m ; f EVENING PUBLIC LDaEE-PHIL'ADl3LPHIA", SATURDAY, MARCH 1', 1910 ' h lt yv LOOSE" CONSTRUCTION, SAYS KNOX, VITIATES WORLD LEAGUE -Covenant Not Really So ciety of Equals, He Asserts l NINE WOULD DOMINATE Objects Particularly to Lack ' of Basic International Law Code Contlnncd from Pasft One which, tin Mr. CIcmenccnu lias assured the members. It may bo removed for de- bate, amendment, and adoption or re jection. "In Mew of theso facts, wo might well forego Its discussion until the con ference In plenary session has adopted It, except that the report Itself has acquired for this nation a peculiar sig nificance by reason of the fact that the President presided over the body which drafted It; that he participated In the proceedings Incident to the drafting; that as president of the commission, he read the report submitting It to the plenary session of the conference; that he Indorsed the document and thereby committed himself as National Execu tive to It; and that ho has officially assured, In his cable to the members of tho Foreign Relations Commltteees of tho two houses of Congress, that there re good reasons even for the verbiage fit the document, crude ns that Is, "I must for myself demand that any plan proposed shall, to sccuro my sup port, meet these simple and roasonablo tests: "Do Its provisions abolish war and make It hereafter Impossible (for I would be willing we should go far and risk much to nccompllsh this)? "Do Its provisions strike down our constitution, or destroy our sovereignty, or threaten our natlonat Independence and life? For If the plan proposed docs these things, then It must receive the condemnation of every loyal citizen. "And I tell you here In nil soberness that these matters must be approached by all of ue In a spirit of rnnilld fair ness, without catll, bias, or partisanship! for our fat and the fato of the norld. If this matter go certainly forward, waits upon our decision, "And one word further let me say; If wo are to go forward with this plan It must be vhole-hcartedly and with abso lute good faith. Neither we, nor those who represent us In the league .bodies, must trifle with bur sacred plighted word. For weal or for woo we must tnd by our covenant. We must never leave In our history the taint of the scrapof pager.' Refers to "Loose" Expressions "Any definite and precise examination or criticism of the covenant is made Im measurably dlfTlcult because of the loose ness of expression which characterizes the document throughout; and while I shall not taKe your time to discover mere matters of verbiage, there are two such matters to which I Invite your at tention because they rclato to matters more or less basic. "The flrbt Is the language of Article 1, which provides that "the action of the high contracting parties shall bo effected through the Instrumentality of meeting of a body of delegates.' "This as n matter either of language er of logic Is sheer nonsense, and yet this article purports to lay down one of the fundamental precepts of the plan. "One Is tempted to believe on casual reading that this is mere Infelicity of expression and that, after all, tho mean ing may bo plain; but further study raises a serious doubt, because it Is not at all clear whether the document sets up one or two operating entitles for Its enforcement, as the following extracts will show. "Article 1,1 prescribes that 'the action of tho high contracting parties under the terms of this covenant shall be ef Vfected through the Instrumentality of meeting of a body of delegates reprcaent Inr the high contracting parties,' and not of tho league. "Article 11 declares that any war or threat of war Is a matter of concern to the league and that 'tho high contract ing parties reaerre the rltht to take any action that may be deemed wise and effectual to safeguard the peace of na tions. "Assuming the language Is carefully ' cljpsen, It Is obloUH that It is quite Impossible for the league Itself, which Is the creature of the high contracting parties, to resent, a right against the parties creating It, and yet It Is quite Intelligible and accurate to say that the high contracting parties who create the league reserve a right as against the league Itself. "Again, In the last paragraph of Ar ticle 19, the high contracting parties 'agree to establish' a mandatory com mission which shall. Inter' alia, 'assist the league In Insuring 'the observance of the terms of all mandates.' "Article IB, provides that. In case a dispute 'between states, members of the league,' haB not bee submitted to arbi tration under Article 13 (and possibly 13) then 'the high contracting parties agree that they will refer the matter to the executive council,' but 'either party to tho dispute may give notice of the existence of the dispute to the secretary-v general of the league. tH m' V?s. aaaa?t i - - ?" '? aaaVBaaaaUfi H $ x2Mk 'cS p t . 4- BaTLh.aTaTBaB IA l - " -. -MH'HI I S i V , sHjaaaB I! i . Z BBTaTBaTaTBaTaTBaaTi fj i r' f: 'CT1 i v ssaaaaaaW - I .aaaV - aaaaaaaaaW S SENATOR KNOX Doubts Sacrifice of U. S. Traditions and Policies Worth While URGES A REFERENDUM r Hecs Absurdity There "Under Article 18, 'the high contract tnr parties agree that the league ahull be Intrusted with general supervision of the trado In arms and ammunitions, etc., etc' "It would be absurd hero to substitute 'league' for 'high contracting parties,' so that the sentence would read 'the league agrees that the league shall bo Intrusted, etc' "Again In Article 21, the high con tracting parties agree that provision hall be made through the instru mentality of the league to secure and maintain freedom of transit and equi table treatment for the commerce of all states members of the league.' Ob viously here the high contracting parties and the league can scarcely refer to the same operating entity. 'How Important this matter of a pos. slble double International entity Is, be comes at once apparent when It Is ob served that the provisions of the super, covenant of Article 10 reads: 'The high , contracting parties undertake to respect and preserve as against external ag gression tho territorial Integrity and ex ' Utlng political Independence of all states members of the league.' i .hoii intr nunment on other cove nants of tho high contracting parties when It will become Increasingly ap- n hmv intteaivnslble It becomes to have this point cleared up, because If the L ..tfn-.ilnt' nartloM do t!Ot COITI prise every state that Is a member of tho league, then the burden assumed by the high contracting parties (whoever they may be, possibly the 'big five ) is crushing in Its weight. "Tho popular thought Is that a league c.'of nations means a league of all the nations of the world. Such, however. i" is not the league provided for In the document now before us, for the nations fare divided Into threa plasses: "First, 'signatories' of the covenant; these are not named, but It Is assumed fthey will Include and possibly be con- lined to the five great Entente powers. ,that la to By. the British Empire. JLr i7.lv Janan and the United utiiwi a. r - - "'tatas.. toched to the covenant' ; no Information Is given ns to who these states arc, though surely they will Include such Entento powers, If any, ns are not sig natories ns well as certain other states neutral In the conflict now closing. Central Allies Outcasts "Third, those states which are neither signatories nor protocol states nnu xuhixh mimt. to be admitted to the league, be prepared to givo certain ci fectlve guarantees as to their Intention to be bound by their International ob ligations. These latter are outcast states and presumably Include the Central Powers and their nllles In the wnr. "Thus a league of nations In the sense of nil the nations Is not created by this document, ntr are the Btatcs members of the league treated as equals, as Is apparerit and will be more fully shown when it is considered that the governing body of the proposed league; namely, the executive council, Is made up of rep resentatives of only nine states. "Hut the term league la a misnomer In another and really vital matter, l'or a league connotes a confederation, and a confederation Implies a right In the several parties to withdraw nt their will, nut there la no right of secession ultliln the four corners of this cotenant. On the other hand, the association here provided for Is a union In the full senso of .that term, n applied to our own political institutions. "Once In this anion we remain there, no matter how onerous Its glgantle burdens may become. No matter how great the distaste and revulsion our necnle may have for It, we must remain members until either wo persuade all the states represented In the executive council and three-fourths of those rep resented In the body of delegates to bid us depart In peace, or until the league crumbles of Its own weight or Is de stroyed by Its enemies, or until we fight our way out against the Ilrltlsli empire, France, Italy, Japan and all the lesser states they are able to persuade to Join the league. It Is well that all discussions of this project should bo had with the fore going preliminary matters in mlnu." Mr. Knox then proceeded to describe the powers of the various bodies as Indi cated In the 'league draft, criticizing the document because It contains "no provi sions whatever regarding the appoint ment, removal, compensation or tenure of the body of delegates who are to ex erecise these powers." The executive council, made up of representatives of the British empire, France, Italy, Japan and the United States, and of four other states to be selected, Is obviously, he said, "The real governlnr body of the league, yet such essential matters as what shall be the number of representatives from each state, who shall fix the number, shall the statea be represented by an equal number of representatives, what shall be the manner of organliatlon and of votlnr, are not stated In the document. "Neither does the document provide," he continued, "for the appointment, re moval, compensation or tenure of these representatives. And yet this Is the body which Is hereafter to determine whether w, the people of the United States, shall go to war, and what our participation therein shall be. No Frlnclples for League Outdance "Nor are theso all the defects of the Instrument In respect of the operations of tho executhe council. There are ab solutely no principles, rules or regu lations laid down In the covenant by which this world-governing body Is to be guided. "I am not unmindful of the fact that by the 'covenant-preamble' International cooperation and International peace and security are to be Rromoted. Inter alia, 'by the Arm establishment of the under standings of international law as the actual rule of conduct among govern ments.' "Hut this prevision merely accentuates the difficulty, for there is no universally recognised body of International law, and no provision Is made In the Instru ment for even an attempt to secure one. "To sum up, the exccutlvo council Is legislature, court and. In a largo part, executive, all In one. A body clothed with powers such as this Is an anachro nism. It belongs not to the enlightened ago of the twentieth oentury, but to the dayB of the Jledes and Persians. "A union more abhorrent to our tra ditions, to our free Institutions, to the trend 'of all clvlllied government, could not be devised." Of the naval military commission and mandatory commission, he made the same objections to lack of provision for appointment, tenure, removal and regula tion. Of the Labor Bureau, he objected to the pretention to equalize labor In all countries, citing the fact that France already has given notice that Bhe can not equalize with America. "Finally," he said, "there Is the per manent secretariat which apparently Is to perform the ordinary secretarial duties both for the body of delegates and for the executive council. This Is the machinery of the league. The mere nar ration I have made shows great gaps In indlsnensable provisions and procedure. I assume I need make no argument to establish that before we become parties to any such plan as herein proposed we must know something, must have some assurance on these vitally Im portant matters now unprovided for. Nor can it be properly said that th'ese are mere details which have no place In a great document, for all are of the kind which are provided for in our own con stitution which certainly is entitled to rank fully with this covenant aa to novelty of plan and provision and as to Importance and far-reaching conse quences. "The supercovenant of Article 10 ob ligates these parties, Including our selves, to respect and tcjreserve against external aggression the territorial In tegrity and existing political Independ ence of all league members. "It Is to be noted that this guarantee runs not alone to the exlstlnr territory of nations, but to any territorial extent to which they may hereafter attain. "It should be here further observed that If there la a difference between the high contracting parties and the league, Emphasizes Danger in Omis sion to Provide for Peace ful Withdrawal league, which guarantee not only their own territorial Integrity nnd Independ ence, but the territorial Integrity nnd political Independence of every other member of tho league. "Dy Article 12 tho pnrtles agree not lo resort to war ngatnst nny high con tracting party over any dispute what soever, until the matter has been sub mitted to arbitration or subjected to In quiry before tho executlxo council. It may be remarked In passing two things nro obvious: First, that this does not prevent but merely delays war by tho high contracting parties, except that second. If a member of the league, ob taining the Judgment before the arbitra tion tribunal or the council accepts the benefit of tho Judgment (as, of. course, the winning party would all b'ut uni versally do), then tho losing party shtjll not, under such circumstances, go tb war against the winning party, "By Artlclo 15, tho high contracting parties agree to refer to the executive council any dispute-not submitted to ar bitration and like IV to lead to runture. and further that they will not go to wnr 'with any pnrty' which complies with any recommcndntlon of the executive council which Is unnnlmously concurred In by nil members of the council, except tho parties to the dispute. tsmini 'statea not signatory to the then t s high contracting parties. In. al May War Over Decision "Seemingly they may go to wnr over n recommendation of tho council which Is not unnnlmously concurred In by all members of tho council, except the par ties In dispute. "By nrtlclo 20 the high contracting parties .undertake to endeavor to secure and maintain fair and humane condi tions of labor In member states and among non-member states and agree to establish as part of the organization of the league a permanent bureau of labor a somewhat drastic potential, In terference not merely with out Federal but with our state powers as well. "And by Article 25, probably tho tlflrd mdst Important In the entire document, tho high contracting parties agree that this covenant shall abrogate all obliga tions Inter so which are Inconsistent with the terms thereof and that they will not enter Into any other engage ments which are thus Inconsistent. "I rnlse this as n question of no little Importance: Slnco tho covenants of the league guarantee territorial Integrity and political Independence of league members, then a similar covenant be tween any two members of the league would probably be considered an Incon sistent obligation; nnd If this be true I Invite the attention of the Senate to the possible abrogation of the I'latt amendment treaty between ourselves and Cuba a treaty heretofore regarded aa Indispensable to our national welfare and safety In case totli Cuba and the United Htatea become members of the league. "The foregoing are the more Important covenants which run In the name of the high contracting parties. "I wish now to direct your attention to the powers which run In the name of the league as such, and to renew my In vitation that you consider well tho dif ferences between the two sets of covenants and powers, and to my ques tion as to whether tho plan contemplates two International entitles, namely, the high contracting parties and the league. "By Article 7 the league Is to pre scribe conditions of entry into It of tho outcast states; by Article 17 tho league Is to be entrusted with the general supervision of trade In arms and am munition In countries where a control of tho traffic of such Is necessary to the common Interest; by Article 19 the league assisted by the mandatory com mission Is to Insure an observance of all mandates, and by Artlclo 21 the league Is to be the Instrument through which the high contracting parties shall secure and maintain freedom of transit and equitable treatment of commerce of all members together with special arrange ments with regard to the necessities of regions devastated In the present war. "Thcseare the sum total of the powers and obligations which In this covenant run to tho, league as such. How great the undertakings of the high contracting parties, how meager the obligations of tho league Itself Is evident from this enumeration. "An if In considering all this it must be remembered that once wo enter this league and assume these obligations we cannot secure any modification thereof, except with the consent of all the states whose representatives compose tno Exec utive Council, and of three-fourths of the states whoso representatives com pose the body of delegates. What a magnificent field we would thus create for grandiose International political ma nipulation by ambitious men and groups. Denies It Will Maintain reace "With this anahsls before us. we are now In a position to consider the appli cation of the rules by which in my Judgment this proposal must bo tested. First. Do lis provisions aoousii war and make It hereafter Impossible? There Is not an Important article In the docu ment which doea not specifically answer that question NO. "And further, the scheme provided therein holds out a higher promise, nay assurance, of a future worldwide war, greater than any which has gone be fore, than any other document In the history of recorded time. "I have already pointed out that tho covenant provides for three sorts of states; first, 'signatories' of tho( cove nant; second, protocol states and third, outcast states, which I take It are the Central Powers and their allies. "Now It Is unnecessary to labor an argument to show that the Inevitable result of outlawing the Central States will be to drive them more closely to gether for mutual self-protection. "We would thus have In no distant future two great leagues or nations, which will become two great camps, each preparing for a new ana greater lite and death struggle. "Our only escape from this result, under this plan, would be through the exercise of such a tyrranlcal despotism over the peoples of the Central Powers as we, with all our traditions and Ideals, must not become a party to, for It would be violative of all of those human rights for which our fathers, fought and which our own constitution guarantees. "In other words, thin plan, as the pre scriptions of the document demonstrate, Is In effect merely an offaenslve and de fensive alliance between certain picked powers aa between themselves, and a coalition among them aa acalnst the balance of the world, and this coalition la formed with an avowed and published purpose to Impose upon the stranger powers the will of the coalition, not merely in matters relating to the pre vention of war, but In all other matters tn which the conduct of the stranger powers affects the members or the co- lltlon. Ing less. Has history ever answered an attempt to do this thing, save In one way, and has that way ever spelled anything but disaster for the coalition? Is such a proposal not monstrous, and If so, ran It have our support? Mast our every effort not be to avoid so di viding the world Into two warring camps? ' Some Old Balance of Tower "In what respect will the situation eo formed differ from that created by the cenlurles-old doctrine of balance of power, save only thnt now for the first unhappy time In our history, we nre to be placed In one side of the balance." To show how potential the league draft Is for war, Mr. Knox then cited from the draft seven Instances of legali zation of vvnr nnd three Instances mak ing It obligatory on tho members to go to wa for nny otner memner nuncnea. Ho cited Articles 12, 15, 11, 17 and 16. Referring to the Inst, paragraph of Artlclo 16. by which "the high con tracting parties ajrroo further thnt they will mutunlly support one another In the financial and economic measures which may be tnken under this article, In order to minimize the loss ana inconvenicnco resulting from the above measures'," Mr. Knox said: "What our contributions will be under this, how much our cltliena must be ground down by taxes to take care of ullcl and extrnvagnnt expenditures which we did not nnd would not Initiate nnd over which we would have no con trol, only nn all-wise rrovldence can foresee. "Thus tho proposed covenant, instead of abolishing wnr, actually sanctions, breeds and commands it. Moreover, It absolutely requires that every future war shnll be a potential world war, and that we shnll he an active participant In every such war, "We are thus thrust fully Into the terrible cauldron of Kuropenn politics, nnd every outbreak In the llalkans (even domestic. If It threaten Interna tional t) villi call for some expendi ture of treasure, for some shedding of American blood, for some loss of Amer ican life, "It Is Idle to say and fatuous to hope or bcllovo these outbreaks will not oc cur, for ambitious' men do not hesitate to waste llfo In order to punish an enemy or gain a goal. "The plan, therefore, falls to meet tho first test. "Wo conio now to the second question pruposcu uo inc provisions of the Why then this plan (o strangle and crush us? "Mr. President, there Is hero some thing amiss." Senator Knox then took up the ques tion of substitute proposals to end war, saying thnt the arbitration of all dis putes might bo compelled under such plan ns that provided for In tho Inter national prize court, or the unratified American-British and American-French arbitration treaties of 1911, or tho Ol-ncy-Pnuncefote treoty of 1897, or n union of the best In nil of them. A second wny, he said, would be, If It were felt that world Interests nnd power were reshaping In such wny that Amer proposed covenant strike down tlm nro. ccpta of the constitution? A mere list, ing of some of the more conspicuous pro visions of each thous thnt It does. "Urlder tho constitution the Congress of tho United Stateo has tho exclusive power to declaro war. The proposed covenant puts the power of declaring wnr In the hands of the Hxccutlve Coun. ell, In which, It Is true, we have n voice, but not the constitutional voice. Congress Helpless to Declare or Stop War "Thus, whether Congress wishes or not, whether tho peoplo wish or not, we may be forced into wnr, with all Its sacrifices of life. In a causo In which we have no real concern nnd with which wo may be out of sympathy, under the penalty that If wo do not go to war we shall, by breaking a covenant of the league, bring war upon ourselves by tho bnlance of the world." Mr. Knox then analyzed the draft to show that Congress would give up to tho !eaguo its power to raise and sup "If war were abolished," ho sold "this might he tolerable, but with war legal ized even between members of the engue and actually commanded In cer tain contingencies, this may spell for us'overw helming disaster." Ho objected nlso to the relinquishing of treaty ratification to tho league. Discussing tho question of mandates, he Bald the provisions were drawn so ooscly "liurposoly or otherwise" that one could not tell Just how tho man datory states are to bo selected. "Are the mandatory states to be chosen by the high contracting parties, by tho members of the league, by tho body of delegates, or by the executive council?" he asked. "Or Is the state pro tected (for stripped of the new day verbiage a protectorato Is really pro vided for), other than the Turkish Em pire communities, to pick out from the league membership or from btates not league members that particular state which tho protected state wishes as a protector?" Home One Else Will Have the Say "Hut no matter who plcka the manda tory poner," he continued, "clearly some one besides ourselves has the power to say whether and when our boys and how many of them ahall be aent to the arid regions of Armenia, or to the sleeping death regions of Central Africa, or to the wildernesses of Southwest Africa, or to the Inhospitable South Pacific Isles, and when they get there It will be some body else besides ourselves who will determine how long they shall remain, by what laws they ahall govern the lea needed to be protected, and needed to protect others, to form an'olllance with the strongest other power or two powers. His third proposal was that. If a great majority of the United States should de sire to establish a "true league of na tions," not merely to build a coalition to further trade cr to preserve and ex pand territorial possessions." then: "At a convenient nnd nroner tlmo In the relatively near future, wo shall co operata with tho representatives of all the other powers In tho formation nmeng all, not a portion, of the nations of the world an International league. "Among the first articles of the con stitution which ahall create this league should he one which ahall provide that war Is thereby declared to be an Inter natlonat crime and that any nation en gaging In war, except In self-defense when actually nttacked, ahall be punish ed by tlie world as an International criminal. "This constitution should also provide that all disputes relating to Interna tional matters as defined by nn Inter national code should be decided by on International court, "Tho code would define what wnr Is and would discriminate between nctrres- slve and defensive war, between assault and protection, and would outlaw one nnd not the other, for no system of law ever enacted or wisely projected has penalized self-defense by man or by state. Kxlstenco censes when tho right and power of self-defense Is gone. "This codo would nlso provide that one nation could not summon another before tho International court, except In respect to a matter of International nnd common concern to the contending nations, nnd that tho Jurisdiction of the court would not extend to matters of governmental policy, which would be excluded from arbitration unless one of tho disputing parties had by a treaty or otherwise given another country a claim that might Involve these subjects. "Under such n codo we would not bo called upon to arbitrate the policy In volved In our Monroe Doctrine; our con servation policy; our Immigration pol icy; our rlgnt to expel aliens; our right to repel Invasion; our right to maintain military and naval establish ments, or coaling stations within our own borders of elsewhere, as tho pro tection nnd development of this coun try might demand ; our right to make necessary fortification of tho Panama Canal, or on our frontiers; our right to discriminate between natives and for eigners In respect to rights of properly nnd citizenship; and other matters of like character. "The international court should bo au thorized by the league constitution to call upon tho powers signatory to en force Its decrees and awards as against unwilling states by force, economic pres sure or otherwise." "Tho court should Bit In tho hemi sphere of the contending nations, and If the disputants I'vcd In opposite hemi sphere, then in the hemisphere of the defendant Power. "The constitution ahould further pro vide that If It were necessary to enforce a decree against an American Power refusing to fellow the decree of the court, that such decree ahould be en forced by the countrlea of thla hemi sphere! that If a decree of the court must be enforced against a country of the lUatern Hemisphere, then It should be by such means and methods and by such forces and powers aa the court and the l'owera of that hemisphere should decide. "A league framed on these broad lines would carry with It a minimum of loi of our sovereignty; it would relieve us from participation in the broils of Kurope; It would preserve the Monroe Doctrine and save America from the results of Huropean aggression and In trigue ; It would reduco to tho minimum the causes of war; and would make the waging thereof otherwise than In self defense when attacked, a publlCcrlme punishable by the combined forces of the world. "But, Mr. President, these aro not the problems which now pres urgently upon us. As I have recently proposed to tho Senate, let us have an end of all (his. "Let the discussion of a league of na tions be postponed for later considera tion, not alone by the victorious belligerents, but by all the nations if and when at some future time a general conference on this subject may be both possible nnd useful. 'Professing as we do to have all same complete accord and co-operation ns In the past, alt for the defense of civilization. "And why should this be our course, because, Mr. President, a million nnd a half of our boys nre mnrklng tlmo In Kurope, waiting patiently, anxiously, their eyes turned across tho water, for the signing of the treaty of pence that shall allow them to return to the' homo land. "How much longer shall their return wait on academic discussion of un attainable dreams?" Another attack on the league of na tions constitution was delivered In the Senato by Senator Hard'wlck, of Ceorgla, Democrat, who was making probably his last formal address before retirement March 4, He contended that tho tenta tive charter was unconstitutional, would Impair American sovereignty nnd would submit vital domestic questions to a foreign super-tribunal In which the United States would bo outvoted. Senator Hard wick nsscrted that It "would require tho conscription of our sons to police tho world," "I nm worry." said Senator Hnrdwick, discussing the league's constitution, that we can not havo statesmen like Senator Knox, Instead of untried states men like Colonel House." At that the galleries applauded, but quickly subsided when admonished by the chnlr. Senator Hardwick referred to the November election?, followed closely by the signing of the armistice. "The administration conducted the war to a successful and glorious con clusion," ho snld, "nnd at tho moment of victory tho ndmlnlstratlon was repudiat ed at the polls." Senator Hardwick suggested that Mexico might set up a claim in the league for a return of Texas and that tho United States either would have to arbitrate the dispute or refuse to admit tho leagues jurisdiction. America already has been chosen, the Senator said he believed, as the man datory for Armenia, Ho said he op posed seeing "this country npproprinted as tho policeman for tho world," nnd In reply to a question from Senator Heed, of Missouri, nsserted It would require "an nrmy with no limit" to police Rus sia nlono A resolution calling on tho American peace delegates to offer an amendment to the league of nations constitution for national referendums on declarations of war and unacceptable decisions' f tat . league's executive council, was presjMNrUrd In the Senate today by Senator Gere, f , Oklahoma, Democrat. It w referred " to the Foreign Relations Committee, ' t WIRE BILL TO GO OVER Measure to End Federal CoHtrel, Will Remain in Committee Washington. March 1. (By A. P.) No effort will he mnde In the House ' before adjournment of Congress to pas the resolution ending government wire control December 31. Representative Pou. chairman of the House Rules Committee, announced to day that the measure would not be pressed, because action In tho Senate nut rrtarucu as impossiDle. mi Pipelcss Heaters Save 30 of Coal Installed Complete OTTO STEINACKEK S N. 6th at, Tlora 4H1 people, and what shall be their meaanreJ humnnty for our concern, let us not In STW . , aj ri' ".- .VTw!,l; "WH ?.,S-i and rules of protection, "Somebody else beside ourselves must decldo how many billions (for we speak now only In such terms) we shall wring from our own peoplo by taxation and spend In tho territory over which we have been made mandatory. "I take It to be unnecessary to point out how destructive all theBo things would be of our constitution. "Thus this covenant, will, if It be comes operative, strike down mos,t vital provisions of our constitution and hero again It falls to meet the test. "I am now to tho third question I have put Aro the provisions of the proposed covenant destructive of our sovereignity? "Cast up In your mind the colossal powers granted to the executive council (In which be it alwa3a remembered we are but one of nine participating powers)) recall the far-reaching and vital covenants Into which we shall enter us one of tho high contracting parties and hold In mind that we are to give up the power to say when we shall have war, when peace, what shall our army number, how many vessels of war shall we have, how, when, where, and under what conditions ehnll our army and navy be used, when shall our treaties be binding, what shall our treatment of commerce be, how great shall our gift of funds to other powers and therefor? how great the tribute we ahall pay consider nil these and you cannot but say that our sovereignity haa In matters of national lire and tleain ueen aesiroyeu. "I come now to the fourth and last of my testB Will this plan, If put Into operation, threaten our national inde pendence and life? "Judged by all the standards of the past, by history and by experience, we must answer that It does. Threatens Natlon'e Independence "It threatens our life In respect of all those matters in which our sover eignty Is Impaired, because when sov ereignty goes, life as a. nation goes, tndenendence goes, when our conduct Is dictated by others when our continued existence depends upon (he will of others, when we are no longer able W avail ourselves of our wonted means of defenses, actual or by anticipation. "Thus the plan falls to meet each and every of the tests I. have applied. Why then, and I ask It In all eln city, this feverish anxiety for the adop tion of this plan? "No nation threatens us; no group of nations seeks our destruction; never before were we relatively so strong. War Itself, the great curse of mankind, la further away today than It haa been In centuries, "Can we not be trusted again to come to the rescue when again popular gov ernment, civilization and human .right threaten to be overwhelmed? I dial lc. any-wan or Mtjen to.wy nay, e - , , our league outlaw a great part of the civilized world. Let us see to It that this league which Is to usher In a reign of righteousness upon the earth shall comprise all peoples that dwell upon it. Including our regenerated, democratized enemy. America Would Help Again "Meanwhile our co-belligerents need have no anxiety, for so surely as the sun rises If the Hun flood again threat ened to engulf the world, we shall again be found fighting for the right with the Automobile School Complete, practical Instruction given in repairing and overhauling all makes of cars. Pupils do actual work under competent Instructors. Large, well-ventilated rooms mod ern equipment Afternoon and evening classes, be. ginning Monday, March S. Fees moderate. Call or phone.- CRNTRAI, Y.M.C.A. Auto School 717 North Broad St., or Instruction Office, 1421 Arch Street SPEAR'S w A R M A I R D I S T R I B U T Made and sold la Phil adelphia aince 1856. , 'They include Plpelesa or other type of Heaters. Hot Water or Steam. Rangea for the Homo School HoUL Save Coal aad Labor. Efficient and Durable. Call and aee ia opera tloa. We can get around your probleraa. , A Stove for Every Purpose JAMES SPEAR N E W C O O K I N G R A N G o STOVE & HEATING CO. e R- . laafcTi. atsaaW.jtaii S They Meet for the First Time in the House of Death! The pretty daughter of a widow and an English ex army officer. Caught in a storm. Refuge in a dark farmhouse. They investigate and find. man. Upright in a chair. floor a curious cryptogram ! A rash above. A murdered ! ! On the The Girl had anything ")0 "Do you think I to do with it?' you think that is the reason I ask you to keep my name out of j? The Man "I will tell no one I am sure you did not do it. But what about this mysterious paper we found on the staircase?" s Who Shot Franh Lumsden? What was the motive? Was he Slain by a bandit in search of hidden wealth? Shot down by a woman whose love he had spurned? Forfeit his life in a spy plot? Or just a plain case of mistaken identity? It was none of these. "THE MYSTERY THE DOWNS5 OF Here is a plot to baffle the most astute fiction reader, written by two former Scotland Yard Detectives, John; R. Watson and Arthur J. Rees, authors of "The Hampstead Mystery." No butler, no maid, no coroner's inquest a new kind of detective story, weird, gripping, tantalizing, with an astounding climax. You will never suspect the murderer until he stands revealed in the extraordinary denouement of the last chapter. - 1 Commencing Tomorrow in Sunday's PUBLIC i m 'AM: LEDGER Jaaaaaaal . . 1 X X, .'V i a : 1 j t. j i vi ? fci i .14 M -) v '.A - -y, . . I
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers