THE QUESTIONS OF THE DAY, IMPORTANT SPEECHES BY THE PRESIDENT. 'bohired People. and Their Bights. ADDRESS TO A DELEGATION OF COLORED ZEN. Reception of a Delegation from the Far West. The delegation of colored representatives from different States of the country, now in Washington to urge the interests of the colored people before the. Government, had an interview with the President yesterday afternoon. The delegation was as follows : Frederick Douglass, of New York; 'George T. Downing, representing the New England States; Louis H. Douglass, son of Fred. Douglass, and Wm. E. Matthews, of Mary land; John Jones, of Illinois; John L. Cook, of the District of Columbia; A. J. Ranier, of South Carolina; Joseph Oats, of Florida. A. W. Ross, of Mississippi; Wm. Ripper, Pennsylvania; John M. Brown and Alex ander_ Dunlap, of Virginia, and. Calvin Pepper (white), of Virginia. The President shook hands kindly with each member of the delegation, Frederick Douglass first advancing for that purpose. George T. Downing then addressed. the President as follows: We present ourselves to, your. Excellency to make known with pleasure the respect which we are glad to cherish for you; a respect which is your due as our Chief Magistrate. It is our desire for you to know that we come feeling that we are friends, meeting as friends. We should, however, - have manifested our friendship by not coming to farther tax Tour already much burdened and valuable time. But we have another object in (soling. We are in a passage to equality before the law. God hath'made it by opening a red sea: We would halte' your assistance through the same. We come to you in the name of the United States, and are delegated to come by some who have unjustly worn iron mana cles on their bodies; by some whose minds have been trammeled by class legislation in States calledfree. The colored people of the States of Illinois, Wisconsin, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, South Carolina, Nort Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, New England States, and District of Columbia, have specially delegated us to come. Oar coming is a marked circumstance noting determined hope; that we bare not satisfied with an amendment prohibiting slavery,but that we wish it enforced with appropriate legislation. This is our desire. We ask for it intelligently, with the knowledge and conviction that the fathers of the revolution intended freedom for every American, that they should:be protected in their rights as citizens and equal before the law. • We are Americans, native-born Ameri cans. We are citizens, weare glad to have it known to the world,asbearingno doubtful record on this point. On this fact, and with confidence in the triumph ofjustice,we base our hopes. We see no recognition of color or race in the organic law of the land. It maws no"privileged class, and therefore we cherish the hope that we may be 'rally en franchised, not only here in this district, but throughout the land. We respectfully sub mit that rendering anything less than this will be rendering to us less than our just - tries; that granting anything less than our full rights will be a disregard of .our just rights and disrespect for our feelings. If the power that be do it will be. used as a license, as it were, or an apology for any community, or for individuals, thus dis posed to outrage our rights and feelings. It has been shown in the present war that the Government may justly reach the strong arm into States and demand from them, from Those who owe it allegiance, their assistance and support. May it not reach out a like arm to secure and protect its sub jects upon whom it has a like claim? Frederick Douglass advanced and ad - dressed the President,saying: Mr. President, we are not here to enlighten you, air, as to your duties as the Chief Magistrate of the Republic, but to show our respect, and to represent in brief the claims of our race to your favorable consideration. By the order of Divine Providence you are placed in a position where you have the power to save or destroy us—to bless or to blast us; I mean our whole race. Your noble and humane predecessor placed in our hands the power to assist in saving the nation, and we do hope that .you, his able successor, will favorably regard the placing in our hands of the ballot, with which to save ourselves. We shall submit no argument on that point. The fact that we are the subjects of Government and subject to taxation, sub ject to volunteer in the service of the country, subject to being drafted, subject to bear the burdens of the State, makes it not improper that we should ask to share in the privileges of this condition. I have no speech to make on this occasion. I simply submit these observations as a limited expression of the views and feelings of the delegation with which I have come. Reply of the President. The following is substantially the response of the President—ln reply to some of your inquiries, not to make a speech about this matter, for it is always best to talk plainly and distinctly about such questions; I will say that if I have not given evidence in my former course that I am a friend of humanity, and to that portion of it which constitutes the colored population, I can give no evidence hereafter. Everything