience and reciprocal advantage on the part of the States on which the Constitution of the United States was originally formed. I was wedded to no particular plan of adjustment, except the recognition as a basis of the sepa rate sovereignty of the several States; with this, recognized as a principle, I thought all other ouestions of difference would soon adjust themselves according to the best in terests, peace, welfare and prosperity of the whole country, as enlightened reason, calm judgment and a sense of justice might di rect; this doctrine of the sovereignty of the several States I regardeda as a self-adj regulating principle of our American sys tem of State Government, extending pcesi bly over the continent. Q. Have your opinions undergone any change since the opening of the rebellion in refetence to the reserved rights of States un der the Constitution of the United States? A. My convictions on the original abstract question have undergone no change, bat I accept the issues of the war and the result as a practical settlement of that question. The sword was appealed to todecide thequestion, and by the decision of the sword I am wil ling to abide. Q. If the proposition were to be submitted to Georgia, as one of the eleven States lately in rebellion, that she might be restored to political power in the government of the country upon the condition precedent that she would on the one hand extend suffrage to the negro, or on the other consent tothetr exclusion from the basis of representation, would she accept eitherpropost don and take her place in the government of the country? A. I can only give my opinion; Ido not think she would accept either at a condition precedent presented by Congress, for they do not believe that Congress tuts the rightful power under the constitution to prescribe such a condition. 'lf Georgia is a State in' the Union, her people feel that she is enti- 1 , tied to therepresentation without conditiona imposed by Congress; and if she is not a State in the Union, then she could not bead-, witted as an equal with the others; if her admission were trammeled with conditions :hat do not apply to all the rest alike, gene ral universal suffrage amongst the colored people as they are now there, would by our people be regarded as about as great a po titical evil as could befall them. Q.. - If the proposition were to extend the right of suffrage to those who could read and those who had served in the Union armies, would that modification effect the action of the State? A. I think the people of the State would be unwilling to do more than they have done for restoration. Re stricted or limited suffrage would not be so objectionable as general or universal, but it is a matter that belongs to the State to regulate. The questionof suffrage, whether universal or restricted, is one of State policy exclusively, as they believe. Individually, I should not be opposed to a proper system of restricted or limited suffrage to this class )f our population; but, in my judgment, it is a matter that belongs of sight to the States to regulate exclusively each for itself; but he people of that State, as I have said, would not willingly, I think, do more than :hey have done for restoration; the only view, in their opinion, that could possibly justify the war that was carried on by the Federal Government against them was the idea of the indissolubleness of the Union; diet those who held the adminis tration for the time were bound to enforce the execution of the laws and the maintenance of the in tegrity of the country under the Constitu tion; and since that was accomplished, since those who had assumed the contrary prin ciple,-the right of secession and thereserved sovereignty of the States—had abandoned their cause, and the Administration here was successful in maintaining the idea upon which 'war was proclaimed and waged, and the only view in which they supposed it could bejustitied at all—when that was accom plished, I say the people of Georgia sup posed their State was immediately entitled to all her rights under the Constitution. That is my opinion of the sentiment of the people of Georgia, and I do not think they would be willing to do anything further as a condition.precedent to their being permitted to enjoy the full measure of their constitu tional rights. I only give my opinion of the sentiment of the people at this time.. They expected that •as soon as the Confederate cause was aban doned that immediately the States would be brought back into their practical rela tions with the Government as previously constituted. 'That is what they looked to. They expected that the State would immediately have its representatives in, the Senate and in the House, and they expected• it in good _faith as loyal , men, as the term is frequently used. I mean by it loyal to law, order, and the Constitution, to support the Government under the Consti tution. That was their feeling; they did what they did believing it • was best for the protection of constitutional liberty. Toward the Constitution oftheUnited States, as they construed it, the great mass . of our people were always as much devoted in their feel-. in gs as any people ever were toward any cause. This is my opinion. As I remarked before, they resorted to secession with a view of maintaining more aeourely these principles; andwhen they found they were not successful in their object, in per fect good faith, as far as I. can judge from meeting with: them and conversing with them; = looking to the'; - „' future developments of their country,in its ma terial resources as well as its moral and in tellectual progress, their earnest desire;and expectation was to allow the past struggle, disastrous as it was in its results, to pass by, and to co-operate with the true friends of the oConstitution, with those of all sec tions who earnestly desire the preservation of constitutional liberty and the perpetudty of the Government in its purity. They have been a little disappointed in this,. and are so now. They are patiently- waiting, however, and believing that when the pas sions of the hour have passed away this de lay in restoration will cease. They think that they have done everything, that was eFsential and proper, and my judgment is that they would not be willing to do any thing further as a condition precedent. They would simply remain quiet and passive. 'Q. Does your own judgment approve the view you have given as the opinion of the people of the State? A. My own judgment is very decided that the question of suffrage is one that belongs under the Constitution, and wisely so, too, to the States respectively and exclusively. Q. Is it your opinion that neither of the alternatives suggested in the question ought to be accepted by the people of Georgia? A. My own opinion is that these terms ought not to be offered as conditions precedent. In other words, my opinion is that it would be best for the peace, harmony and pros perity of the whole country that there should be an immediate restoration, an immediate bringing back of the States into their origi nal practical relations, and let all -these questions then be discussed in common council. Then the representatives from the South could be heard, and you and all could judge much better of the tone and temper of the people,than you could from the opinions given by any individuals; you may take my opinion, or the opinion of any indi vidual, but they will i not enable you to judge of the condition_ of the State of Georgia so.well as from her own represen tives to be heard in your public councils in her own behalf; my judgment, therefore, is very decided that it would have been better, as soon as the lamentable conflict was over, when the people of the South abandoned their cause and agreed to accept the issue, ; desiring as they do, to r ume their places and to look to the halls of Congress and the Courts for the protection f these rights in the Union—it would ha e been better to have allowed that result to follow under the policy adopted by the Administration than to delay , or hinder it by propositions to amend the Constitution in respect to suf frage or any other new matter. I think the people of all the Southern States would, in the halls of Congress, discuss these ques tion calmly and deliberately, and if they did not show that the views they entertained were just and proper, such as to control the judgment of the people of the other sections and States, they would quietly,' patiently, and patriotically yield to whatever should be constitutionally determined in common council; but I think they feel very sensitive ly the offer to them of propositions is accept while they are denied all voice in the com mon council of the Union under the Conti: tntion in the discussion of these propositions. I think they feel very sensitively that they are denied the right to be heard, and while, as I have said, they might differ among themselves in many points in regard to suf frage, they would not differ upon the ques llon of doing anything further as a condi tion precedent to the restoration, and in re spect to the alternate conditions to be so presented I do not think they would accept the one or the other. My individual gene ral views as to the proper course to be pur sued in respect to the colored people are ex pressed in a speech made before the Georgia Legislature, referred to in my letter to Sena tor Stewart; that was the proper forum, as I . conceive, in which to discuss this subject. and I think a great deal depends on the ad vancement of civilization and progress looking to the benefit of all classes that these questions should be considered and kept before the proper forum. Q. Suppose the States that are represented in Congress, and Congress should be of the opinion that Georgia should not lee permitted to take its place in the Government of the country, except upon its assent to one or the other of the two propositions, is it then your opinion that under such circumstances- Georgia ought to decline? Witness. You mean the States now repre sented. and those only? Mr. Boutwell. Yes. Witness. You mean by Congress,Congress as it is now constituted, with the other eleven States excluded ? Boutwell. I do. Witness. And yon mean the same alterna tive propositions to be applied to all the eleven States as conditions precedent to their restoration? Mr. Bontwell. I do. A. Then I think she ought to decline. under the circumstances and for the reasons i-ta'-sd, and so ought the whole eleven. Sh-nild such an offer be made and declined, an l these States should thus continue to be excluded and kept out, a singular spectacle would be presented; a complete reversal of position would be presented. In 1861 these States thought they could not remain safely in the Union without new guarantees; and now, when they agree to assume their for mer practical relations in the Union, under the C-onstitution as it is, the other State turn upon them and say they cannot permit them to do so safely to their interest without new guarantees on their part. The Southern States would thus present themselves al, willing for immediate union under the Con stitution, while it would be the Northern States opposed to it. The former disun ionists would thereby become Unionists, and the former Unionists practical dis union ists. VOAL. Eacrle Vein Coal. STOVE, $7 00. CHESTNUT. $6 00. At I I. S. JENKINS' COAL YARD , trat2S-Lno cor. NINTH and W 4 T•T A -CE Sta. THE ,ThEmoNT COAL COMPANY are now ready to receive oraers for the several sizes of their cele brated I.OItBEItRY .ASH COAL. It is the determine ttar, of the Company to take/special pains in the pre paration of their Coat so that it shall , be of the best quality. 'tellable arrangements are made for slap. ping to all poffits, east and south. Orders for the Pre sent, sent to their office, No. 23 EXCIIAN GE BUILD INGS, PhUa i delphia, will be promptly attended to, GEO. SANDILR' SON, President. A. B. Fcrratt, General Coal Agent. PHLLADELPHYA, March 15. 18Ri. . lahr7-9.tli,tlllBq s. MASON slams. TiEIINDEESIGNIED uviTE ATTENTION TC t. E heir stock of Beck Mountain Company's Coal. Lehigh Navigation Company's Coal, and Locust Hottatam, , • which they are_ prepared to sell at • the lowest marks rates, and to deliver in The beat condition. Orders left with B. MASON ETNE.S, Franklin Inatt mte Bending, S.EVENTIL area_ ,t below Market. wit bepromptly attended to. HINES & SHEAFF, aea,ll Arch street . WhartSchnylkill. (101,i.L.,7-811G." LOAF. BEAVER' MEADOW AID SP4nS Mountain,' Lehigh Coal, and beat Locust MOuntain taxa , prepared Qu'essly wi ff tandly use, De_pctt, MW. corner anon and, streets. °Moe. No. DS South , SECOND streeL rab9S , • 3". WALTON & 00. EDIVATION. I:1r. • a B • : 7 19. • 4 SEKIHARY ,POR TOTING Lithos will coin ~ Once on Wednesday, September lath, at hat deuce, Corner ' of' Poplar and Sixteenth streets • . kirmstinenEs :—ltear. Etmlen Hare D. Rev. Micentia Brainerd, D. Dvr. H. Apea, Efaq :ta. to C 'St LV.7 Lye UNGLlBlC,criaagec , CATSUP% R a w , . ..244 14 - Crowe & Biackwell'a Panaliatt..Rl gentonpa. =atom Durham " Mnetard, Olivee , aso.,fgal i tz ship Yorktown and for wile by An, B. B 00 !as South Delaware avenue. • , • • - DONDIS:BOSTON 13150trIT.—Bond's :ton Butte Jul and Milk Biscuit, landingfrom steamer Norman. and for sale by JOS. B. BO CO.; Agents: for pcmd, /05 Boutia Delaware &yams. BIEDICM6 WISTAR'S BALSAM aB WILD CHERRY HAS BEEN VSED 808 NIMBLY • HALF A CENTURY, • TEN MOST ASTONISHING SUCCESS IN CITZING Coughs, Colds. IlloarSenesit;'¢tore Throat, Influenza Whooping Cough; Crottwa Liver Co mplaint,i - .llronchitts, - ctilty of Breathing, Asthma and every affection of THE THROAT , LUNGS AND CHEST. sn'e 40 S M-ED-MI r4T, which carries off morevlctims than any other disease and which baffles the skill of the Physicians tO greater extent than any other MOW! often yr - F - unS TO '1 HIS R Y I when all others prove"ineffectual The Rev. JACOB SECE:LER, of HanoVer, Pa. Well known and much respected among the German Population in this country, makes the following statement for the benefit of the afflicted. DRAB Snaa--Raving realized in my thirdly Imlairi antbeneflta from the use of your valuable preparation —Wisran's Rta...S..k.M or WILD CamesßY-it affords me pleasure to recommend it to the public. Some eight years ago one of my daughters seemed to be in "a cline, and little hopes of her recovery were enter. tatted. I then procured a bottle of your excellent Balsam, and before she had taken the whole of the contents of the bottle there was a great improvement in her health. I have, in my individual case made frequent use of your valuable medicine, and have, fd ways beenberiefited by it, JACOB SECEELBR. PRICE ONE DOLLAR A BOTTLE. FOB SALE BY ' J. P. DIN SMC)R E. Dey Street, New York. SETH W. FOWLE & SON• Proprietors, Boston AND BY ALL DRUGGISTS. GRACE'S CELEBRATED SAM cumiz curs, BURNS, SCALDS. • GRACE'S CELEBRArnai SALVE Cures Boils, Dicers. onacers. • GRACES CELEBB.ATED SALVE Cures Chapped _Hands, chilblains. GRACE'S CRT.PIaIIATED SALVE Heals Old Sores. Flesh Wounds, kc. It is prompt in action, removes pain at once. and re duces the most angry looking swellings and bail amma tions, as if by magic—thus affording relief anda corn. plete cure. Only 2.3 cents a box! (Sent by mail for 35 cents.) For Sale by J. FOWLMQBE 36 Dey Street, New Vork. S. W. & MN, Proprietors, Boston and by all Drusurista. Grocers and Onuntry Rtnrc.. ja30.3331 thsa., nuyerwr article tur clean ing the Teeth, destroying anttnalculm which in fest them, giving tone to the gums, and leaving a feel ing of fragrance and perfect cleanliness in the mouth. It may be used daily, and will be found to strengthen weak and bleeding gums, while the aroma and deter , siveness will recommend it to every one. Being cona msed with the assistance of the Dentist, Physician and Illaro , copist, it is confidently offered as a RELIABLE substitute for the uncertain washes formerly in vogue. Eminent Dentists. acquainted with the constituents of the DE.NTALLESA, advocate its use;it contains nothing to prevent its unrestrained employment. Made only by . JAMES T. StuNN, Apothecary, Broad and Spruce streets. For sale by Druggists generally, and Fred. Brown, D.'L.•Stackhouse, Hansard & Co., Robert C. Davis, G. R. /Teeny, Geo. C. Bower. Isaa.c H. KAY, Charles Shivers. C. H. T eedles. G. J. Scattergood, T. J. Husband, . J. C. Tarnpenny & Co. Ambrose Smith, Charles H. Eberle, Thomas 'Weaver, James N. Marks. Witham B. !Webb, B. Bringhurst & James L. Bispham, Dyott & Co., Hughes & Coombe, H. C. Blair, Henry A. Bower, Wyeth & Bro. DEPIMMa.A. LOZENGEB.—Theee lozenges are a sate and speedy cure for Diphtheria. Coughe. Sure Hoarseneea and ibonrh affections eratty. them. THUS. EBTLACTE, Jr., 8. W. - net ef Ritchteeattt and Mar kett streets. fee-mit. D 11.116119, HOB.—A lot of Campnor for sale by WIL- L. FLLIS CO., Druggists, No. 724 end 7 Mark et Street. BLAIR'S CHOCOLATE FOR INVALIDS AND FABILLIa3--made from the true Came= Cocoa —free from all adulteration. The above article we can recommend as reliable for purity,' exceedingly nutri tious and acceptable to weak and delicate stomachs. ter which it is especially intended; also suitable for family use. Put up in tin cases to preserve its peculiar and delightful flavor. A w•NRY C TiT.ATR."S SONS, Apothecaries, Vighth and Walnut. riOD LIVER OlL—Twenty-five barrels, new made, Cod Liver 011 of very superior quality; earth ammonia, just received, in jars; also, just received, twentr-five barrels very superior Alcohol, warranted BS percent., in the best of packages, and for sale by JO C. RA 112 - FR dt. CO., _ _ .No. 718 Market street. ETBACT OF B"F"NrP for beef tea or Essence of Beef in sickness or for soups for table use. Made n Elgin. Illinois, by Gail Burden, from the Juices of choice beef and is superior in delicious flavor and quality to any hitherto known. Packets with full di rections. one dollar each. HUBBELL, Apothecary, 1410 Chestnut street. TIBITGOLSTS' SUNDILEES. Gradnates *So J./ Pill Tiles,Comba, Birruthea,- Swum, Horn &Nona, Surgical Lvatromenat. Hard and Hof stn +ber Gooda,Vlal Caste, GaV i tt Mptal SF Lea, dm, all at "First Handle' pprlcaa. SNOWDEN di 13 aps-tri :South Eighth e - to OBERT SHORAWLER. d CO., N. E. CORNER FOUBTI.I. AND RA CISI STREETS, Wholesale Drugglata, Idanniacturets and Dealers in Window Mass. White Lead, and Paints of every desm•ipnon, offer to the trade, or consumers, &complete stock al hoods in their line, at the lowest market rates. __ ROBERT B.UoFikra iT7'l2 dt CO., Xiortheast corner Fourth and Race street,. Tg's Cal cined, in 101 b. round du Maud boxes, aIso aAGICIESIa.--Jens in in bottles. Senring's Carbonate of Magnealaan 2 oz. and 4 oz. papers d eel u a s Calcined Magneafa balding and Zr sale by Pr.r.rs, PhilSON & CO., Dragrata, Market and Seventh streetz, adelphia, sell DAY Bll2l.—That received, an invoice of Genuine ill Imported Bag Ram, for sale by the canon, by ROBERT SHORMARER & CO., Dmiradst. N. B. car. - . • t • • • Z h . n BU SINESS OAMDte.i. pASSPORTS PROCURED.— JOHN H. PRICK NOTARY PUBLIC, COMMISSIONER POR ALL STATES, PENSION AND PRIZE AGENT, - No. 223 DOCK Street. cents cknowt aken.ledgments, Depositions, Affidavits to Ac rolil3-3m/ 628 HOOP SKIRTS, 628 NEW_ SPRING STYLES NOW READY, of Hopkins' make," at No. 628 ARM Street. These Skirts are gotten up expressly to meet the want, of first-class trade, and embrace every size and style for Ladles, Misses and Children, which, for finish and durability, have no equal in the market, and warranted O give satisfaction. Also, constantly on hand, a fall assortment of good Eastern made Skirts, from la to 40 3 1 1 ringsJ at very low prices. Skirts made to order, snored and repaired. Wholesale and retail, nol3-6m` C. INNIGHT & CO., WHOLF9 A T.F. GROCERS, g. Cor. WATER and tat..e.STNITT streets, Phil al:loYMa. Apnts for the sale of the Products of the Southwark huger Refinery and the Grocers' -Sugar Rouse, Of Philadelphia. isl-IYr fIEOBGE SHARP _,_Patentee and manufacturer. of the BALL PATTERN SILVER WARE, No. 41 Prime street, Ja22,4mo* rearia e. . warenze. 2nosarrorr PIKE. CLEMENT A. 161.4MSCOM. THEODORE WRIGHT. FELASB L. mum. PETER WRIGHT 86 SONS, Importers of Earthenware, • Shipping sad Commission Merchants, No. 115 W.n.LNIIT Street. Philadelphia. I.44*lllvolzWWlli3Ll-I_o-VVI - Dtti3l . THOMPSON'S LONDON icrxciamEr., OR EIIROPir a N RANGE for hotels ,a 1 public institutiorui, in TWEINTTI DIiFFERED • srzirq Also, Philadelphia Ranges, Hot-air Furnaces, Portable Heaters, Lowdown Orates, Fire. board Stoves, Bath Bolles, Stewhole Plates,Brollext, ,Coeiting Stoves, etc., at whq:esale and retail, by the mannfacturers ,tn, _ , SHARPE er. THOMPSON, F No. 209 North Second street, _ TROIKAS li. DIXON & SONS, -:: Late , Androws & Dixon " No. IESA UIDISTNUT street, Balladelphin OPPosite United dtatas Mint, BianatottuNais of - • LOW-DOWN, P.A_RLOR ammonia, OFFIOE,_ And other GRATIN, Bar Anthracite, Bitaratnona and Wood Sizes Ammo, • WARM-Ara PUBNAORS, per WPublic and Private BritUt,, i i,, j ut c a is - yr•Ess., V.iiINTEL.A.TORS . ,03LENEY-04PS. . . 0001LENG-ICANGE A NBATII43O.IELBEB. 4a. OC2I WILOT.TMIA 1 . • and IiZT/L. AND. TWIN/C, , JkLANUBACTURFD Ink BA/ FirTrIJER. n i ce : o "418 North Mater /street, and . CS North Delaware, avenue- wrzwltikle/Nl3.—tuo b ozealfamcb and Layer Bailin II 800 boxes Valencia Rillalns,___l6o -Inate Seedless Ibr sale by J6B. B. RUM= its 00.4 115 Social JY ferasvAh.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers