.3,gandou lottwoott 'WEDNESDAY,: MARCH 27, 1867. A New Dark lantern Association. When the notorious red-republican Infidel, Carl Schurz, stood up in the Chicago Oonvention, which nominated Abrahipn 'Lincoln in 1860, and told the high priests of the Know Nothing party, who were there assembled, that they must either abandon their' proscription of foreigners or lose three hundred thousand German votes in the North west, they at once professed to repudiate the dogmas to propagate which they had bound themselves together by sacri legious oaths in midnight assemblages. During the continuance of the gigantic civil war, which was precipitated upon the country by the ultra Radicals of the two e x treme factions, contrary to the wishes and the interests of a vast majority of the people of both sections, the animosity of the original enders of the Know-Nothing party to the foreign element in the North did not dare to show itself. Neither did they undertake to prescribe men on ac count of their religious belief while our army was largely composed of foreign ers and Catholics. But all the ma chinery of the Know -Nothing lodges was still retained. The " Union Leagues," which were established in every election district throughout the North, were organized and conducted after the plan of the original dark lantern associations. Ever since the war began these oath-bound and pro scriptive leagues, the existence of which is inconsistent with the spirit of our re publican institutions, have composed the civil organization of the Radical party. To them, more than to any other agency, that party has owed its success in controlling elections throughout the North. During the war, while the soldiers were in the field, it proved to be a com paratively easy matter to control their votes. What misrepresentation and in timidation could not effect was accom plished through the agency of the most gigantic and unblushing frauds. When the soldiers, of the Republic returned to their homes, they were free to examine the political questions which agitated the nation, and free to cast their votes for whom they pleased. Then the Rad icals undertook to control the military element of the North by the propoga tion of the most infamous and unblush_ ing falsehoods. It really seemed as if the whole newspaper press of the party had given itself up to the dissemination of lies. Their columns presented little besides the most vulgar abuse of their oppo nents, and the basest fabrications of un truth. It was seemingly useless to ex pose their malicious misrepresentations. Any lie, no matter how improbable it might be, which was started by one of their number was sure to go the round of all the rest. They persistently re fused to retract any misstatement, no odds how clearly it might be proven false. They managed to deceive many, both citizens and soldiers, by constantly appealing to their prejudices and pas sions. In the meatitime their "Union Leagues," as they falsely designated these oath-bound associations, were kept up as an efficient menus of political organization. To these the Radicals have now added another agency, designed especially to entrap those who' served as soldiers. For months past they have been labor ing to secure recruits for what is osten tatiously styled "The Grand Army of the Republic." That is a high sound ing and taking title. This association was originally heralded to the world as a purely benevolent institution. It was denied that it was organized for any political purpose, and it was declared that it should never be thus used. Had this representation been true, the in stitution might have effected some good. Until those who had control of the affair threw off the mask of deceit, which they bad assumed, the organiza tion was not assailed by any Democratic newspaper; but the time for silence has passed away. There is no longer any reason to doubt about the character of this new dark-lantern association. It is intended to be used as an agency to secure a continuance of Radical mis rule, and its agents are now traversing the State of Pennsylvania, establishing lodges and putting in motion the ma chinery, with which, as original know nothings, they are perfectly familiar. In the Express of last Friday evening apeared au editorial commencing as follow s 111E2lEtS1 Gen. H. A. Barnum, Chairman of the Soldiers' National Committee, which was created by the Pittsburg Convention, last summer, is in town on business connected with the organization of the soldiers and sailors into leagues or societies, to influence the cowling Presidential election. It is the intention of the National Committee, which is represented in Congress by Butler, Banks and Logan, to consolidate the various so cieties now existing, in order to make their action harmonious and concentrated. The headquarters of the Committee will soon be at New York. With reference to this General, who rejoices in the significant name of Bar num, of hiscomrades, Butler, Banks, et al, and of the work in which they are engaged, we shall have more to say in another article. Indulging In a Yeto His highness, Governor Geary has been indulging in the luxury of a veto. He has refused his signature to a bill granting more extended privileges to the Penna. Railroad. Company. For this act one-half of his party are praising him while the balance are cursing him. The Senate have passed the Vetoed bill over the head of the Governor by a vote of two-thirds. A few hours after our highly intel ectual and most sagacious Governor had promulgated his veto, and while he was' complacently waiting to hear the plaudits of those who might ap prove it, somebody quietly whispered to him that he had, only a day or two before, affixed - his official signature, with all the flourishes, to a bill grant ing precisely similar franchises to the Allegheney Valley Railroad Company. Here was a fix for a loyal Governor, the representative of the party of intelli gence and all that, to be placed in. An examination of the bill he had signed proved that it was liable to all the ob jections which he had urged against the one he had vetoed, in fact pre cisely similar. What was to be done? He at once cordially ad mitted that he had signed the Al leghauy Road Bill "without reading it." There was candor for you, and executive wisdom to boot. But that admission did not relieve him from the dilemma. What could he do? He would indict another message—and he did so. He sent in a second message to the Legislature, recommending "the repeal of the Alleghany railroad bill," which he had signed without reading on the 7th inst. Great is Geary. The next time the "God and morality" party of Pennsylvania goto the cast-off debris of the Democratic party to hunt up a candidate for Governor, we hope they will select some one less stupid than the present incumbent. The Township Elections. All our country exchanges comes to us with pleasing accounts of unusual Democratic triumphs in the recent Sprin elections. We seem to have gained in every section of the State. This is a gratifying condition of affairs and augurs well for the future. The overthrow of Radicalism in Pennsyl vania cannot be much longer delayed. Thaddeus Stevens on Confiscation. The Philadelphia North American, a paper owned and edited by the - Mayor of a city which has always depended to a great extent, for its . #ade ittion'the South, in an editnrial iMpratlng of the wholesale confiscation of the property of the very peopkwho have' made the fortunes of, its merchants and mannfao-i turers, nye . "This is a matter that has hitherto escaped the attention of all our public men except Mr. Stevens, and we doubt not that many who read his speech will feel surprised that no one has anticipated him in this capital method of making the Gulf States pay us for the injuries they have inflicted on us during the war." It is true, as we have shown in a for mer article, that Thaddeus Stevens first originated this infamous scheme, which is thus endorsed by the leading Radical newspaper of the City of Brotherly Love. It is also true that this plan of wholesale plunder has not yet seemed to receive the sanction of any very large proportion of the Radical leaders. We were charitable enough to suppose this was, not because they had notheard the proposals of Mr. Stevens, but