that I have had, both as regards life and property, has been periled in this cause, and I feel and think that I understand (not to, be egotistic) what should be the true direction of this question, and what course of policy would result in the amelioration and ultimate elevation not only of the colored, but the great mass of the people of the United States. I say that if I have not given evidence that I am a friend of humanity, and espe cially the friend of the colored man, in my past conduct, there is nothing that I can now do that would, I repeat, all that I pos sessed, life, liberty and prosperity, have been put up in connection with that ques tion, when I had every inducement bald out to take the other course, by adopting which I would have accomplished, perhaps, all that the most ambitious might have de sired. ' If I know myselfi and the feelings of my own heart, they have been for the colored man. I have owned slaves and bought slaves, but I never sold one. I might say, however, that practically, so far as my con nection with slaves has gone, I have been their slave instead of theii being mine. Some have even followed here, while others are occupying and enjoying my property with my consent. For the colored race my means, my time, my all has been periled, and now, at this late day, after giving evi dence that' is tangible, that is practical, I am free to tell you that I do not like to be arraigned by some who can get up hand somely_-rounded periods, deal in rhetoric and talk about abstract ideas of liberty,who never periled life, liberty or property. This kind of theoretical; hollow, unprac tical friendship amounts to but very little. while Inay,tl34l am afriend - of the colored max4T-do not want - to kigitait"policy that believe wflT'end inn contest between the itaxis;*bieli, if peitlided in result in the,eztexpaination of one or the other. qoo MEE _,,-: forbid that I should be "'engaged in such a work, now. It is always best to talk, prad tically and in a' common' sense • hway. Yes, I have Said, and I repeat it here,'' that if the colored man in the United' States could find no other Moses, or any Moses_ that would be more ableefficient than myself, I would be his Moses to lead him from bondage to freedom; that I would pass him from a land whey he had lived in slavery to a land (if it w re in our reach) of freedom. Yes, I would e willing to pass with hini through the Red ea to the land of promise, to the land of li ,erty; but I am not 'willing, under eithe circum stances, to adopt a policy which I bI lieve will only result in the sacrifice of his •e, and hf the shedding of his blood. I think I know what I say; I feel what I say, and I feel assured that if the policy urged by some be persisted in; it will result in greats l injury to the. white as well as to the colored man'. There is a great deal of talk about the sword in one hand accomplishing lone end, and the ballot accomplishing another at the ballot-box. These things all do Very well, and sometimes have forcible arplication. , We talk, about justice, we talk about right. We say that the white man has been in the wrong in , _keeping the black man in slavery as long as he has. That is all true. Again we talk about the Declaraon of In dependence, and equality before the law. You understand all that, and know how to appreciate it. ,But now let us look each other in the face. Let us go the great mass of colored men throughout the slave States. Let us take the condition in which they are at the present time (and it is bad enough we all know), and suppose by some magic you could say to every one, "You shall vote to morrow." How much would that amelio rate their condition at this time? !Now, let us get closer up to this subject ' and talk about it. 1 What relation has the colored man and the white man' heretofore occupied in the South? I opposed slavery upon twO grounds. First, it was a great monopoly, it enabling those who controlled and "owned it to con stitute an aristocracy, enabling tie few to derive great profits and rule the many with an iron rod, as it were; and that is One great objection to it in argument, its being a mo nopoly I was opposed to it, secondly, upon the abstract principle of slavery. Hence, in getting clear of a monopoly we were getting clear of slavery at the same time. ' So, you see, there were two right ends accobiplisbed in the accomplishment of the one. ' Mr. Douglass Mr. President do you wish— The President—l am not quite through yet. Slavery has been abolished. A great national guaranty has been given, one that cannot be revoked. I was getting at the relation that subsisted between the white man and the colored man. A very small proportion of white - persons, compared with the whole number of such, mined the colored people of the South. I might in stance the State of Tennessee in illustration. There were the twenty-seven non-slave holders to one slaveholder, and yet that slave power controlled the State. Let us talk about the matter as it is. Although the colored man was in slavery there, and owned as property in the sense and in the language of that locality and of that community, yet in comparing his con dition and his position there with The nos slaveholder, he ussually estimated his im portance just in proportion to the 'number of slaves that his master owned with the non-slaveholder. Have you never lived upon a plantation ? I Mr. Douglass—l have, your Excellency. The President—When you couldiook over and see a man, - who had a large family, struggling hard upon a poor piece lof land, you thought a great deal less of Him than you did of your own master. Mr. Douglass—Not I. The President—Well, I know Bitch was the case with a large majority of you in those sections; where such is the case, we al ! ns know there is an enmity; we kno there is a hate. The poor white man, on e other hand, was opposed to the slave and ' mas ter, for the colored man and his m ter com bined kept him in slavery by depriving him of a fair participation in the labor and pro ductions of the rich lands of the country. Don't you know that a colored man in going to hunt a master (as they call it) for the next year, preferred hiring to a man who owned slaves rather than one who did not. 1 I know the fact, at all events. Mr. Douglass—Because they tre a ted him better. The President—They did not consider it unite as respectable to hire to a man who did not own negroes as to hire to tine who did. Mr. Douglass—Because he wouldn't be treated as w ell. The President—Then that is another ar gument in favor of what I am going to say. It shows that the colored man appreciated the slave owner more highly than the man who didn't own slaves. Hence the enmity between the colored man and the non-slave holders. The white man wasermitted to vote before government was de p rived from him, He is apart and parcel of the political machinery, not by rebellion or revolution. And when you come back to the objects of this war you find that the abdlition of slavery was not one of the objects. Con gress, and the President himself, ,declared that it was waged on our part iMorder to suppress the rebellion. The abolition of slavery has come as an incident to` he sup pression of a great rebellion—as an incident, and as an incident we should gibe it the proper direction. The colored man went into the rebellion a slave. By the operation of the rebellion he came out a freedman, equal to freedmen in other portions of the country. Then there is a great deal done] for him on this point. The non-slavehoider who was forced into the rebellion, and was as loyal as those who lived beyond the limits of the State, was carried Into it, land his property, and in a number of instances the lives of such were sacrificed, and he who has survived has come out of it with nothing gained, but a great deal lost. Now, upon a principle of justice, should they be placed in a condition different from what they were before? On the one hand one has gained a great deal. On the other hand one has lost a great Ideal,and in a political point of view, scarcely stands where he did before. Now we are talking about where we are going to begin. We have got at the hate that existed between the two races. The query comes up whether t ese two races, situated as they were before; without preparation, without time for passion and excitement be appeased, and without time for the slighest improvement, whether the one should be turned loose upon the other and be thrown together at the ballot box. with this enmity and hate existing between them? The question comes mes up, will we not then commence a war f races? I think I understand this thing; and espe ally is this the case when you force it upon a people without their consent. You hive spoken about Government. Where is power derived from? We say it is derived from the people. Leti t. is take it so, and refer to the District of Columbia by l i v way of illastration. Suppose, for nstance, here, in this political community,which to a certain extent must have gov rnment, must have law; and putting it now upon the broadest basis you can put it, takeinto con ' sideration the relation which, the , hlte has I hitherto borne to the colored race, e it pro ver toforce upon this community without aieir consent, the elective franchis without regard to color , makingg ' it univers ? t Now, where; do' you beg#l? ' government must have a controlling power , Must 'have a lodgment; Tor instance, suppose I Congress ihould pass a lew authorizing an election'to be held, at Which all over twenty- ne vears of age, without regard to, color, ijuld be allowed to vote, 'audit majority , should de cide at such election that She elective frau.; DAILY EVENING BULLETIN : PHILADELPHIA, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 1866. chige'should not be universal, what would you do abbut it? Who wou!d settle it? Do you; :deny that first great pt,inaiplifof the right of the people to govern themselves?. Mill Lyon. resort to an arbitrary powerr,; and say "a majority of this people shall receive a state of things they are opposed to?' ' Mr. Douglass—That was, said'-bisifore the war. - ' • The President—l am Bow talking about a principle, and not what somebody else said. Mr. Downing—Apply .10:tat - you. !have said, Mr. President, to South Carolina, for instance. The President—Suppose you go to South Carolina, suppose.you go to Ohio, that :doas not change the principle at all. The query, to which I have referred, still comes up when the Government is undergoing a fund 7. amental change. The Government com menced upon this principle, it has existed upon it, and you propose now to incorpor ate into it an element that did not exist be fore. I say the query comes up, in undertaking this thing, whether we have a right to make a change in regard to the elective - franchise in Ohio, for Instance; whether we Shall not let the people in that State decide the mat ter for, themselves? Each community is better prepared to de termine the depository of its political power, than anybody else, and it is fur the Legislature for the people of Ohio, to say who shall vote, and not for the Congress of .the United States. I might go down here to the ballot-box to-morrow and Tote directly for universal suffrage, but if a great majority of this people said no, I should consider it would be tyrannical and arbitrary in me to attempt to force it upon them without their will. It is a fundamental text in my creed that the will of the people must be obeyed when fairly expressed. Is there anything wrong or unfair in that? Mr. Douglass, smiling—A great deal of wrong, Mr. President, with all respect. The President—lt is the people of the States that must for themselves determine this question. Ido not want to be engaged in a work that will commence 'a war of races. I want to begin the work of repara tion. If a man demeans himself well, and shows evidence that this new state of affairs will operate, he will be protected in all his rights and given every possible advantage by the State or community in which he lives when they become reconciled socially and politically to certain things. Then will this new order ofaffairs work harmoniously. But forced upon the people before they are prepared for it, it will be resisted and work inharmoniously. I feel a conviction that forcing this matter upon the people, upon the community, will result in the injury of both races, and the ruin of one or the other. God knows I have no desire but the good of the whole human race. I would it were so that all you advocate could be done in the twinkling of an eye. Rut it is not in the nature of things, and I do not assume or pretend to be wiser than Providence, or stronger than the law of nature. Let us now seek to discover the laws governing this question. There is a great law control g it. Let us endeavor to find out what that law is, and conform our action to it. All the details will then properly adjust themselves, and work out well in the end . God knows that anything I can do I will dv in the mighty pr: n by which the grew end is to be reached. Anything. I can do to elevate the races, to soften and ameliorate their condition, I will do, and to be able to do so is the sincere desire of my heart. I am glad to have met you, and thank you for the compliment you havei paid me. Mr. Douglass—l have to return to you our thanks, Mr. Piesident, for so kindly granting us this interview. We did not come here expecting to argue this questiou with your Excellency, but simply to state what were our views and wishes in tb premises. If we were disposed to argue th , question, and you would grant us the per mission, of course we would endeavor D. controvert some of the positions you have assumed. Mr. Downing—Mr. Douglass, I take it that the President, by his kind expressions and his very full treatment of the subject, must have contemplated some reply to the views which he has advanced, and in which we certainly do not concur, and I say this with due respect,. The President—l thought you expected me to indicate, to some extent, what my views were on the subject touched upon in your statement. Mr. Downing—We are very happy indeed, to have heard them. Mr. Douglass—lf the President will allow me I would like to say one or two words in reply. The President—What I have done is sim ply to indicate what my views are, as I sup pose you expected me to from your address. Mr. Douglass—My own impression is that the very thing that . your Excellency would avoid in the Southern States can only be averted by the very measure that we pro pose, and I would state to Bay brother delegates, that because I perceive the Presi dent has taken strong ground in favor of a given policy, and distrusting my own ability to remove any of those impressions which he has expressed, I thought we had better end the interview with the expression of our thanks. [Addressing the Presiden.t] But, if your Excellency, would be pleased to hear, I would like to say a word or two in regard to that one matter of the enfranchise ment of the black as a means of preventing the very thing which your Excellency seems to apprehend—that is, a conflict of races. Tne President—l repeat, I merely wanted to indicate my views in reply to your ad dress, and not to enter into any general con troversy, as I could not well do so under the circumstances. Your statement was a very frank one, and I thought it was due to you to meet it in the same spirit. Mr. Douglass—Thank you, sir. The President—l think you will find, so far as the South is concerned, that if you will all inculcate these ideas in connection with your own, that the colored people can live and advance in civilization to better advantage elsewhere than crowded toge ther in'the South, it would be better for them. Mr. Douglass—But the masters have the making of