be cause they had some little respect for the usages of civilized nations and some slight hesitancy in trampling under foot the most explicit and binding pro hibitions of their country's constitution. Savage tribes have sometimes waged war upon their enemies, even to the point of extermination ; but never in the world's history has any civilized nation attempted to carry out a scheme so utterly and ruthlessly barbarous in its every feature as is that contained in the confiscation bill of Thaddeus Ste vens. No man with a spark of human ity In his composition, no one less venomously malignant than the Con gressman from this district, would have dared to put it forward for serious con sideration in a legislative body at any period since the divine precepts of Chris tianity have come to be recognized as having binding force upon men and nations. It has happened in English history that the estates of a few leading men in revolt against the Crown have occasionally been confiscated. But, long ago the policy and the right upon which forfeitures were made, began to be ques tioned by the ablest lawyers and the most enlightened statesmen of that country, from which we are proud to derive alike our ancestry and our laws. Sir William Blackstone in his com mentaries upon the laws of England, thus emphatically condemns the whole theory and practice of confiscation: " And, therefore, (says this great jurist and reasoner,) as every other oppressive mark of fo , dal tenure is now worn away in these Kingdoms, it is to be hoped that this corruption of blood, with all its attend ant consequences, not onlyoof present es cheat, but of future incapacity of inheri tance, may in process of time be abolished by act of prliament." This was done by statute of 7 Anne, chapter 22, which abolished after the Pretenders death forfeiture of the estate for treason, except during the life of the offender. Indeed, there never was a time in the history of England when any man would have had the infamous audacity to make public such a propo sition as that deliberately put forward iirthe Congress of the United States by Thaddeus Stevens. The most despotic of her Kings would not have dared to attempt such wholesale robbery of any defeated faction of traitors, no matter how heinous there offences might have been. The manly character of the Eng lish people would at auy time have re volted instinctively against any such barbarous procedure. Our forefathers, after they had thrown off the yoke of England, not wishing to leave such a question as this unsettled, and remembering that success was all which prevented Washington and the leaders of the revolution from suffering the severest penalties as traitors, when they came to set up a form of govern ment, incorporated the following ex press provision in the Constitution of the United States: " No person shall be convicted of treason, except upon the testimony of two witnesses, to the same overt act, or upon open confes sion ill open court." And, in restricting the punishment, they provided with especial care against just such sweeping enactments as that now proposed by Thaddeus Stevens. They incorporated into the Constitution the following plain clause: " Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason ; but no attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood or folfeiture of estate, EXCEPT DURING TII E LIFE OF THE PERSON AT TA I NTED." Commenting upon this clause of the Constitution, Chief Justice Story, uni versally recognized as an authoritative expounder thereof, says: " Bills of attainder, as they are technically called, are such special acts of the Legisla ture as inflict capital punishment upon per sons supposed to be guilty of high offences, such as treason and felony, without any connection in the ordinary course of judicial. investigation. If an act inflicts a milder punishment than death, it is called a bill of pains and penalties. But (says he, in most emphatic language) in the sense ot our Con stitution it seems that the words "bill of attainder" include bills of pains and pen alties; for the Supreme Court have said: "A bell of attainder may affect the life of an individual, or may confiscate his property, or both." In assigning the reason for this care ful and considerate action of the framers of the Constitution Mr. Story again says: "The injustice and iniquity of such acts in general constitute an irresistable argu— ment against the existence of the power. !In a free government it would be intolerable ; and in the hands of a reigning faction, it might be, and probably would be abused to the ruin of the most virtuous citizens. Bills of this kind have been mostly passed in England in times of rebellion, or.of gross subserviency to the Crown, or of violent political excitement; periods in which all nations are most liable (as well the free as the enslaved) to forget their duties and to trample upon the rights and liberties of others." It is in the very face of this most per emptory prohibition of the Constitution, a prohibition framed and set up by our fathers as a barrier to the passions of just such times as the present, that Thaddeus Stevens deliberately proposes to pass the most sweeping bill of attain der, and of pains and penalties that was ever heard of. We might, if we chose to adopt that lower ground of argument, easily prove that the scheme of Mr. Stevens would be scarcely less destructive to the mate rial interests of the North than to those of elle Sou th. The attempted execution of his confiscation bill would bring in its train the most serious disasters. It is impossible that any considerable portion of the Southern lands should be sold to actual settlers. They would pass for a mere trifling part of their value into thehands of rapacious speculators.— There could be no buyers in the South, for by the operation of this very.bill the whole South would be immediately re duced to beggary. It would utterly anni hilate the industry of that section; would absolve a whole people from all obligations of allegiance; would drive them to a condition of the mostreckless dispair, and would fill the whole region with bandits and outlaws. The people of that section, having nothing more to lose, would feel that they could not make their condition worse by any act. Any man with the least judgment can easily see what would be the effect of such a state of afliiirs upon the mate rial interests of the North. Our indus try would be prostrated, our trade and our commerce would be almost annihi lated, the burthens of taxation laid upon us would be indefinitely Increased, our finances would be utterly deranged, the creditof the generalOvernmentat home and abroad would be impaired, and a rapid decline of government securities would at once begin, which could only end in national bankruptcy. Such is the bill which ThaddeurOte yens deliberately proposes to force through Congress. Itla -pmper thi4 it Shou Id haie'coitte fronitini. It is *ling that fie should have 'presented it as he did. After a long life-time, In which he has been noted as the bitterest .mallg 'mint, it was in keeping for him to totter into the House of Representatives, and with the dramatic air of . a thorough demagogue attempt to read his brutal speech. For days it had been heralded to the country that such an exhibition was to be made. Once before he tried that same disreputable dodge. Some months ago a similar scene was pre sented. Then as now, the hoary old wretch prated about his age and pretended to be enacting the last scene of his miserable life. If his speech in favor of general confisca tion really contains his final words, no patriotic citizen can regret his retire ment from public life, and from the world. His influence has always been exerted to increase the antagonism be tween the two sections of his country. He has been actuated by but a single motive—a bitter arid increasing hate of the South and of the white population of that section. Thaddeus Stevens' last effort is weaker than any we have seen, and furnishes us with evidence of decay of intellect at the same time that it indicates in creased malignity. Such newspapers as that edited by the narrow-minded and bigotted Mayor of Philadelphia may welcome the brutal speech of this dia bolical old man, but it will be despised by all men of honor, mourned over by the charitable, and regretted by the pa triotic, who will feel that such an ex hibition in the Halls of Congress, two years after the close of the war, is a National dishonor. The Grand Army of the Republic That the organization which rejoices in the high sounding title of "The Grand Army of the Republic" is just such an institution as was that disrepu table secret political society, the Know Nothing order, is susceptible of the most indisputable proof. Its early decla rations that it was intended to be a be nevolent institution have all been falsi fied long ago. From the very first we gave no credit to its pretensions, and so were never deceived by it. To show exactly what sort of a concern it is, we quote the following extract from a letter to the Cincinnati Enquirer, which was written by a responsible party, a brave soldier who had been induced to join it. He says: I was initiated into the Grand Army of the Republic Battalion. My initiation I will not speak of now, us it is too long. After initiation I was made acquainted with the following grip, password and signs. The grip is to lock small lingers. The password is " McPherson." The hailing sign is, "handle, tear and charge cartridge." If this is answered, you are to address the one who answers as follows: Q. Were you in service? A. I was. Q. Are you yet? A. I am. Q. What battalion? A. [lle answers 1,2, 3, as the case may be.] After this I was appointed. The I'. C. then addressed . us in a few remarks, and we adjourned. When I entered, I was told that it was no political order. But the next night we met, and, after initiating a few, the following was moved : "Resolved, That this encampment of the Battalion G. A. R. hereafter will in no wise whatever encourage the professions or trades of men who aro Democratic, and do all they can to discourage their business, and at all times throw their influence with the order or the members 01 this Union part I was then convinced that the order was political, and resolved to expose it. I have attended fourteen lodges, and in each one found from live to twenty stand of arms— to back Congress, as the members said. It is to secure I - ecruits to such an as sociation, that one Barnum is, or was lately, on a visit to Lancaster city. The Express does not inform us whether this Barnum isa blood relation of the Woolly Horse, Joiee Heath, Feejee Mermaid Barnum, now running fur Congress in Connecticut, the disreputable showman, who we are glad to say seems to have the worst show of any man in the wood en nutmeg State. The Express does state, however, that this General Bar num was a, schoolmaster in Ne w York State, before the war. For a full fledged General, who rejoices in the name of Barnum, to return to the stool of the country pedagogue would have been a fall indeed. Hence forth he abandons the birchen sceptre, and is sent forth to organize and drill the soldiers of Pennsylvania for the coming Presidential contest. He is only an understrapper to be sure. He has superiors over him. They are Bermuda Hundred, Bottled-up-Beast Butler, Stonewall Jackson's Commissary, Cot ton-stealing Red Itiverißan Its and John Logan. Are the gallant soldiers of Pennsyl vania ready to "fall in " at the com mand of such scurvy fellows as these? Will they thus early enter a secret oath bound, dark-lantern association, and swear to support such men as the Rad ical Disunionists may choose to get up as candidates for President and Vice President, regardless of the principles they represent, and the platform on which they may stand? We think not. We are sure the volunteer sol diery of this great State have too much manhood and self-respect to be made the dupes and tools of such men. They will exercise the elective franchise as freemen should—will wait until the nominations are made and the plat forms laid down, and, after exam ining . them for themselves, will vote as their judgment shall dictate. If the " boys i u blue " need leaders they will seek them elsewhere than among the veriest abortions of the war. Where are Meade, and Hancock, and Frank lin, and the host of good and true soldiers Lona our own State? Why are they not mentioned as among the leaders of this new-fangled Know Nothing order? Why ? Surely no soldier will need to ask. They do not consort with such mock heroes as Butler, Banks and this ex-schoolmaster Barnum. Surely he must be a very silly fellow, as well as a poor soldier, who will be caught in such a transparent trap as this which is now being set by the radical disunion ists. The Status of Impeachment. It is now admitted by the Radicals themselves that uo attempt will be made to impeach President Johnson. The Senate on Saturday passed a reso lution to adjourn on Tuesday until the first Monday of December next, by the decisive vote of 29 yeas to 16 nays, All amendments to the resolution, a number of which were offered by such men as Sumner and Chandler, were summarily voted down. In the House the same question was up, and in spite of the bullying of Thad. Stevens and Ben Butler it was evident that there was no disposition on the part of a majority to continue sitting, or to hold an extra session for the purpose of im peaching President Johnson. The truth is the Radicals fear to carry out their programme. They dread its effect on tht3r business interests of the country.— Andrew Johnson has so borne himself in his great office that his bitterest enemies dare not attempt to remove him. All their talk about impeach ment turns .out to be only so much empty bluster. They know, and the whole nation knows that the President has done no act which would warrant the framing of articles of impeachment, much less his trial and conviction. A Elpfiedy 'Verdi& Ben, Butler really deserves some little 'consideration at the hands of those who jiavelreld him up so justly to ridicule. ,In his hotlamper be for once spoken the truth We venture to say that there are very few people in the United States to-day who are not now fully convinced that When Mrs. SaFrattwas hung, an innocent woman perished on the scaf fold. The exclamation which Butler let fall the other day in the heat of de bate, has been heard in every nook and corner of this laud. That single utter ance has Cleared away all doubt. What we were sure history would eventually do, has been accomplished harm instant of time. The excited retort of an angry man, a chief actor in the bloody drama through which we have passed, has laid bare to the gaze of the present genera tion a ghastly picture, which will be re garded as only one of many such a few years hence. It will not be long before a true history of our civil war will be written. Some of the actors in its mad scenes will live long enough to find themselves objects of detestatirn to all honorable men, and the' children of others will bear about with them as a constant burthen the curse bequeathed by the misdeeds of their fathers. The time will never come when the brave soldiers of the nation will not be hon ored; but there will come a day, and that before the present generation shall have passed away from earth, when those who violated the rights of the people, those who trampled liberty un der foot, those who thrust innocent men and women into hostiles, those who committed murders by military com missions, will be detested by all, as they deserve to be. History will make up the record aright, and time will yet set all things even. The verdict has come speedily in the case of Mary Surratt. There are other cases in which it will be delayed for a longer period, but its coming is none the less sure. Increasing Their Pay Mr. Waddell, of Chester county, Chair.. roan of the Committee on Ways and Means in the lower House, has reported a bill increasing the pay of members of the Legislature to $1,500 per annum. They are also to have, besides this large advance, mileage and stationary ad libitum. Of course it will pass. Such bills always do; but we hereby give notice to any Democrat in either House, who may vote for this increase of salary, that we will publish his name through out the State as recreant to his trust, and as a fit object for public reprehen sion. Let us have a solid vote of the Democrats of the House and the Senate against this bill. That may kill it. We hope no Democrat will think of voting for it. The present salary of members is sufficient to pay any lippest man for his services. If there be one who does not think so he can easily retire and leave his place to be filled by another. There will be no scarcity of candidates. Any Democrat who votes for this in crease of pay ought to be Immediately repudiated by his constituents. Let thew stand as a unit against it! Ageing a Death Scene We have given extracts from the let ters of several newspaper correspon dents, who saw Thaddeus Stevens go through the dramatic scene with which he thought tit to present his speech on Confiscation to the country. We com• mend to the attention of the editor of the Express, the following from the Philadelphia Sunday Dispatch: We are all familiar with the prints of the " Death of Lord Chatham," in the House of Parliament; with John Quincy Adams' sublime death within the sacred portals of his nation's council chamber, but the other day we had a grand theatrical exhibition— a stage feint—on the part of the Hon. mem ber of Pennsylvania (Mr. Stevens), which was very like a burlesque upon these grand precedents, and read better in print, even, tuan it looked in reality. The "effects" had been got up " regardless of expense," as theatrical parlance has it. For several days before, the press throughout the coun try had teemed with the announcement of tins "positive last appearance—we beg pardon—we mean " last great efforts" of the "old man eloquent ;" and on the appointed day, up rose the Honorable gentleman, feeble and worn, to read from printed slips, his "last words." The sentences of hate and malignancy, fell moaning and half un heard front his lips, and at length, sinking back in his :luxurious seat, the "Great Com . moner" was compelled to let the Clerk of the House read his speech for him. And what were these last words of a dying man, one who pretends to the name of Statesman in a Christian land? They were the ruin of our fellow creatures ; a war against honor and against decency. An invocation to his fellows to break their faith given to a starving people; and one last, terrible attempt to propitiate the devil ! Chatham and Adams died, but Old Thad. didn't. Hon. Isaac Sinker The Harrisburg Telegraph, which in dulged in certain strictures upon Hon. Isaac Slenker, late Auditor General, having been convinced that he was utterly blameless in the matter, and that it was utterly wrong in its animad versions, has retracted all it said, and takes occasion to pay Mr. Slenker a high compliment for his honesty and high character. This is such a remarkable thing for the telegraph to do that we cannot help making a note of it. Mr. Slenker stands so high in the estima tion of the people of Pennsylvania that no assault on the part of the Telegraph could possibly affect him. He is known as one of the most honorable and up right men in the State. The Veto Message. The Veto Message of President John son, which we publish elsewhere, like all his State papers, is characterized by good sound sense, clear and cogent rea soning, ands lofty statesmanship which, rising above the passions and prejudices of the hour, appeals confidently to the future. It will be read and approved by all who have the good of the coun try at heart. It shows how utterly wrong is the territorialization scheme of the Radicals and justly stamps it as a mere device for forcing nezro suffrage upon the South. Lincoln and Stevens The Express of yesterday evening takes us to task in a very ill tempered article, for speaking in uncomplimen tary, but truthful terms of Thaddeus Stevens. It concludes as follows: "Henceforth the names of Stevens and Lincoln will stand side by side in history." Were we an admirer of Mr. Lincoln's character we should be led to protest against any such assertion. We are very sure that Thaddeus Stevens will occupy a most unenviable position in history, and we are not very sure but that the Express is right in declaring that Abraham Lincoln will stand side by side with him. York County. The Democracy of York county, on the 22d inst., appointed the following delegates to the State Convention : Senatorial Delegate—Hon. Jeremiah S. Black, of York. Representative Delegates—Hon. Adam J. Glossbrenner, of York, and Col. Samuel N. Bailey, of Dillsburg. To represent the county, in a mass con vention, to be called by the Chair Man of the State Central Committee: Senatorial Delegate—John F. Spangler Esq., of York. Breaentative Delegates—Lewis M. Black ford, Esq., of York ; Dr. George R. Harsh of Fairfield ; Moses Leib, Esq., of Hope well, and Hon. David Newcomer, of Han over. Resolutions were passed instructing the delegates to use all honorable means to secure thenominatlon of Efon. Rob ert J. Fisher as the candidate of the party for Judge of the Supreme Court, The President's Views of 11111Itary Be publlai. - In =interview with President John inn last Saturday, the subject of recon strtusti,ng the Southern States under the ; new militaryGovernorbillcame up, and hit opinion being asked on the 'subject, he shook his head gravely, and remark ed that the holding of elections under milltaty control was in 'of:inflict with the spirit of republican institutions. Then rising and retiring to an adjoin ing room, he returned with a book in his hand, and read the followingestmct from an addiess of Daniel Webster to the citizens of Massachusetts, on the occasion of the celebration of the com pletion of the Bunker Hill Monument, on the 17th of June, 1843: They are yet on their trial, and I hope for a favorable result; but truth—sacred truth—and fidelity to the cause of civil lib erty compel me to say that hitherto they have discovered quite too much of the spirit of that monarchy from which they separa ted themselves. Quite too frequent resort is made to military force, and quite too much of the substance of the people is con sumed in maintaining armies, not for de fence against foreign aggression, but for enforcing obedience to domestic authority. Standing armies are the oppressive instru manta for governing the people in the hands of hereditary and arbitrary monarchs. A military republic, a government founded on mock elections and supported only by the sword is a movement indeed, but a re trograde and disastrous movement, from the regular and old fashioned monarchial sys tem. If men would enjoy the blessings of republican government, they must govern themselves by reason, by mutual counsel and consultation, by a sense and feeling of general interest, and by the acquiescence of the minority in the will of the majority properly expressed, and above all, the mil itary must be kept, according to the lan guage of our bill of rights, in strict subordi nation to the civil authority. Wherever this lesson is not both learned and practiced there can be no political freedom, Absurd, preposterous is it, a scoff and a satire on free forms of government to be prescribed by military leaders, and the right of suffrage to be exercised at the point of the sword." President Johnson said he fully agreed in sentiment with Mr. Webster on that subject. So ought every man in the natiog. Before the war no one would have thought it possible for our repub lican institutions to continue to exist with one-half the States under the domination of a set of satraps. We shall yet find how true it is, that " a military republic, a government founded on mock elections and supported only by the sword, is a movement indeed, but a retrograde and disastrous move ment." Let the wise words of Mr. Webster, so opportunety quoted by President Johnson be well pondered by the people. Judge Sharswood A number of distinguished gentlemen in different parts of the State have been named in connection with the nomina tion by the Democratic party of a can didate for Judge of the Supreme Court. Perhaps no one has been mentioned who is so eminently fitted to fill the position as Judge Sharswood, of Philadelphia. We are aware that in making such a declaration we are going very far; yet, we think, not further than the facts will warrant. We fully agree with the Sun day Mercury, which thus speaks of To utter words of encomium upon Judge Sharswood is quite superfluous. In all the qualities that make a great jurist, ho has few equals and no superiors. his learning is attested by numerous works lie has edited and annotated, and by his inimitable lectures delivered for many years to the various classes of the Law School of the University of Pennsylvania. No one can listen to his charges to juries, or to his de cisions from the Bench, without being impressed with the fact that he is no ordinary man. The concurrence of this community in an acknowledgment of his transcendant abilities and sterling integrity is demonstra ted by his unanimious re-election to the Bench in 1861. We feel safe in the asser tion that Judge Sharswood is better qualified to fill the vacancy in the Supreme Court, to be occasioned by the retirement of Judge Woodward, than any other judge or lawyer in this Commonwealth. We present him as a candidate to the people of Pennsylvania. He does not seek this or any other office, but waits to let the office seek him. The Democratic Convention can make no strong er nomination, and the people of the State can make no better selection. All that is there said of his ability is abundantly true. It is also true that he would be the strongest candidate whom the party could nominate. We have good reasons for saying so. The New Hampshire Election The returns of the New Hampshire election being all in, the result of the vote in that State is at length officially announced. It appears from these re turns that General Harriman, the Re publican candidate for Governor, re ceived 35,776 votes, and John G. Sin clair, Democrat, 32,783, Gen. Harriman thus receiving a majority of 2993, as compared with a Republican majority of 4656 in 1866, and a Republican ma jority of 3650 at the Presidential elec tion in 1864. The total vote of the last election was 68,613, an increase of 2977 over the total vote of 1866, but 1013 votes less than the total vote of 1804. This year the Republicans carry five and the Democrats five of the ten coun ties of New Hampshire. Of the five Councillors the Democrats elected one. The Council has been unanimously Re publican for several years past. Of the twelve Senators the Republicans have nine and the Democrats three—the same as last year. The Republicans elect all three Congressmen. In the State Assembly the Republicans last year had 90 majority, and this year will have 70 majority. All things considered we call that doing admirably well in New Hamp shire. The result shows plainly that there is a turn in the tide of public feel ing, even in New England, which must grow stronger with each succeedingday The Pennsylvania State Agency In answer to the request of the Penn sylvania Legislature, for an opinion as to the expediency of continuing the State agency in Washington for the collection of pensions, etc., the Com missioner of Pensions, after acknowledg ing the great value of such agencies during the war and for a time subse quently to its close, says : The evidence to establish pension claims, except what is invariably procured by this office from the executive depaftments, must now be obtained in the localities whore the claimants reside; and pensions are also paid at agencies within the several States and not here in general. To transmit such evidence and applications through an agency here, does not facilitate, but rather delays action thereon, and it may justly be regarded as au unnecessary circumlocution. The fact was otherwise when large numbers of soldiers were here or passing through the city on their way home, and liable to fall into the hands of unworthy solicitors of claims. Not long since, on motion of Mr. Boyle, Democratic member of the Legis lature from Fayette, a resolution was adopted providing for the termination of this agency on and after June lts, Gov. Geary is said, thereupon, to have appealed to members in person to recon sider this vote, and it was done. Now that it is made apparent that the agency is worse than useless, we hope provision will be made to abolish It speedily. There is no 'earthly reason why the ex pense of maintaining it should be longer entailed on the tax payers of the State. The Philadelphia Age. Yesterday this able and soundly Dem ocratic newspaper entergd upon the fifth year of its existence. It was started in a most auspicious season, and was sub jected to many trials during the earlier part of its existence. In the days when Democratic newspapers were relentless ly proscribed, it was no easy matter to glean the tide successfully, as the Age has done. We are glad to learn that it is in a prosperous condition, and con templating the making of decided im. movements during the year. It deserves the most liberal support from the De mocracy of the State. We wish it abun dant success. Maddens Stevens' Confiscation 11111. When General Lee surrendered to General Grant the rejoicing through out the North was general, and a ma jority of all partite approved the terms accorded to' the subdued rebels by the great chief of the victorious Union armies. Few, indeedi were they who wereaufaciently malignant to mar that glorious hour of triumph by quarreling with the terms of parole, which ex pressly directed, in plain words, "that each man and officer be allowed to re turn to their homes, not to be disturbed by the United States, so long as they ob serve their parole and the laws of the United States." That was, the exact language of the parole dictated by Gen. Grant. All the soldiers who made up the Union armies and the whole country were alike bound in honor to observe the terms then, there and thus accorded. These generous terms had the full and complete sanction of President Lincoln, and during the short period which in tervened between the surrender of Lee and the assassination he gave abundant proof of his determination to abide by them faithfully. Thaddeus Stevens was the first man in the country who dared to assail General Grant for what he had done. This he did on the day after the news of Lee's surrender reached Lancaster. On the 11th day of April, 1865, in the Court House at Lancaster, in the presence of a large assemblage of citizens of all parties, at a meeting called to give ex pression to the general joy at the return of peace, he declared himself dissatisfied with the terms of parole accorded by Grant, and disgusted at the manner in which leading Republicans throughout the coun try had openly sanctioned them. He then and there announced his de termination not to be bound by any obligation thus imposed. We give his exact language. Said he: " When I get back to Congress, I shall say, take away from all who have given aid or countenance to the rebellion every foot of land which they pretend to own. Lot it be given to men who have always been loyal. Let none among them be re garded as our brethren or our equals." Such was the language with which this man, thus early, anm2qneed his in tention to urge the conscation of all the property of the people of the Sotlth. In that speech he laid down all the points embodied in the bill which he offered in the House of Representatives on Tuesday, and supported by a speech which he was too feeble to read. At the time when Mr. Stevens made his first confiscation speech, in the Court House, in this city, he seemed to stand almost alone in his malignity. Eery utterance which fell from the lips of Mr. Lincoln during the few days which he survived were in merciful contrast with the malignant utterances of Thaddeus Stevens. On the very night of the day when Mr. Stevens spoke in this city, Mr. Lincoln made his last public speech in Washington city. That speech was moderate and conciliatory. It did not breati,e the diabolical spirit of hatred and T.( , onge. But, with that obstinacy for Ns hich he is noted, Mr. Stevens followed up his scheme. When the Republican State Convention of Pennsylvania assembled in August, at Harrisburg, Thaddeus Stevens had his peculiar and repulsive doctrine of con fiscation embodied in the fifth resolu tion of the platform then adopted. We heard little of it during the campaign. The journals of his party in this State did not dare to urge it before the people. The only speech made in which it was openly advocated, which we remember to have seen or heard, was made by its author in the Court House, in this city, on the night of September oth, 1805. He then said : " Congress should declare as forfeited and vested in the Government the property of all rebels whose estates exceed $lO,OOO, and the proceeds of the property thus confiscated should be applied: Ist; to compensating loyal men who lost property by the war, (of course including ample pay for the burning of Mr. Stevens' old furnace in Adams county.) 2d; to providing homes and land for the negroes. 3d ; to increasing the pensions of white soldiers. 4th ; if anything was left, to the payment of the national debt. In that speech, which we reported quite fully, Mr. Stevens developed his plan for confiscation, precisely as it ex ists in the bill presented by him to Con gress on Tuesday. We cannot see that he has either added to or subtracted from his proposition since it was originally put forward by him iu the first speech he made after the termination of the war. His September speech was quoted all over the country, and was much commented , upon. Few, even of the more radical journals endorsed the unwise schemes which he advocated, while, to their credit be it said, quite a number denounced the malignant char acter of his utterances. This cold re ception of his plan did not discourage him in the least. He clung to his theo ries, resolved not to give up the hope of eventually forcing their adoption. He has at length put his plan fairly before Congress and the country, and that in a shape which will eventually force an authoritative expression of the opinion of his party upon this his most cher ished project. Drunkenness In Massachusetts We do not wonder the Yankees of Massachusetts are earnest in their en deavors to prevent the sale of intoxica ting liquors within the limits of the State. Mr. Oliver Ames of the town of Easton in that State in his testimony before the Committee of the Legislature on the liquor law said that " under the old law one half the people of the town were drunkards ;" just think of that you who regard New England and Massachusetts especially as the home of good morals. A town of considerable size in which one half of the entire population were drunkards. Where else in the world could such a state of affairs be found to exist? Nowhere, we ven ture to say outside , of the home of puri tanism and fanaticism. A Spry Old Man The Washington correspondent of the Baltimore Sun says : ft is generally remarked that Hon. Thad deus Stevens now appears to have much better health than immediately preceding his late pitiless confiscation speech. Then he was physically so exhausted that his speech had to be read by another, but hav ing relieved himself of the venom of his heart, his energies seem to have become re invigorated after the temporary but incon venient martyrdom which he endured for the country's sake on that occasion. Since then he has been regularly in his seat in the House, not even the very bad weather of yesterday and today deterring him. He appears, too, to be remarkably brisk and spry for an elderly person, especially when he can find an opportunity to refer to the South in a bitter word, and to vote and use his influenceamong members to keep bread from the mouths of the starving people of that section. He has been especially active upon this subject, but in spite of his efforts the House passed the bill by a very decisive majority. That looks much as if the rumor that Mr. Stevens feigned feebleness for dra matic effect was true. He is capable of almost anything. AT a meeting of the Democratic Com mittee of Correspondence of Westmore land County, held on last Tuesday, Henry D. Foster and H. P. Laird were appointed delegates to Harrisburg, on the second Tuesday of June, 1867, for the purpose of nominating a candidate for the Supreme Bench. Jacob Turney, Dr. N. K. Kline and J. J. Hazlett were appointed delegates to meet in Mass Con vention at Harrisburg, on a day to be fixed by the Chairman of the State Cep. tral Committee. Yeto of the Supplementary . .ostrue- non Bill WASHINGTON, March 23. The President has: sent' the following message to the House of Representatives, vetoing the supplementary reconstruction bill: I haveoonsidered the bill entitled " An act supplemenjary to an act to provide for the more efficient government ofthe rebel States Passed Mari:ll2, 1867, and facilitate restor ation," and now return it to to the House of Representatives with my objections. This bill provides for elections in the ten States brought under the operation of the original act to which it is supplementary. Its details are principally directed to the elections for the formation;of the State con stitutions. But by the sixth section of the bill all elections in these States occurring , while the original act remains in force are brought within its purview. Referring to the details, it will be found that, first ofall, there is to be a registration of the voters. No one whose name has not been admitted on the list is to be allowed to vote at any of these elections. To ascertain who is entitled to registration, reference is made necessary by the express language of the supplement to the original act and to the pending bill. The fifth section of the origi nal act provides as to voters, that theyshall be male citizens of the State, twenty-one years old and upward, of whatever race, color, or previous condition, who have been resident of said State for one year; this is thrigeneral qualification, followed, however, by many exceptions. No one can be regis tered according to the original act who may be disfranchised for participation in the rebellion, a provision which left undeter mined the question as to what amounted to disfranchisement, and whether without a judicial sentence the act itself produced that effect. This supplemental bill superadds an oath to be taken by every person, betbre his name can be admitted upon the registration, that he has not been disfranchised for par ticipation in any rebellion or civil war against the United States. It thus imposes upon every person the necessity and re sponsibility of deciding for himself, under the peril of punishment by' a military commis sion, if he makes a mistake, what works disfranchisement by participation. Almost every man, the negro as well as the white, above twenty-one years of age, who was resident in these ten States during the re bellion, voluntarily, at some time and in some way did participate in resistance to the lawful authority of the General Govern ment. The question with the citizen to whom this oath is to be proposed must be a fearful one, for while the bill does not de clare that perjury may be assigned for such false swearing, nor fix any penalty for the otibnce, we must not forget that martial law prevails, that every per son is answerable to military commis sion without previous presentment by a grand jury for any charge made against him, and that the supreme authority of the military commander determines the question as to what is an offence, and what is to be the measure of punishment. The I fourth section of the bill provides that the I commanding general of each district shall appoint us many boards of registration us may be necessary, consisting of three loyal officers or persons. The only qualification stated for these officers is, that they must be loyal. They may be persons in the military service or civilians, residents of the State or strangers, yet these persons aro to exercise most important duties, and are vested with unlimited discretion. They are to decide what names shall be placed upon the register, and from their decision there is to be no appeal. They are to superintend the elec tions, and to decide all questions which may arise. They are to have the custody of the ballots, aid to make return of the persons elected, whatever frauds or errors they may commit must pass without redress. All that is left for the commanding general is to receive the returns of the elections, open the same, and ascertain who are chosen accord ing to the returns of the officers who conduct ed such elections. By such means, and with this sort of agency, are the conventions of delegates to be constituted. As the delegates I are to speak for the people, common justice would seem to require that they should have authority from the people themselves. No convention so constituted will in any sense represent the wishes of the inhabitants of these States; for under the all-embracing exceptions of these laws, by a construction which the uncertainty of the clause as to disfranchisement leaves open to the board of officers, the great body of the people may be excluded from the polls, and from all op portunity of expressing their own wishes, or voting for the delegates who will faith fully reflect their sentiments. I do not deem it necessary further to investigate the de tails of this bill. No consideration could induce me to give my approval to such an election law for any purpose, and especially for the great purpose of framing the Con stitution of a State, If ever the American citizen should be left to the free exercise of his own judgment, it is when he is engaged in the Work of forming the fundamental law under which he is to live. That work is his work, and it cannot properly be taken out of his hands. All this legislation proceeds upon the contrary assumption that the people of each of these States shall have no Constitution except such as may be arbitrarily dictated by Congress, and formed under the restraint of military rule. A plain statement of facts makes this evident. In all these States there are existing Constitutions formed in the accustomed way by the people. Con gress, however, declares that these Consti tutions are not " loyal and republican," and requires the people to form them anew.— What, then, in the opinion of Congress, is necessary to make the Constitution of a State "loyal and republican?" The origi nal act answers the question, it is the uni versal negro suffrage; a question which the Federal Censtitutiou leaves to the States themselves. All this legislative machinery of martial law, milit fry coercion, and political disfranchisement, is avowedly for that purpose, and none others.— The existing Constitutions of the ten States conform to the acknowledged stand ards of loyalty and republicanism.republican Indeed, if there are degrees in republican forms of government, their Constitutions are more republican now than when they were States, four of which were members when the origi nal thirteen first became members of the Union. Congress does not demand that a single provision of their Constitutions be changed, except such as routine suffrage to the white population. It is apparent that these provisions do not conform to the standard of republicanism which Congress seeks to establish. That there may be no mistake, it is only necessary that reference should be made to the original act, which declares "Such Constitutions shall provide that the elective franchise shall be en• joyed by all such persons as have the quali fications herein stated for electors of dele gates." What class of persons is hero meant clearly appears in the atone section ; that is to say, "The male citizens of said State, twenty-one years old and upward, of what ever race or color or previous condition, who have been resident in said State for one year previous to the day of such elec tion." Without these provisions no Consti tution which can be framed in any one of the ten States will be of any Avail with Congress. This, then, is the test of what the Constitution of a State of this Union must contain to make it republican. Measured by such a standard, how few of the States now composing the Union have republican constitutions? If, in the exercise of the constitutions) guarantee that Congress shall secure to every State a republican form of government. Universal suffrage for blacks as well as whiten as a sine qua non in the work of reconstruction, may as well begin in Ohio as in Virginia; in Pennsyl vania as in North Carolina. When I con template the millions of our fellow-citizens of the South, with no alternative left but to impose upon themselves this fearful and untried experiment of complete negro en franchisement, and white disfranchisement —it may be almost as complete—or submit indefinitely to the rigor of martial law, without a single attribute of freed men; deprived of all the sacred guaran tees of our Federal Constitution, and threatened with even worse wrongs, if any worse are possible, it seems to to me their condition is the most deplorable to which any people can be reduced. It is true that they have been engaged in rebel lion, and that Their object being a separation of the States and a dissolution of the Union, there was an obligation resting upon every loyal citizen to treat then) as enemies, and to wage war against their cause. Inflexibly opposed to any movement imperilling the integrity of the Government, • I did not hesitate to urge the adoption of all measures. necessary for the suppression of the int:fur-, rection. After a long and terrible struggle, the efforts of the Government were' triumphantly successful, and the people of the South, submitting to the stern arbitra ment, yielded forever the issues of the contest. Hostilities terminated soon after It became my duty to assume the responsibilities of the chief executive officer of the Republic. I at once en deavored to repress and control the passions which our civil strife had engendered, and, no longer regarding these erring millions as enemies, again acknowledged them as our countrymen. The war had accomplish ed its object; the nation was saved, and that seminal principal of mischief, which, from the birth of the Government, had gradually but inevitably brought on the rebellion, was totally eradicated. Then, it seemed to me, was the auspicious time to commence the work of reconciliation ; then, when the people sought once more our friendship and protection, I considered it our duty generously to meet them in the spirity of' charity and forgiveness, and to conquer them even more effectually by the magnanimity of the nation than by the force of its arms. I yet believe that if the policy of recon ciliation then inaugurated, and which con templated an early restoration of these people to all their political rights, had re ceived the support of Congress, every one of these ten States, and all their people, would at this moment be fast anchored In the Union, and the great work which gave the war all its sanction, and made it lust and holy, would have {been accomplished. Then, over all the vast and fruitful regions of the South, peace and its blessings would have prevailed, while now millions are de prived, of rights guaranteed by the Consti tution to every citizen, and after nearly two years of legislation, find themselves placed under ait ate nallitaxy despotism. "A military reziatilki-.4 government farmed ou mock elections, and supported only by the sword," was, nearly a quarter of a oentury since, pronounced by Daniel Webster, when speaking of the South American States, as 'a movement indeed, bat a retrograde and disastrous movement from the regular and old-fashioned mon archical systems." And he added, "If men would enjoy the blessings of republican government, they must govern themselves by reason, by mutual counsel and consola tion, by a sense and feeling of general In tereat, and by the acquiescence of the mi nority in the will of the majority, properly expressed ; and above all, the military must be kept, according to the lan guage of our bill of rights, in strict subordination to the civil authority. Wherever this lesson Is not both learn ed and practised, there can be no po litical freedom. Absurd, preposterous Is it, a scoff and a satire on free forms of conati • tntional liberty, for forms of government to be prescribed by military leaders, and the right of suffra ge to be exercised at the point of the sword. I confidently believe that a time will come when these States will oc cupy their true positions in the Union. The barriers which now seem so obstinate must yield to the force of an enlightened and Just public opinion, and sooner or later un constitutional and oppressive legislation will be effaced from our statute books. When this shall have been consummated, 1 pray God that the errors of the past may be forgot ten, and once more we shall be a happy. united and prosperous people, and that at last, after the bitter, and eventful experi ence through which the nation has passed, we shall all come to know that our only safety is in the preservation of our Federal Constitution, and in according to every American citizen and to every State the rights winch that Constitution secures. ANDREW JO/1 NSW: WAS U INOTON Mareh 23, 18(37. Was It a Fling at Butler? • . The Washington correspondent of the Baltimore Gazette furnishes that paper with the following item : "That malignant and profane old man, Stevens, in his speech on confiscation was guilty of a piece of sacrilege that should be placed in a position apart from the twaddle of the rest of his harangue. In assigning reasons for transferring the lauds of the South to uegroes ' le said: "Have we not upon this subject the re corded decision of a Judge who never erred? Four million Jews were held in bondage in Egypt. Their slavery was mild compared with the slavery inflicted by Christians. For of all recorded slavery —Pagan, Heathen or Mahometan—Chris tian slavery has been the most cruel and heartless; and of all Christian slavery American slavery has been the worst. God, through no pretended, but a true Moses, led them out of bondage, as in our case, through a Red Sea, at the cost, as in ou r case, of the first born of every household of the oppressor. lid head vise them to take no remuneration for their years of labor? No? He understood too well what was due to jus tice. lie commanded the men and women to borrow from their confiding neighbors 'jewels of silver and jewels of gold and raiment. They obeyed him amply, and spoiled the Egyptians and went forth full handed. There was no blasphemer then to question God's decree of confiscation. This doctrine then was not 'Satanic.' Ile who questions it now will be a blasphemer whom God will bring to judgement." While the ('lerk was reading the above paragraph, and particularly when he came to these lines : 'He commanded the men and the woman to borrow from their con fiding neighbors jewels of silver a nd jewels of gold," and that they did so, "and spoiled the Egyptains and went fourth full handed," every eye was turned upon Butler, whose ordinarily chalky face assumed by turns all the colors of the rainbow. The profanity of Stevens cannot, of course, be justified on any ground: but if, as is supposed, the allusion was intended merely as a sly fling at the hero of Bethel and New Orleans, (his 'rive' for the next Presidency,) it must cer tainly be regarded us less atrociously ma - lignant. Mrm. Siorratt vn. Fort Fisher Very spicy indeed was the debate on the Southern Relief bill which occurred in the House on Thursday last. Mr. Woodruff, or Vermont, gave Ben. Butler the Ile direct. This the Beast took in perlect good humor, or at least without any show of Indignation- The debate went on for a considerable time and with some considerable asperity of feeling, and Wee participated in by Messrs. Schenck, Lawrence of Ohio, Pyle, Miller, Farnsworth, Broomall, Shollabar ger, Butler and Benjamin, (all Radicals.) In the course of the debate Mr. Butler spoke of Mr. Bingham as having gone over to the other side of the House not only in body, but in spirit, and reminded him of what "that great and good man," President Johnson, had done, while Provisional Gov ernor of Tennessee, in taxing wealthy reb els to support poor families. Mr. Bingham, in noticing his allusions, said:—lt does not become a gentleman who recorded his vote fifty times (Mr. Eldridge suggested fifty-seven times) for the arch traitor of the rebellion for the Presidency of the United States to undertake to cast an imputation either on my integrity or on nay honor. I repel with scorn and contempt any utterance of that kind by any man, whether he be the hero of Fort Fisher taken or the hero of Fort Fisher not taken. (Roars of laughter on both sides of the House, the democratic side of the House manifesting peculiar enjoyment of the scene.) I also stand here, sir, in the name of the Ameri can people, to repel with scorn the attempt to levy charities by confiscation, in viola tion of the constitution of my country. That, sir, is the proposition which the gen tleman (Mr. Butler) desires to utter in an American Congress In the sacred name of charity. (Applause and laughter.) Mr. Butler rose to reply, but the Chair man announced that the time to which the House bad limited debate had expired. Mr. Butler asked the privilege of the House to repty to the gentleman from Ohio. The Chairman suid the gentleman could not ask that privilege of the House when the House was in Committee of the Whole. Mr. Butler then asked unanimous con sent to speak for ten minutes. Mr. Eldridge, ( Dem.) of Wisconsin, ex pressed the hope that the House would not "bottle up " the gentleman from Massachu setts. [Laughter.) Unanimous consent having been given, Mr Butler expressed his infinite obligations to the House for its kindness, and said :—I have never concealed the fact, which is now so offensively put forward, that I voted for Jefferson Davis in the convention of my party fifty-seven times. I thought him the representative man of the South, and hoped thereby to save the threatened disunion which appeared in the distance. I was foiled, and disunion came. The difference between me and the honorable gentleman from Ohio's this—that vvhile Jefferson Davis was a Senator of the United States and was claiming to be a friend of the Union I sup ported him, while the gentleman (Mr. Bing ham) supports him while ho is a traitor. I have changed my support. (Laughter.) I saw the error of my ways and repented. But I did not expect a blow to be aimed at me in that direction from the side of the House which supported him then, has sup ported him ever since, and is still support ing him and his friends. (Laughter anti applause.) [Mr. Bingham's seat is on the democratic side of the House.—Reporter.] I did not mean to impugn the honor or in tegrity of the gentleman from Ohio. I only said that I thought lie was leading the other side of the (louse. Mr. Bingham-1r the gentleman had qualified his words by saying he thought so 1 should not have said one word. • Mr. Butler—l never speak anything I do not think. [Laughter and applause.] I will try to repeat the words I used. I said the gentleman had gone inspirit, as he had gone in body, over to the other side of the House. I thought so then, I think so now. I said so then, I say so now—[laugh ter]—and I cannot tae it back, sir. [Mani festations of encouragement.] The gentle man has had the good taste to attack me for the reason that I could not do any more injury to the enemies of my country. I did the best I could. Other men of more ability could do more, and no man is ready to give them higher plaudit for their valor, their discretion and their conduct than myself. Because I could not do more I felt exceed ingly chagrined. If during the war the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Bingham) did as much as I did in that direction, I should be glad to recognize that much done; but the only victim of the gentleman's prowess that I know of was an innocent woman hanged upon the scaffold. His only victim in the war was one Mrs. Surralt. I can sustain the memory of Fort Fisher if he and his associates can sustain him in the blood of a woman tried by a military com mission, and condemned without sufficient evidence, in my judgment. To this burst of Butler, Bingham asked and obtained five minutest° reply. Heat tempted to defend himself for having acted as Judge Advocate in the trial of Mrs. Bur ratt, but his defense was a very lame one. Thus ended the spiciest debate of the Bea k= Wholesale PollloDing A girl, seventeen years of age, living in service at Marshall, Michigan, fell in love with her employer, a married man named Thompson, and, in order to remove his wife, her rival, determined to poison her. She therefore purchased a quantity of ar senic, which she (as alleged) gave to Mrs. T. in small quantities, in codfish broth, which was eaten, not only by Mrs. T., but by her little boy and her aunt, who was living with her, Mr. T. at that time being on the railroad as an engineer. Remedies were employed, and all the patients are doing well. The other day as the Express train on the Northern Central railroad reached a cross ing near Glen Rock, York county, a man, whose name we have not ascertained, was in the act of driving a two horse wagon =Das the railroad, the two horses were killed, the wagon broke to pieces, though, strange to say, the person escaped without receiving any serious injury,
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