the laws, and we cannot get away from the plantations. The President—What prevents you? Mr. Douglass—We have not the simple right of locomotion through the Southern States now. The President—lf the master now con trols him or his action, would he not con trol hiin in his vote? Mr. Douglass—Let the negro once under stand that he has a .right to vote, and he will raise a party in the Southern States among . the poor who will rally with him. There is this conflict that you speak of between the wealthy slaveholder and the poor man. The President—You touch right upon the point there. There is this conflict, and hence I suggest emigration. If he cannot get employment in the South, he has it in his power to go where he can get it. In parting, the President:said that they were both desirous of accomplishing the same ends, but proposed to do so by fol,- lowing up different roads. Mr. Douglass, on turning to leave, re marked to his fellow delegates, Mlle Presi dent sends us to the people, and we will have to go and get the people right." The President—Yes, sir; I have great faith in the people. I _believe they will do what is just,.end have no doubt they, will settle this, questiOn right, and hope that it will be` submitted to them'for final action. The delegation then bowedand withdrew. Speed' , of the President to, a Delegation freak Montana Territory.,- Yesterday morning a large numbeiof the citizengeollionttuut, l'erritory,now Ington city, called upon the Prelid.ent. B. M. Pinney, United States Menthe for the, 1)=104., Chief...Justios ..HoSnaer,- Gen: Tiarrows, and - tWentY-five or thirty others, (were athortg the number:, , Mr.'Pinney.!aa, dressed the President on behalf of the dele getion.." He said: 211x.President: It becomes my duty as a member of this delegation to assure you that the principles announced in your annual message to Congress, and your policy in relation to the present political condition of 'this cenntry have gra.ddened the' hearts of the people of our mountain land. - Weare using no idle or imaginary words when we assure you that we take the greatest possible pleasUre in saying that we recognize in you, as the Chief Magistrate of this' great nation, a person who possesses that sound mind, that general knowledge, that firm and patriotic devotion to the ruling interest' and welfare of :the `whole conntry,which :are so necessary PLl•carry•it safely over the ocean of politicarspeculotion and debate. We attach no great importance to this asseveration of our feelingi in relatibn to yourself; but we should be doing injustice to ourselVes and injustice to the people of the territory of Montana, and should merit their Severest censure if we did not say that we firmly believe that if you meet with a Cordial and generous support' on every hand this nation will come forth from thiS present political crisis a stronger and better nation, prepared to take a higher .stand, and do a nobler work on the platform of history that has ever yet been allotted to any nation of the earth. Montana has Scarcely had a two years' political existence; and already numbers ' fifty thousand in habitants. Places of habitation and of business are dotted all over our fertile leys - and our numerous thoroughfares are constantly trembling with -the crush' of merchandise. The gold and silver which the - -Almighty .had long . kept hidden and garnered up, m our hills and ravines, have been revealed or discovered at a time when the nation needs them, new ...channels of flowing wealth to supply her treasury: and Montana possesses,as well as great mineral wealth, all those agricultural resources so well calculated to make her early populous and powerfuL At the same time we trust we are not unmindful of the vast im portance of promulgating correct political sentiment. We believe that we are starting right and will be starting right if we advocate those great political truths which you have pro claimed to this country and the world, and which are understood to be at the founda tion of all good governments. The President replied as follows: ' Gentlemen:—lt is no ordinary pleasure for me to meet you here on this occasion, and to hear the sentimentsyou have announced. To receive so large and respectable a bodyof intelligent gentlemen from the remote region of the country from which you come is highly gratifying to me. In response, sir [addressing Mr. Pinney], to the eloquent manner in which you have expressed the sentiments and feelings of those whom you represent on this occasion, I might confine myself to simply returning my thanks for you r kind expressions. But you have made some allusions to which, under the circum stances which surround us, I cannot be indifferent. You have alluded to the great principles of our Government having been enunciated by me in a paper sent a short time since to the Congress of the United States. The declaration by me of those principles was not the result of impulse. It was the result of a thorough and calm consideration of those great truths which lie at the foundation of all free goyern ments. Those who understand these truths an have laid them down as their guide canno fail to understand the doctrines enunciated in that message. It is not necessary to in quire whether they emanated front this mat or that man. Those who understand and believe in these principles, no matter from what standpoint they look at them, will find themselves involuntarily and imper ceptibly, it may be, but surely, coming together in all great struggles that may take place in regard to them, while those wIE, disclaim their, who are willing to repudiate them and set them at naught will be found disintegrating and traveling in a divergent direction. For this reason there may be many now coming together without any previous con sent or arrangement, but imperceptibly because they agree on these great princi ples. I think, gentlemen, there is no one who can mistake the great cardinal principles that are laid down in that message. They comprehend and embrace the principles upon which this Government rests, and upon which, to be successful, it must be ad ministered. I care not by what name the party administering the Government may be denominated—the Union party—the Re publican party—the Democratic party—the American party—or what not—no party can administer the Government succesafuily unless it is administered upon the great principle laid down in that paper. Yon would meet with about the same suc cess in attempting to carry on the Govern ment upon any other principles than those which are found in the Constitution as you would if yon should take hold of a piece of machinery that had been constructed and trained to run harmoniously in one direction, and attempt, by reverse action, to run it in the opposite direction. I say again that I think no one can mis take the doctrines of that message. It is - very easy for persons to misrepresent, and to make assertions that this, that or the other has taken place, or will take place, bin I think I may he permitted to say to yon, on this occasion, that, taking all my antece dents, going back to my advent into public life, and continuing down to the present time, the great:cardinal doctrines set forth in that paper have been my constant and unerring guides. After having gone so far, it is too late for me to turn and take aillif ferent direction. They will be my guide from this time onward, and those who un derstand them may inow where I shall atwaye be foundwhen principles is involved. Here let me say to you, in order to disa buse the public mind as far as it is possible for an individual to do so that my public career is well nigh done. The sands of my political glass have well nigh run out. If I were disposed to refer to myself I might trace my career back to the log cabin, then an alderman and a mayor in a village, then through both branches of the State Legisla ture, then for ten consecutive years in the national House of Representatives, then through the gubernatorial chair to the Senate of the United States, then provisional Governor, with a slight participation in military affairs, then Vice President, and now in the position I occupy before you; and now in this position, if I can be instru mental in restoring the Government of the United States, in restoring to their true posi tion in the Union, those States whose rela tion to the National Government have for a time been interrupted by one of the most gigantic ,rebellions that ever, occupied the attention of the world, so that we, can pro claim once more that we are a united people, I shall feel that the measure of my ambition has been filled, and filled to overflowing. At that point, if there be any who are envious and jealous of honor and:position, I shall be . prepared to make theni as polite a; bow, as I know how, and thank them to take the place I have occupied, for thy mis sion will have been fulfilled. 'ln saying this in. the perforthance of my duty, and in response to the encouragement you have given me,l feel that I am in a con dition not to be arrogant, not to feel imperi bias or supercilious;,. I feel that I can:afford to do right, and so feeling,, God .lieing willing, I intend to do right, and, as fir,aspin me lies lintend to administer this Govern ment upon the princiPles that lie at the foundation.of it. ~_ Ican inform all aspirants who are, 7,111$ to form .their. combinations for the future, Who want .tii make one or ganization for one purpose and another for another, that they•are not in my way.; ;ram not a candidate - for any - position, and hence I repeat I can; afford to do - right, and being in that condition I will do right. I make this annonncatient for the purpose 01 letting all know thatinY work ; is to restore the Government, mot to make combinations with reference to any future candidacy for the Presidencp6f the United States; I have reached the uttermost round. My race, is fun, so far.as that is concerned. My objest is to perform my duty, and that I will en deavor to do. Let us then all join in this great work of -restoration; and while we are restoring and repairing the breeches that have been made, let us also unite in the work of making new States, and populating them with a people who are worthy of the Government which protects them, and let those new State Go vernments be founded r on. principles in harmony with the great machinery devised by "our fathers. , So'far as regards any aid or assistance that can be given here in the progress and in the consummation of this great work of building up the new States, as well as in the restoration of all the, former States, you will find me a willing and a candid helper. Gentlemen, I did' not expect ' this demon stration, but yon will please accept' my thanks for the compliment You have paid me on this occasion and the encouragement yon, have given me in the discharge , of my. duty. Ml.l can say, in conclusion, is, to, assure you that any assistance you may, need from this quarter' will bsmost cheer fully given to advance the interests of the community you represent. The gentlemen present were then intro duced personally to the President. • General Barrow submitted to the inspee tion of the President, on behalf of the dele gation a large number. of specimens of gold-bearing quartz, obtained, in different portions of the Territory, which were ex amined with mnchinterest by the President, and the interview terminated. ° Homicide at Corning. N. T. ConinZ , rek, N. Y.. February 7th.—A man named Callahan was deliberately murdered in thisplace on Monday evening, by a man named John Emperor: They had a dispute about a woman, when Emperor drew a large knife and drove it into Callahan's breast. Callahan knocked his assailant down, and dropped dead. The murderer has not been arrested. oal 5.:302 Kao ar:l.l at NA MARVIN'S PATENT ALUM AND DRY PLASTER FIRE AND BURGLAR SAFES. 721 CHESTNUT STREET. Nearly Twenty-five years experience in the manu facture and sale of Rates in New York City, enableaus to present to the publican article unrivaled in the mar ket. Our Eafes are .Fincepvm dampness, and do not corrode the iron. htyi-c-proc,t, and do not tote that lily. n .77= li ed with the but Powder-Proof DWELLING HOUSE sAFES of ornamental styles for'Sflver Plate, Jewelry, .k.c. 88 - Safes of c Cher makers taken In exchange, bend for descriptive Circular. MABVIN & CO., 721 CHESTNUT STREET, jal9-Iml Masonic HaIIBR OADW.) PhiladeAY, N. Y. lphia, and a,5 FANCY GOODS. PAPIER ki.A.CHE GOODS. PAPIER MACHE GOODS. • TARTAN GOODS, SCOTCH PLAID GOODS. A fine assortment ci Papier Mucha 'Work Tables, Writing Desks, Inkstands and Scotch Plaid Goods, lust received per the steamer "St. George." too late for Christmas sales, suitable for Bridal Gifts, dic., will be sold low. * ISAAC TOWNSEND, House Furnishing Store of the late JOHNJOHN A. MM. P, 922 MUNDT STREET, jaM:ll Below Tenth street HAIR RESTORATIVES. THE INFALLIBLE HAIR RESTORATIVE I ! This is no Hair Dye. •Imr., I •• : • : . 3: : It will cleanse the scalp, and thereby promote the growth of the bear. If the hair is dry. stiff and lifeless. it will give It a softness and lively youthful appearance. If the hair is becoming thin, weak and falling off, ft will restore its strength and beauty, Ifthe hair is gray or oe.srming so, it will restore It to Its original color without staining scalp or head. It is free from all impurities or poisonous drugs. It is no hair dye. but an infallfble restorative, and will do all that Is promised. when used by the directions. SOLD. WHOLE.S.s LS: AND RETAIL. BY ROBERT FISRER, Sole Agent, NO.= North Illakbetuven Chestnut and Pine, St.. Louis. Agent for Pennsylvania, DI OTT & CO„ = N orth Second sneer, Philano. J. 1S th3mp STATIONERY. MANUFACTURING NANCVACTURING CO. 111. PM . L. LIAN, Ant. MANUFACTURING AND IMPORTING STATIONER, 51 South Fourth Street, 2d Story, r. wni C .nn, AZ 11901.1.1.• iLIPIILFS IMPROVED EYELET MACHINE, r, t. Lipman'. Tel-Patent Eyelet Machine, lel G LIPMAN . S PAT. PENCIL & ERASER, ti UPMAN'S ERASINO PENCILS, 5.c V 3 JACKSON'S LEAD PENCILS, ! M EARS' EVERPOINT LEADS,. 0 • MEARS' PROPELLING LEADS, a 0 UPMAN'S ANTI•BLOTTINO RULER. Q Lipman Manufacturing Co.'s R. SUPERIOR LEAD PENCILS. BOBBINS EYELET MACHINES. STATIONERY IMPORTED TO ORDER. LIPKIN EAMTACTVILINIR 60. maw: • ohni wog livio CITY Beading, Smoking and Chess Boom. EMINENT BESORT FOR Open FREE front 8 in the morning tiling at night. No Charge for use of Chess and Checker Tables, etc. T. G. KORONY ifc 00. DEALERS IN RFST IMPORTED CIGARS, • LErom TEN Centa upwards. TOBACCOS. LYNCHBURG. LONE JACK, SMOKING ROSE. Large assortment of best Vienna, Meerschaum and • Briar Wood PIPES; &c. , English. Scotch, Irish, German, and, French News papers and litagazines on file, among which can be fount: London Daily Times, London Punch, Loudon Weekly Times. London Society, London Illustrated, London Orchestra, Bell's Life, London Fan.. Manchester Guardian, Northern Whig, London Era, The Nation. , Journal de Debats ' ' Once a Week, Illustrated Paris Journal, Athentenm,. Gartenlanbe.Temple Bar, IChtdderadatsch; ' Cornhill Magazine, E oh Iselin Zeitung,, London Journal. Atlantic Monthly, " ' Harpers! Monthly, Army and Navy - Journal, Deal/more Sun. -la - Latest Return of Stock List. • BENCH 'COFFEE, TEA: AND CHOCOLATE fel.th s.tn. .At all hours. ' • jpARANGEB, AND LEMONS . —fitielly Oranges and Lemons; to prime - order, Ibr sate' by vos. B. Btreanat.di 168 BotaliDelaware avenue. _ • RETAIL DRY GOODS picii?- 7 ,.4lreitlinitiliknteloitzinli;4Dsao4 l ll E. M. NIEDLES. .APPEOVED STYLES OP Lace and Linen Collars; SETS, UNDER§LEEVES, &c. Embroiderias and White Goods, Handkerchiefs, Veils, Neck-Ties, &c. h vie tic knit tizic I t: 47A F.e.{.l PILE OLD ESTABLISHED CHEAP s :1 STORE.—TAMES dt LEE invite the attention o their friends and others to their large stock of season able goods, which they are selling at greatly reduc • prices. Superior Black French Cloths. Superior CXdored French Clothe. • • overcoat Cloths, all_ qualities. " Black French Dwaine. Black French Cassimeres. Mixed and Plain Ctesimeree. Fancy Cassias ores, of every description. Scotch and Shepherd's Plaid Cassis:dere% Cords, Beaverteens and Satinetts. Plain and Neat Figured Silk Vesting& Black Satins and Fancy Vestings. ' ' • "With. a large asrortsneut of Tailors' Trimmittgai. B o y s ' we ar, dr.c., for sale, wholesale or retail, by , seam?. No. 11 North Second Sign of the Golden Lamb., MITRE &LANDELL, FOURTH AND ARCH. have Xi just replenished their assortment of STAPLE HOUSEHOLD GOODS, - And are now fully prepared tc .r t i sal . ll4lllles with GOOD -MUSLIICS BY ' GOOD swerreth _LINENS. GOOD TABLE LINEAR. GOOD BED TICKINGS. GOOD WHITE FLANNELS. GOOD FINE BLANKETS. GoODWAMASK NAPKINS. BUFF MARSEILLIM QULLTS. PINK MARSEILLES QUILTS. FINEST AND LARGkST is_rrE DO' IRISH BIRD-EYE AND SWISH Town:Li:Eras. NEW LOT OF BRILLIANTS., MARSEILLES, SPRING STYLE CHINTZES, PERCALES, OM. 50 SEZIT BLACK. ALPACAS. [OO 1 6 A2 75 e Blact Vrt i ol c alain I re for finest a wide Black Cashmeres. 12 for new Spring &lades Wide Wool Delainee. b b l White 'Piques, Brilllantes, Cambrics, Plaids, ,lbe.. Heavy Nursery Diapers. stime extra wide goods, Fine Towe's ; 40-cent Towels- a bargain, OS and V, Napkins ere much under valve. Blchardson`s Heavy t hlrting and fine Fronting Linens. Table Damasks ender rket mice. COOPER do CONABD, S. E. corner It inth and Market streets, ELY HALL & CO., 2s 'South Secono street, would invite the attention of the Ladies to their stock of STLRS, and recommend them purchasing now, as we have no doubt of their having to pay a much advanced price for them next mouth and the coming spring. Colored Moire Antiques, Black Moire:Antiques, Colored Corded SElk - s, Colored Poult de Soles, Black Corded Silks, Black Gras Grains, Black Taffetas, Black Gros de Shines, zr. B.—A fine stock of Evening Silks on hand. ING OUT CASSMEMES AND CIAYfIES. C IA)S .Dark,Striped Doeskin. $1 75. Grey and Brown Mixed Doeskin, El 73. Black and White Cessimere. Plaid Cessimeres, for B.ys. $1 15. Plaid Cassinaerm, $1 31 and 51 Mi.' . Olive Brown Cloths, for Friends, Olive Green Cloths, for Friends. Omen Beavers, for Overcoats. 6-4 Heavy Melton Cloths, at 4 SO. These goods are low. Examine for yourselves, at J. H. STOKE 'S, 74 Arch street B_,l PURE MOHAIR GLACE, with a Silt "1 - finish, Jost adapted for Evening Dream 4-4 White Alpacas, White Irish Poplins, White Wool Porins, Pearl Color Irish Poplin!, White Opera Cloths. White Cloths, with Spots; Scarlet Cloths. Einirk - sr HALL & CO.. 213 South Second at. I 1(1_1110 :1:11 RICHARD PENISTAN'S Ale, Wine and Liquor Vaults, 430 Chestnut Streets, PHILADELPHIA. Established for the Sale of Unadulteri ated Liquors Only. Special Notice to Families I Richard Penistan's Celebrated, Ale, Porter and Brown Stout, Now so much recommended by the Medical Fatally fbr • $1 25 PER DOZEN, (These Bottles holdone Pint) The above being of the very best quality, it must be admitted theprice is exceedinglyLOW„ It is oelivered to all parts of the city without ettrb charge. Brandies, Wines, Gins, Whisliiasiim,dto. Warranted pore, at the lowest possible rides, by the Bottle, Gallon. or Oaak. CHAMPAGNES of the beet brands offered lower than by any other house. On Draught and in 13ettles, PURE GRAPE JUICE. This Is an excellent article for Invalids. It is a sure cure for Dyspepaia. HAVANA MOAN& OLIVE OIL, PICCB:Eates BAUM= IRABDINSB, London and Dublin Porter and Brown Ettost-33lagllah and Scotch Ales. debnil RAY RUM, CHAMPAGNES. The genuine and well known superior Heidsieck Co.'s Champagne for sale at all times, In lots of one to. ten Baskets, at the Company's price In New York, with the addition of 2.5 cents for expenses from N. T. Bent home free of charge. Also. Ifoel & Chandon's Green Seal and Veraeny, Widow Clicquot, Sparkling Rhine Shasherger, Johannisburg Sparkling Moselle uscatel and Hock, at as low prices as can be bought. anywhere. BIMON COLTON & CLARKE, S. W. cot BROAD and WALNUT Street HER MAJESTY CHAMPAGNE, Duivirow, 151 4301 Mt PROM' sr., SOLE AUNT. WINSB.—TTe attention of the trade is solicited ten the tbilowing very choice Winee,_&c._, for Bale by , JOSEPH F. HUN [' ON. No. In South Front street. above Walnut: BLADETRAS--Old Island, 8 years old. SICERRIZS--Clempbell & 00.. single, double and; triple Grape, E. Crusoe & Bons, Rudolph, Topes, Rim., Spanish, CroWn ana F. Vallette. TORTS—Vallette, Vinho VelhO Real, Dantan Rebello Valente & Co. 1836 tO lest. CCLARRIH—Crese File Freres and St.,Rsdephe anti eats Luminy. vERMOU Jourdan, Rrive& Co. id - USCIAT—de FrontUrnan.• CRAISEPAGNES Irrony, "Golden Stsir,.l de Venoge , Her Majesty and Royal Cabinet and ,oture favorite brands. Bo b u rn lots of old Wheat, Br. 0, .F l ird Bourbon Whig...W. for sale by E. F..61:1DR1.W.: TON. 5 North FRONT ElUeet. 1716 13A.If..10JEL'S ORNAMENTAL HAM ALANUFACTORY. Th . wo o and heat assortment Tanga, Toiapeol, - Long 'Hair Braids ink! c o % 'crater-IU% inotorines,-IFTD settear ve earnsfor lilusi 8 Ladies, at nice" LOWER tiff aisewharg. - laze= 909 aIIESTiTUT 131103111%
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers