■WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 22, 1866, THo printing presses shall be free to every person'who undertakes to examine the pro* oeedlnge of the legislature, or any branch of government; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the right thereof, The free commu nication of thought and opinions Is one of the Invaluable rights of men: and every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any sub ject; being responsible for Che abuse or that liberty. In proseoutlbas for the publication of papers investigating the offloial conduct of ofli -cers, or men in public capacities, or where the matter published Is proper for public informa tion, the truth thereof may. be given in evi dence." .FOR GOVERNOR: Hon. HIESTEB ChYMEIt, of Berks Co. CAMPAIGN INTELLIGENCES, PRICE Oft'JLY THIRTY CENTS !! In order to aid in the circulation of political truth, we will furnish the WEEKLY INTELLIGENCES until after the election for Thirty Cents. Let every one of our readers see to it that his neighbor subscribes ior a copy. There never was greater need for the circulation of sound political reading. The Intelligencer is just what you and your neighbors need. Send for a copy. .Remember it is only 30 Cents. ! The money can be remitted by mail i Cooper, Sanderson & Co., Lancaster, Pa. The Campaign Intelligencer. We have already received several handsome lists of subscribers for the Campaign Intelligencer, it is one of the largest, handsomest audcheapest newspapers in the State. We oiler it at a price so low for the Campaign as to put it within the reach of every voter in Lancaster county. We expect our friends to give it a wide circulation. A single dollar will, pay for three copies. Let eacli one of our readers see that liis neighbors all take it. Every Demo crat in the county ougfit to have it. A small subscription from active Demo crats will put it into the hands of any who arc too poor to aH'ord to pay for it. Del the clubs in the different town ships see to it thatitissupplied to every man who will read it. Many votes can be made by a comparatively insignifi cant expenditure of money in this way. J L will be one of the most effective elec tioneering documents which can be pul into the hands of candid readers.' We expect our friends to give it a very wide circulation. -Let each one who reads this go to work at once. Send the money and the names of the subscribers by mail; and be sure to write the name of the 'Post Ollice address in a plain hand. Address of the Democratic State Commit Pk.M'h-katic State < ’u mm tithe 1 RonMs, S-S WAIATT StUKIT, l PIIITAIiKI.CIItA, Allg. gU, lSlj'i, j T<> (he I'rojih: >,/ J’nutm/lennoi : The issues of the canvass are made up. The restoration of the I'niou and the preservation of your form of government are the vital questions tliaL now confront yuL Secession is dead, hut disunion sii 1 lives. Slavery is extinct, hut fanatirisni sur vives. Therights of the while man are submerg ed in efforts to - lovate the negro, and the black man is sought to lie made a control ling element in the politics of the Kepub- i Vntralizalion seeks to rear its despotic power upon the ruins of the Constitution, and foreshadows a war of m.-es for its ac complishment. Proscription ami disfranchisement usurp the places of magnanimity and clemency, ami discord ami hale combat Christian ch:irity' and national concord. Congress refuses to nourish, lie* resources necessarv for payment ofthedcht ofthe Re public,met loads with taxation die industrial interests ofthe North. Congressional ex travagance is thorn le ; economy in pub.ie affairs, the exception. A Convention of representative men from each of the United Slates has met within the past week ; they have forecast the future, agreed m sentiment, and dispersed to their homes. Their work has passed into history ; to the impartial mind thal woik is a perfect answer to the charge thal the South is not ready for restoration. Compost'd of muu of every suction, hold ing (*very slmde of political opinion, tliev have re enunciated the eternal principles that lie al (he hast' of our institutions, have renewed their vows of fealty and of brother hood, and have joined hands in an united ellbrL to restore the Union and preserve the government created by the Constitution. No man need err in this contest: Support Congress and you-sustain dis union, allark your government, and elevate tin* at tlit* expense oi‘ your own raec. „ Support the President restore the Union, preserve yourgovermnent, and pro led tin. l white man on the one side agitation and disunion On the other, the President, the Union peace and order. By order of the Uemoeratie State Com mitieo. William A. Wallack, Chairman arc Stevens, Sumner, A Persecuting Spirit, Thaddeus Stevens appears to have an insatiable appetite lor persecution. He is happy only when he has somebody to worry. He first made himself con spicuous in Pennsylvania by persecuting the Freemasons. An emigrant from the frozen hills of Vermont, he had hardly got warm in thenestof his adop tion before he entered upon a crusade against a benevolent order that was distinguished for its charities and for its favorable influence upon the cause of morality. In this crusade he acted as Provost Marshal General. He ordered theoldestand best men of this common wealth to be arrested and dragged be fore bis Inquisition, and the order was executed by his satraps. Insults that must have made their blood boil were heaped by this Yankee intermeddler upon the heads of native citizens of Pennsylvania, whose looks were whiten ed with the snows of more than sixty winters. To such an extent was this persecution carried, that for many years a large number of the Masonic Lodges in the State were closed. His utterances against the members of that order, very many of whom were among the best men in the whole country, were as fiendishly malignant as his denuueia tions of the Southern people at the present time. The attitude of unrelenting hostility that lie lias assumed towards the South, is but a fresh and more malignant man ifestation of the Satanic spirit of perse cution that animated him in the days of anti-masonry. Growing more Cruel as he has grown older, he delights more than ever in the use of hishot pinchers. He would torture the subdued and re pentant people of the South merely to enjoy their misery. He would goad them into a new rebellion, if such a thing were possible, in order to get an ex cuse to massacre the whole of them. Against this infernal spirit of perse cution every honest-minded man in the Union ought to set his face. The boast ed enlightenment of the ■ nineteenth century should not be disgraced, in free and Christian America, by deeds that would have shamed a darker age. He who catches and shares the malig nant temper of Thaddeus Stevens, in effect burns his Bible and blots all its precepts from his mind. Removal of Postmasters, correspond ent, writing under date of Aug. 20, says preparations are being made to remove some thousands of postmasters from small offices throughout the country. He adds that “the appointments made to succeed these opponents of the Ex ecutive policy (thoseunder slooosalary) do not have to pass the ordeal of ihe Senate, and hence the sweep will be a Clean one and without any fear for the ponsequences.” Tlio Work of the National Union Con- ventlon. The Great National Union Conven tion, which assembled in Philadelphia, closed its labors on Thursday, amid the brightest auspices and the most unpar alelled enthusiasm and good feeling. 'SYp lay before our readers the declara** tion of principles adopted and the ad dress presented to the people of the United States. Could the whole people of the United States have heard them read, as we did, and have looked upon the imposing scene presented by the Convention, the great workproposed to be accomplished would in truth be done. Faction would be forever dis armed, and the complete restoration of the Union accomplished. The voice of Radical politicians would be hushed, and he who would dareto preach sectional hate would be universally execrated as the enemy of his country. That Declaration of Principles and that Address go to the people, and they will be read and studied by them as no political manifesto ever has been in this country. In the quiet of their homes, when the day’s work is over, every in telligent citizen will read these high toned and patriotic documents. They will remember the source from, which they come, will not forget that they are the embodied sentiments of the loyal and conservative citizens of every State and Territory in the Union, and will bear in mind the fact that they were adopted and enthusiastically approved by the largest andmostintelligent body of representative men ever convened since the world began. Could every voter in the United States have been present, thelaction of North ern Radicals, who can only maintain their political existence by keeping alive a feeling of hate for the South, would have been almost unanimously voted unworthy the confidence or the respect of any mail in the nation. The New England people would have repudiated Sumner and Wilson, and even Lancas ter couuty would have turned from Thaddeus Stevens with loathing and contempt. The millions who could not witness the grand spectacle will read ami think for themselves. The Decla ration of Principles will meet with their cordial and hearty approval, and the Address will appeal to their intellects and to their sensibilities with a power that must prove to be completely irre sistible. Radicalism is doomed by the action of this great National Union Conven tion to a speedy, inevitable and irrecov erable overthrow. In the coming elec tions the masses of the North will assert their rights as intelligent freemen. They will refuse any longer to be dragged as slaves at the heels of such traitors as Stevens and Sumrfer. The great body of the voters of Penn sylvania will decline to support any man who endorses the policy of tlie corrupt and revolutionary majority in Congress. The State will be redeemed from the elulches ofthe men who have misrepresented and disgraced her, and will once more take her proud position as the Keystone of the Arch in a per fectly restored Union of all the States. The action of the National Union Con vention renders that sure beyond a per ad veil lu re. Thatl. Stevens on Foreigners, After having been nominated for Congress Thud. Stevens made a speech from which the following is an extract: Wo have not yet done justice to the op pressed race. \Ve have not gone as far as liiu Kmperorof Russia, when he ordered the freedom of thousands of his oppressed people aiul endowed them with the right of nti/.i'liship. \\ e have been Loo much gov erned by our prejudices. Wu have listened 100 much to those whose cry is ‘‘Negro Kqiulity" “Nigger" “Nigger" “Nig ger?" lIV nre in/lu.c/tectl too much by (hose /mesons /riott foreign hunts 'who, while in search of freedom, <teny thal blessed boon to (hem who 'ire, (heir equals. There is a plain manifestation of the real feeling of the Radicals toward the foreign population of this country. If they could they would deprive every adopted citizen ofthe right to vote, and confer that sacred franchise on the ne gro instead. "While some men are try ing to deceive a few simple-hearted Irishmen into the belief that they are the friends of green Erin, “ Old Thud ” comes out at his own home and speaks the honest sentiment of the Radical wing of the.Republiean party. He bold ly declares his preference for the negro over the foreign-born white citizen, and avows his belief that the negro is su perior to the Irish or the German races. Is that enough for naturalized citi zens? Do they need more convincing proofs that the infernal spirit of Know- Xothingism still exists in the hearts of Thaddeus Stevens and alibis followers? I f they do, let them vote for Geary, him self an original Know-Nothing, and they will repent of their folly when it shall be too late. No foreign-born citi zen can vote for a radical candidate un less lie is willing to be reduced to a con dition below the negro. That is what Stevens and all the Radicals wish to see done. Soldiers’ Friends. Forney bawls loudly for the nomina tion of soldiers by the Republican party, but lie has uot yet brought forward a soldier for the United States Senate. He proposes to take that position himself. He thinks soldiers good enough to till the county offices, but iu all this great Commonwealth, which sent from two to three hundred thousand men to the Held, he has not yet found one soldier as well lilted for and as well entitled to a seat in the Senate as himself! Modest man! Great friend of soldiers! Curtin is alllicted in the same' way. His friendship for the soldiers is* un bounded. There is nothing he would not give them, except what he wants himself. He would give them the right to vole alongside of a negro ; to sit in the jury-box with “ American citizens of African descent,” or to send their children to school with piccaninnies. He would even allow them to be elected lo the Legislature, if they would pledge themselves in advance to vote for him lor the Senate. But out of the thou sands uf officers to whom he issued commisMnns during the war, and out of the hundreds of thousands of privates whose names are enrol led in the Adjutant General’s office at Harrisburg, Curtin has not been able to find a single man whom he prefers to himself for Senator, Disinterested soul; "With all liis bad health, he is willing to take upon himself the labor of rep resenting Pennsylvania in the United states Senate, rather than see the posi tion imposed upon some poor soldier! If these Republican leaders were sin cere iu their professions, would they not propose some soldier of distinction for the Senate, instead of struggling to se cure their own election? The Convention or Southern Radicals. The Southern Radicals who propose to hold a Convention in Philadelphia on the 3d of September are reduced to great straits iu their efforts to secure a decent show of delegates. Finding that the thing was about to fizzle out, the managers sent an appeal to the Radical State Convention of Marylaud, urging them to nominate one hundred dele gates, and an equal number of alter nates. The thing looks now like it would be little else than a gathering of Baltimore rowdies, led by a few such men as Jack Hamilton, of Texas. The Convention will represent no constitu ency, not even the more respectable negroes of the South. Jack Hamilton and Brownlow, and a few more scurvy fellows of that class, will be there, but they will represent nobody except them selves. What they may say or do will be of but little Importance to anybody. GREAT IiKIOR CONVERTM! DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES! ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OP THE UNITED STATES! NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE! ADJOTBMIENT, AC. THIRD DAY. Hon. J. R. Doolittle, the Chairman, at l 0 o’clock called the Convention to order, and announced that Rev. J. B. iteimensnyder, of Lewistown, Pa., would open the proceed ings with prayer. PRAYER BY REV. MR. REIMENSNYDER. The prayer was in the following lan guage : O Lord God Jehovah! King of Kings! We adore Thee as the first, the greatest and the best of beings. Thou art the author of creation, both physical and moral, and hence the rightful sovereign of all things that are in heaven above and in the earth beneath, visible and invisible; whether they be thrones or dominions, or principalities or powers. Thou art from everlasting. Of old, didst Thou lay the foundations of this earth, and give the sea her depth, and stretch over our heads this glorious firma ment, rejoicing in its stars. Thou fillest the Heaven of heavens with thy presence. Im mensity is Thy dwelling place. The Uni verse is Thy realm, ami the eternal years are the duration of tby sceptre. How, then, can we, creatures ofthe dust and of a day, and so far cast from Thy presence by our moral rebellion, come before Thy face? We come trusting alone in that love and for bearance, which knew no limit and which were so surpassing that even to save the chiefest of sinners, Thou didst freely give the precious blood of ’lliine only and well beloved Son. We come trusting and plead ing, in virtue of this precious blood, that Thoa wilt thus freely receive us. We were Thy children, and Thou woukist not cast us off forever. Nay, rather, instead of su peradding terms as the penalties of our moral treason. Thou didst make our path way easier than before. Thou hast changed the covenant of works to the covenant of grace, so that we have gained far more in Christ by his innocent and bitter sufferings and death, than we have lost in Adam through his rebellious fall. O! transcen ding mercy and grace; may we thus learn this to be the spirit of our groat Father, and the spirit of our divine Lord and Master; and may this bo the spirit of lbrgiveuess, love and peace, that animates the great heart of Christianity to-day, and that shall be known in true Christuui deeds and vir tues. Wo trust, our Father, that in such spirit this great Convention has assembled upon this momentous occasion; and there fore, wo the more confidently invoke the richest blessings of Heaven to rest upon it. Thou art the God of nations, and Thou art the author of that love of liberty that in spires our hearts ; and tho greatest anthem that has ever reached mortal ears from the Heavenly Host was an anthem of love, of peace, and good will to man. And as our beloved land has been founded to promote these great ends ol liberty and peace and happiness, we believe Lhai Thou art especial ly our country’s God, as Thou art her great author. And yet, our Heavenly Father, in the weakness of human wisdom and in the folly of humau guilt, we have been arrayed in a great and fearful eonlliet against each other —we, the citizens of this one common coun try. Brother lias striven for the mastery over brother, until theheavenshavesliaken with the roar of our arms, fields are red with brothers’ blood ; firesides darkened with woe, and tho wails of our wounded and dying, and of our widowsand orphans’ have gone up before Thy great throne. But thanks be to Almighty God, praise to Thine ever blessed mime, after six long years of strife, of hardship and sutlering, in the tent, upon the march, upon the field of battle, and of pained and agonizing hearts at home —at last, from tho remotest corners of this great Republic, tho men ofthe East and the West, of the North and the South, have come up to meet beneath the :ogis of the American eagle, to greet eacli other with the true hands and loving hearts of breth ren, and to inaugurate again the good feel ing and the common purpose of the olden times. We believe, our Heavenly Father, that if there is upon the earth one scene which Thou dosi regard with pleasure it is tho forgiving embrace of brethren, once es tranged, returning to their first and early love. We adore Thee, then, for this great spectacle winch w»* are at last permitted to witness to-day ; and we confidently invoke Thy presence and Thy sanction to rest upon the great work which Thou hast imposed upon this, the most august of American as semblies. Crown its deliberations with wis dom , sanctify them with love, harmonize them with peace, and grant them the aid of Thy {lower to reach the hearts of this great people, and to rally them with one will around our n<>M** Ibv.-.idcnt in his patriotic efibrts to vindicate tile supremacy of tho Constitution, and thereby to render this great American Union of our fathers im perishable through all future generations. Grant, that in the advanced light ol civili zation, and taught by our recent bitter les son, that all our difficulties may be resolved by the weapons of truth upon the fields of intellect, but by tho arbitrament of the sword amid the carnage of war no more for ever. And now we commit, humbly and yet trustingly, our great country, our great people and our common destiny to the keeping of the infinite and every adorable Trinity of Heaven—Father, Son and Holy Spirit, world without end. Amen. THE COLORADO ELECTION The Chairman rose and said Before proceeding to any oilier business, Ihe Chair begs leave lo announce as the first response in political action to the call for this Convention, the result of the Colorado election. The following dispatch has been receiy Denver, Colorado Territory, Aug. 15. Returns from HI parts of the Territory render certain inc election of A. C. Hunt, Administration eaudidalo for Delegate to Congress,overChillieot, thbßadical. [Long continued applause.] UNION NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE Mr. Crowell, of New Jersey, offered the following resolution which wasagreed to: Resolved , That a Union National Execu tive Committee be appointed, to be coni posed of two delegates from each State, Territory', and the District of Columbia. COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON THE PRESIDENT. Hon. Reverdv Johnson, (who, on rising was greeted with enthusiastic cheers) sub mitted the following resolution which was adopted: Resolved, That a committee consisting/ of two delegates from each State, one from each Territory’ and the District of Colum bia, be appointed by the Chair to wait upon the President of the United States, and pre sent him wiith authentic copy of the pro ceedings of this Convention. [Loud ap plause.] COMMITTEE ON FINANCE. Mr. Chas. Knapp, oflheDistrictofColum bia, presented a resolution, which wasagreed to, as follows: Resolved, That a Committee on Finance be appointed, (oeonsistoftwodelegatesfrom each State and Territory, and the District of Columbia. RESOLUTION REFERRED Geu. Patton, of Pennsylvania, submitted a resolution, which ho began, to read as fol lows : Resolved, That it is incompatible with the interests Several Delegates—Let it be read at the desk. Gen. Patton sent up his resolution. The Chairman, after examining the reso lution, said: This resolution, under the rule adopted by r the Convention, goes to the Com mittee on Resolutions. Gen. Patton—l would like to have the resolution read. The Chairman—The resolution goes to the Committee on Resolutions without de bate. THANKS TO MAYOR M’MICHAEL, Hon. Edgar Cowan presented the follow ing resolution, which was adopted unani mously with loud applause. Resolved, That the thanks ofthis Conven tion, oe, and they are hereby, tendered to Morton McMicbael, Esq., of the city of Philadelphia, for his admirable police ar rangementsforthe preservation ofpeace and gooa order during the sittings of this Con vention. DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES. Hon. Edgar Cowan —Mr. Chairman, on behalf of the committee who wereappointed to prepare resolutions and an address, I de sire to state that the committee, have given very careful and elaborate consideration to the subject during all of yesterday and a good part of lust night, and I beg leave to report a declaration of principles, adopted unanimously by the committee, (which the {Secretary of the Convention will read,) and an address to the people of the country, which will be read by the Hon. Henry J. Raymond, of New York. [Applause.] The Secretary then read the following: declaration of principles. tio f V al Union Convention, now as sembied m the city of Philadelphia, com posed ot delegates from everv State and Territory in the Union, admo&hJd by“ e solemn lessons which tor the last five years it_ has pleased the Supreme Ruler of the Universe to give to the American people profoundly grateful for the return of peace’• desirous as area large majority of their coun trymen, tn all sincerity, to torget and to forgive the past; revering the Constitution as it comes to us from our ancestors* re garding the Union in its restoration as more sacred than ever; looking with deep anxiety into the future as of instant and continuing rial, hereby issues and proclaims the fol lowing Declaration of Principles and Pur ses, on which they have with perfect unan imity, agreed: First. We hail with gratitude to Almighty God the end of war, and the return of peace to an afflicted and beloved land. Second, The war just closed hag main tained the authority of the Constitution, with ail the powers which it confers and all the restrictions which it imposes upon the general government, unabridged and unaltered; and it has preserved the Union, with the equal rights, dignity and authority of the States, perfect and unimpaired. [Ap plause.] Third. Representation in the Congress of the United States, and in the electoral col lege, is a right recognized by the Constitu tion as abiding in every State, and as a duty imposed upon its people—fundamental in its nature and essential to the existence of our republican institutions; and neither Congress, nor the general government, has any authority or power to deny this right to any State, or to withhold its enjoyment under the Constitution trom the people thereof. [Loud cheering.] Fourth. We call upou the people of the United States to elect to Cougress, as mem bers thereof, none but men who admit this fundamental right of representation, and who will receive to seats therein, loyal rep resentatives from every State in allegiance to the United States subject to the constitu tional right of each House to judge of the elections, returns aud qualifications of its own members. [Applause] Fifth. The Constitution of the United States and tho laws made in pursuance thereof are “the supreme law of the land, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to the con trary not withstand! ug.' ’ All the powers not conferred by the Constitu tion upon the general government nor pro hibited by it to the States are “reserved to the States or to the people thereof;" and among the rights thus reserved totheStates is the right to prescribe qualifications for the elective franchise therein, with which right Congress cannot interfere. [Long continued cheering.] No Suite or combination of States has tbe right to withdraw from the Union, or to exclude, through their action in Congress or otherwise, any other State or Status from the Union, [(ireatappluu.se.] The Union of these States is perpetual and cannot be dissolved. Sixth. Such amendments to theConstilu tion of the United States may be made by the people thereof as they may deem expe dient, but only in the mode pointed out by its provisions; and in proposing such amendments, whether by Congress or by a Convention, und in ratifying the same, all the States of the Union have an equal and an indefeasible right to a voice and a vote thereon. [Enthusiastic cheers.] Seventh. Slavery is abolished and forever prohibited—and there is neither desire nor purpose on the part of the Southern States that it should ever bo re-established upon the soil or within the jurisdiction ofthe United States : and the enfranchised slaves in all the Stales of theUmon should receive, in common with all their inhabitants, equal protection in every rightofperson and prop erty. [Applause.] Eighth. While wo regard as utterly inva lid and never to be assumed, or made of binding force, any obligation incurred or undertaken in making war against the United States we hold the debt ofthe nation to be sacred and inviolable; and wo pro claim our purpose, in discharging this as in performing all oilier national obliga tions, to maintain unimpaired and unini peached the honor and the fuith ofthe Re public. Ninth. It is the duty of the national gov ernment to recognize the services of the Federal soldiers and sailors in the contest just closed, by meeting promptly and fully all their just and rightful claims for the services they have rendered the nation, and by extending to those of them who have survived, and to the widows und or phans of those who have fallen, the most generous and considerate care. [Loud cheers.] Tenth. In Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, who in his great office has proved steadfast to his devotion to the Constitution, the laws and interests of his country, unmoved by persecution and un deserved reproach—having faith unassaila ble in the people and In the principleof free government —we recognize a Chief Magis trate worthy ofthe nation and equal to the great crisis upon which his lot is cast; and we tender to him, in the discharge of his high and responsible duties, our proluud respect and assurance of our cordial and sincere support. The reading of the various resolutions was interrupted by frequent applause, and they were unanimously adopted. The read ing ofthe seventh resolution, which had been unintentionally omitted, was subse quently given by the Secretary amidst loud applause, and tho article was adopted with out opposition. In response to a call by a delegate from Pennsylvania, for three cheers for lion. Edgar A. Cowan, that gentleman responded: r claim to be the host of the Convention. One of my guests will now address you, by the unanimous consent of the committee. The Hon. Mr. Raymond, from the Slate of Now York, will now read the address which has received the unanimous approval of the committee. Mr. llenry J. Raymond, in a loud, firm voice, amidst a great stillness, began the reading of the following document, which lasted beyond an hour. He was frequently interrupted by loud applause, until the President, by earnestly soliciting silence, for a time restrained the audience ; but sub sequently the cheers again broke out, and were allowed lo proceed unrebuked. AID DRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED Having met in Convention, at the city of Philadelphia, in the State of Pennsylvania, this 13th day of August, 1803, as the repre sentatives o*f the people in all sections, and all the States and Territories of the Union, lo consult upon the condition and the wants of our common country, we address to 3 r oti this declaration of our principles, and of the political purposes wo seek to promote. Since the meeting of the last National Convention, in the year isiio, events have occurred "which have changed the character of our internal politics, and given the Uni ted Stiites a new place amongthe nations of tlie earth. Our government has passed through the vicissitudes and the perils of civil war—a war which, though mainly sec tional in its character, has nevertheless de cided political differences, that from the very beginning of tho government had threatened the unity of our national exis tence, and has left its impress deep and in effaceable upon all the interests, the senti ments, and the destiny of the Republic. While it has inflicted upon the whole coun try severe losses m life and in property, and has imposed burdens which must weigh on its resources for generations to crime, it has developed a degree of national courage in the presence of national dangers—a capa eity for military organization and achieve ment, and a devotion on the part of the people to the form of government which they have ordained, and to the principles of liberty which that government was de signed to promote, which must confirm the confidence of the nation in the perpetuity of its republican institutions, and command the respect of the civilized world. Like all great contests which rouse the passions aud test the endurance of nations this war lias given new scope to the ambi tion of political parties, and fresh impulse to plans of innovation and reform. Amidst the chaosof conflictingsentimentsinseparu ble from such an era, while the public heart is keenly alive to all the passions that can sway the public judgment and affect the public action; while the wounds of war are still fresh and bleeding on either side, and fears lor the future take unjust proportions from the memories and resentments of the past, it is a difficult but an imperative duty which on your behalf we, who are here as sembled, have undertaken to perform. For the first time after six long years of alienation and of conllict, we have come to gether from every State and every section of our laud, as citizens of a common coun try, under that flag, tho symbol again of a common glory, to consult together how best to cement and perpetuate that Union which is again the object of our common love, and thus secure the blessings of liberty to our selves and our posterity. In the first place, we Invoke you to re member, always and everywhere, that the war is ended, aud Lhe nation is again at peace. The shock of contending arms no longer assails the shuddering heart of the republic. The insurrection against the su preme authority of the natiou bus been suppressed, and that authority has been again acknowledged, by word and act, in every State and by every citizen within its jurisdiction. We are no longer required or permitted to regard or treat each other enemies. Not only have the acts of war been discontinued, and the weapons of war laid aside, but the state of War no longer exists, and the sentiments, the passions, the relations’of war have no longer lawful or rightful place anywhere throughout our broad domain. We are again people of the United States, fellow-citizens of one country, bound by the duties aud obli gations of a common patriotism, and hav ing neither rights nor interests apart from a common destiny. The duties that devolve upon us now are again the duties of peace, and no longer the duties of war. We have assembled here to take counsel concerning the interests of peace; to decide how we may most wisely and effectually heal the wounds the war has made, and perfect and perpetuate the benefits it has secured, and the olessings which, under a wise and be nign Providence, have sprung up in its fiery track. This is the work, not of pas sion, but of calm and sober judgment; not of resentment for past offences, prolonged beyond the limits which justice and reason prescribe, but of a liberal statesmanship which tolerates what it cannot prevent, and builds its plans and its hopes for the future ratber upon a community of interests and ambition, than upon distrust and the weapons of force. In the next place, we call upon you to recognize in their fall significance, and to accept with all their legitimate conse quences, the political results of the war just closed. In two most" important par ticulars the victory achieved by the national government has been final and decisive. First, it has established beyond all further controversy, and by the highest of all human sanctions, the absolute supremacy of the national government, as denned and limited by the Constitution of the United States, and the permanent integrity and in-., dissolubility of the Federal U nion as a neces sary consequence; and second, it has put an end finally and forever to the existence of slavery jipon the soil or within the juris diction of the United States. Both these points became directly involved in the con test, and controversy upon both was ended absolutely and finally by the result. In the third place, we deem it of *the ut most importance that the real character of the war and the victory by which it was closed should be accurately understood. The war was carried on by the government of the United States in maintenance of its own authority and in defense of its own ex istence, both of which were menaced by the insurrection which it sought to suppress. The suppression of that insurrection ac complished that result. The government of the United States maintained by force of arms the supreme authority over all the territory, and over ail the States and people within its jurisdiction which the Constitu tion confers upon it; but it acquired thereby no new power, no enlarged jurisdiction, no rights either of territorial possession or of civil authority which it aid not possess before the rebellion broke out. All the rightful power it can ever possess is that which is conferred upon it, either in express terms or by luir and necessarv implication, by the Constitution of the United States. It was that power and that authority which the rebellion sought to overthrow, and the victory of the Federal arms was simply the defeat of that attempt. The government of the United States acted throughout the war on the defensive. It sought only to hold possession of what was already its own. Neither the war, nor the victory by which it was closed, changed in any way the Con stitution of the United States. The war was carried on by virtue of its provisions, and under the limitations which they pre scribe, and the result of the war did not either enlarge, abridge, or in any way change or effect the powers it confers upon the Federal government, or release that government from the restrictions which it has imposed. The Constitution ofthe United States is to-day precisely as it was before the war, the “supremo law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding," and to-day, also, precisely as before the war, all the powers not conferred by the Constitution upon the general government, nor pro hibited by it to the States, are “ reserved to the several States, or to the people there of." This position is vindicated not only by the essential nature of our government, and the language and spirit of the Constitu tion, but by all the acts and the language of our government, in all its departments, and at all times from the outbreak of the rebel lion to its final overthrow. Hi every mes sage and proclamation of the Executive it was explicitly declared, that the sole object and purpose of the war wusto maintain the authority of the Constitution and to pre serve the integrity ot the Union; and Con gress more than once reiterated this solemn declaration, and added the assurance that whenever this object should beattained, the war should cease, and all the States should retain their equal rights and dignity unim paired. It is only since the war was closed that other rights have been asserted on be half of one department of the general gov ernment. It has been proclaimed by Con gress that, in addition to the powers con ferred upon it by the Constitution, the Fed eral government may now claim over the States, the territory, and thepeopleinvolved in the insurrection, the rights of war, the right of conquest and of confiscation, the right to abrogate all existing governments, institutions and laws, and to subject the territory conquered and its inhabitants to such laws, regulations and deprivations as the legislative departments ofthe govern ment may see tit to impose. Under this broad and sweeping claim, that clause of the Constitution which provides that “no State shall without its consent be deprived of its equal suffrage In the Senate of the United Stales," has been annulled, and ten Scales have been refused, and are still re fused, representation altogether in both brunches ofthe Federal Congress. And the Congress in which only a part ot the States and ofthe people of the Union are repre sented, has asserted the right thus to ex clude tlie rest from representation, and from all share in making their own laws or chosing their own rulers until they shall comply with such conditions and perform such acts as this Congress thus composed may itself prescribe. ; That right has not only been asserted, but it has been exer cised, and is practically enforced at fhe pres ent time. Nor does it find any support in the theory, that the States thus excluded are in rebellion against the government. and are therefore precluded from sharing its authority. They are not thus in rebel lion. They are one and all in an attitude of loyalty towards the government, and of sworn allegiance to the Constitution of the United States. In no one of them is there the slightest indication of resistance to this authority, nr the slightest protest against its just and binding obligation. This con dition of renewed loyalty has been ollicially recognized by solemn proclamation of the Kxecutive department. The laws of the I'nited States have been extended by Con gress over all these States and the people thereof. Federal Courts have been reopen ed, ami Federal taxes imposed and levied, and in every respect, except that they are denied representation in Congress and the Klectoral College, the States once in rebel lion are recognized as holding the same po sition, as owing the same obligations, and subject to the same duties as the other States of our common Union. It seems to us in the exercise of the calm est and most candid judgment we can bring to the subject, that suchaidaim,.so enforced, involves as fatal an overthrowoftheauthor ity of the Constitution, and as complete a destruction of the government and Union, as that which 'was sought to bo effected by the States and people in armed insurrection against them both. It cannot escape ob servation that the power thus asserted to exclude certain States and from representa tion, is made to rest wholly in the will and discretion ol the Congress'that asserts it. It is not made to depend upon any specified eonditions or circumstances, nor to bo sub ject to any rules or regulations whatever. The right asserted and exercised|isabsolute, without qualilicrtion or restriction, not con fined to States in rehellion, nor to States that have rebelled; it is the right of any Congress in formal possession of legislative authority, to exclude any State or States, and any portion of the” people thereof, at any Lime, from representation in Congress and in the Electoral College, at its own dis cretion and until they shall perform such acts and comply with such conditions as it may dictate. Obviously, the reasons for such exclusion being wholly within the dis cretion of Congress, may change ustbe Con gress itself shall change. One Congress may exclude a State from all share in the government for one reason ; and, that rea son removed, the next Congress may ex clude it for another. One State may be excluded on oqp ground to day, and anoth er may be excluded on the opposite ground to-morrow. Northern ascendancy muy exclude Southern States from one Congress —the ascendancy of Western or of. Southern interests, or of both combined, may exclude the Northern or the Eastern States from the next. Improbable as such usurpations may seem, the establishment of the princi ple now asserted and acted upon by Con gress will render them by no means impos sible. The character, indeed the very exist ence, of Congress and the Union is thus made dependent solely and entirely upon the party a:..l sectional exigencies or ior bearances of the hour. We need not stop to show thatsuchaction not only finds no warrant in the Constitu tion, but at war with every principle of our government, and with the very exist ence of free institutions. It is, indeed, the identical practice which has rendered fruit less all attempts hitherto to establish and maintain free governments in Mexico and tiie States of South America. Party neces sities assert themselves as superior to the fundamental law, which is set aside in reck less obedience to their behests. Stability, whether in the exercise of power, in the ad ministration of government, or in the enjoy ment of rights, becomes impossible: and the conflicts of party, which, under consti tutional governments,are the conditions and means of political progress, are merged in the conflicts of arms to which they directly and inevitably tend. It was against this peril so conspicuous and so fatal Lo all free governments that our Constitution was intended especially to provide. Not only the stability but "the very existence of the government is made by its provisions to depend upon the right and the fact of representation. The Con gress, upon which is conterred all the legis lative power of the national government, consists of two branches, tho Senate and House of Representatives, whose joint con currence or assent is essential to the validity of any law. Ot these the House of Repre sentatives, says the Lonstitutiou, (article 1, section 2), “shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States.” Not only is the right of representation thus recognized as pos sessed by all the States and by every State without restriction, qualification, or con dition of any kind, but the duty of choosing representatives is imposed upon the people of each and every State alike, without dis tinction, or Lhe authority to make distinc tions among them, for any reason or upon any grounds whatever. And in the Senate so careful is the Constitution to secure to every State this right of representation, it is expressh provided that “no State shall, without its consent, be deprived of its equal suffrage” in that body, even by an amend ment of the Constitution itself. When, therefore, any State is excluded from such representation, not only is a right of the State denied, but the constitutiomd integri ty of the Senate is impaired, and the validity of the government itself is brought in ques tion. But Congress at the present moment thus excludes from representation in both branches of Congress, ten States of the Union, denying them all share in the enact ment of laws by which they are to be gov erned, and all participation in the election of the rulers by which those laws are to be enforced. Tn other words, a Congress in which only twenty-six States are repre sented, asserts the right to govern, abso lutely and in its own discretion, all the thirty-six States which compose the Union —to makft their laws and choose their rulers, and to exclude the other ten from all share in their own government until it sees fit to admit them thereto. What is there to dis tinguish the power thus Hsserted and exer cised from the most absolute and intolera ble tyranny ? Nor do these. extravagant and nnju9t claims on the part of Congress to powers and authority never conferred upon the government by the Constitution find any warrant in the arguments or excuses urged on their behalf It is alleged. First. That these States, by the act of re bellion and by voluntarily withdrawing their members from Congress, forfeited their right of representation, and that they can only receive it again at the hands of the su preme legislative authority of the govern ment, on its own terms and at its own dis cretion. If representation in Congress and participation iu the government were sim ply privileges conferred and held by favor, this statement might have the merit of plausibility, But representation is under the Constitution not only expressly recog nized as a right, but it is imposed as a duty; and it is essential in both aspects to the ex istence of the government and to the main tenance of its authority. In free govern ments fundamental and essential rights cannot be forfeited, except against individ uals by due process of law; nor can Con stitutional duties and obligations be dis carded or laid aside. The enjoyment of rights may be for a time suspended by the failure to* claim them, and duties*may be evaded by the refusal to perforin them. The withdrawal of all their members from Congress by the States which resisted the general government was among their acts of insurrection —was one of the means and agencies by which they sought to impair the authority and defeat the ac tion of the government; and that act was annulled and renderedjvoid when the insur rection itself was suppressed. Neither the right of representation nor the duty to be represented was in the least impaired by the fact ol insurrection ; but it may have been that by reason of the insurrection the conditions on which the enjoyment of that right and the performance of that duty for the time depended could not be fulfilled. This was, in fact, the case. An insurgent power, in the exercise of usurped and unlawful authority in the territory under its control, had prohibited that allegiance to the Constitution and the laws of the United Slates which is made by that fun damental law the essential condition of representation in itsgovernment. No man within the insurgent States was allowed to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and as a necessary con sequence, no man could lawfully represent those States in the councils of the Union. But this was only an obstacle to the enjoy ment of the right ami to the discharge of a duty—it did not annul the oce nor abrogate , the other; and it ceased to exist when the usurpation by which it was created had been overthrown, and the States had again resumed their allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States. Second. But it is asserted, in support of the authority claimed by the Congress now in possession of power, that it fiowsdiroctly from the laws of war; that it is among the rights which victorious war always confers upou the conquerors, and which the con queror may exercise or waive in his own discretion. * To this we reply, that the laws in question relate solely, so far as the rights they confer are concerned, to wars waged between alien and independent nations, and can have no place or force, in this regard, in n war waged by a government to sup press an insurrection of its own people, upon its own soil, against its authority. If wo had carried on successful war against any foreign nation, we might thereby have acquired possession and jurisdiction of their soil, with the right to enforce our laws upon their people, and to impose upon them such laws and such obligations as we might choose. But we had before the war com plete jurisdiction over the soil of the Sout hern StHtes, limit*-'! only by our own Con stitution bur fiws were the only national laws in force upon it. The government of the United States was the only government through which those States and their peo ple had relations with toreign nations, and its flag was the only Mug bv which they wen; recognized or known anywhere on the face of the earth. In all these respects, and in all other respects involving national interests and rights, our possession was perfect and complete. It did not need to be acquired, but only to be maintained; and victorious war against the rebellion could do nothing more than maintain it. It could ouly vindicate and re-establish the disputed supremacy of the Constitution. It could neither enlarge nor diminish the authority which that Constitution confers upon the government by which it wius achieved. Such an enlargement or abridgment of con stitutional power can be effected only by amendment of the Constitution itself, and such amendment can be made only in the modes which the Constitution itself pre scribes. The claim that the suppression of an insurrection ugainst the government gives additional authority and power to that government, especially that itenlarges the jurisdiction of Congress and gives that body the right to exclude States from representation in the national councils, without which the nation itself can have no authority and no existence, seems to us at variance alike with the principles of the Constitution and with the public saloty. Third. But it is alleged that in cerium particulars tho Constitution of the Cnited States Jails to secure that absolute justice and impartial equality which the principles ot our government require ; that it was in these respects the result of compromisesand concessions to which, however necessary when the Constitution was formed, we are no longer compelled to submit, and that now, having the power through successful war and just warrant for its exercise in the hostile conduct of the insurgent section, the actual government of the United States may impose its own conditions, and make the Constitution conform in all its provisions to its own ideas of equality and the rights of man. Congress, atilslastsession, proposed amendments to the Constitution, enlarging in some very important particulars the au thority of the gofieral government over that ot the several States, and reducing, by in direct disfranchisement, the representative power of the States in which slavery formerly existed; and it is claimed that these amendments may lie made valid as parts of the original Constitution, without the concurrence of the States to be most seriousl3 T affected by them, or may bo im posed upon those States by throe-fourths of the remaining States, as conditions of their re-admission to representation in Congress and in the Electoral College. It is the unquestionable right of the peo ple of the United States to make such changes in the Constitution as they, upon due deliberation, may deem expedient. But we insist that they shall bo made in the mode which the Constitution itself points out—in conformity with the letter and the spirit of that instrument, and with the principles of self-government and of equal rights which lie at the basis of our republi can institutions. We deny the right of Con gress to make these changes in the funda mental law without the concurrence of three fourths of all the States, including especial ly those to be most seriously affected by them ; or to impose them upon States or people as conditions of representation, or of admission to any of the rights, duties, or obligations which belong under the Consti tution to all the States alike. And with still greater emphasis do we deny the right of any portion of the Stales excluding the rest of fhe states from any share in their councils, to propose or sanction changes in the Constitution which are to affect perma nently their political relations, and control or coerce the legitimate action of the several members of the common Union. Such an exercise of power is simply a usurpation; just as unwarrantable when exercised by Northern States as it would be if exercised by Southern, and not to be fortified or pal liated bj’anythiug in the past history either of those by whom it is attempted, or of those upon whose rights and liberties it is to tuke effect. It finds no warrant in the Constitution. It is at war with the funda mental principles of our form of govern ment. If tolerated in one instance it be comes the precedent for future invasions of liberty ami constitutional right dependent solely upon the will of Lhe party in posses sion of power, and thus leads, by direct and necessary sequence, to the most fatal and intolerable of all tyrannies—the tyranny of shifting and irresponsible political factious. It is against this, the most formidable of all the daugers which menace the stability of free government, that the Constitution of the United States was intended most care fully to provide. We demand a strict and steadfast adherence to its provisions. In this, and in this alone, can wo find a basis of permanent Union and peace. Fourth. But it is alleged in justification of tlie usurpation which we condemn, that tiie condtion of the Southern States and people is not such as renders safe their re admission to a share in the government of the country , that they are still disloynl in sentiment and purpose, and that neither the honor, the credit nor the interests of the nation would bo safe if they were readmit ted to a share in its councils. We might re ply to this: 1. That we have no right, for such reasons, to deny to any portion of the States or peo ple, rights expressly conferred upon them by the Constitution of the United States. 2. That so long as their acts are those of loyally—so long as they conform in ail their public conduct to the requirements of the Constitution and laws—we have no right to exact from them conformity in their senti ments and opinions to our own. 3. That we have no right to distrust the purpose or the ability of the people of the Union to protect and defend, under all con tingencies and by whatever means may be required, its honor and its welfare. These would, in our judgment, be full and conclusive answers to the plea thus ad vanced for the exclusion of these States from the Union. But we say further, that this plea rests upon a complete misappre hension or an unjust perversion of existing facts. We do not hesitate to affirm, that there is no section of the country where the Consti tution and laws of the United States find a more prompt and entire obedience than in those States, and among those people who were lately In armsafcalnst them; or where there is loss purpose of danger of any futu re attempt to overthrow thoir authority. It would seem to be both nattiral aud Inevit able that, in States and sections so recently swept by the whirlwind of war, where all the ordinary modes and methods of organ ized industry have been broken np, and the bonds and influences that guarantees social order have befch destroyed—where thous ands and tens of thousands of turbulent spirits have been suddenly loosed from the discipline of war, and thrown without re sources or restraint upon a disorganized and chaotic society, and where the keen sense of defeat is added to the overthrow of ambition and hope, scenes of violence should defy for a time the imperfect discipline of law, and excite anew the fears and forebodings of the patriotic and well disposed. It is un questionably true that local disturbances of this kind, accompanied by more or less of violence, do still occur. But they are con fined entirely to vhe cities and larger towns of the Southern States, where different ra ces and interests are brought moro closely in contact, and where passions and resent ments are always most easily fed and fan ned into outbreak; and even there, they are quite as much the fruit of untiinelv and hurtlul political agitation, as of anv hostili ity on the part of the people to the*authori ty of the national government. But the concurrent testimony ofthose best acquainted with the condition of society and the state of public sentiment in the South including that of its representatives in this Convention —establishes the fact that the great mass of the Southern people accept, with as full and sincere submission as do the people of the other States, the re estab lished supremacy of the national authority, and are prepared, in the most loyal spirit, and with a zeal quickened alike by their interest and their pride, to co-operate with other States and sections in whatever may be necessary to detend the rights, maintain the honor and promote the welfare of our common couutry. History affords no in stance where a people, so powerful in num bers, in resources and in public spirit, after a war so long in its duration, so destructive in its progress, and so adverse in its issue, have accepted defeat and its consequences with so much of good faith as has marked the conduct of the people Intel}’ in insurrec tion against the United States. Beyond all question, this has been largely duo to the wise gencrosit}’ with which their enforced surrender was accepted by the President of the United States and the generals in imme diate command of their armies, and to the liberal measures which were afterwards taken to restore order, tranquility and law to the Suites where all had for the*timobeen overthrown. No steps could have been better calculated to command the respect, win the confidence, revive the patriotism and secure the permanent ami affectionate allegiance of the people of the South to the Constitution and laws of the Union, than those which have been so firmly taken aud so steadfastly pursued by the President of the I'nited States. And if that confidence and loyalty have been since impaired ; if the people ot the South are to-day less cordial in their alle giance than they wore immediately upon the close of the war, we believe it is due to tbo changed tone of the legislative depart ment of the general government towards them; to the action by which Congress has endeavored to supplant and defeat the President's wise and beneficent policy of restoration, to their exclusion from all par ticipation in our common government; to the withdrawal from them of rights confer red and guaranteed by the Constitution ami to the evident purpose of Congress, in the exercise of a usurped and unlawful author ity, to reduce them from the rank of free and equal members of a republic of States, with rights and dignities unimpaired, to the condition of conquered provinces And a conquered people, in all things subordinate and subject to the will of their conquerors ; free only to obey laws in making which they are not allowed to share. No people has ever yet existed whose lovaltv and faith such treatment long con tinued would not alienate and impair. And the ten millions of Americans who live in the South would be unworthy citizens of a free country, degenerate sons of an heroic ancestry, unfit ever to become guardians of the rights and liberties bequeathed to us by the fathers and foundersof this republic, if they could accept, with uncomplaining subrnissivoness, the humiliations thus sought to he imposed upon them. Resent ment of mjusliee is always and everywhere essential to freedom ; and the spirit which prompted the States and people lately in insurrection, but insurgent now no longer, to protest against the imposition of unjust and degrading conditions, makes them all the more worthy to share in the govern ment of a free commonwealth, and gives still firmer assurance of the future power and freedom of the republic. For whatever responsibility the Southern people may have incurred in resisting the authority of the national government and in taking up arms for its overthrow, they may he held to answer, as individuals, before the ju dicial tribunals of the land, and for that conduct, as societies and organized com munities, they have already paid the most fearful penalties that can fall on offend ing States in the losses the sufferings and humiliations of unsuccessful war. But whatever may be the guilt or the punish ment of the conscious authors of tin* insur rection. candor andcommonjusticedemand the concession that the great mass of those who became involved in its responsibility acted upon what they believed to be thofr duly, in defense of what they had been taught to believe their rights, or under a compulsion, physical and moral, which they were powerless to resist. Nor can it bo amiss to remember that, terrible as have been the bereavements and the losses of this war, they have fallen exclusively upon neither section and upon neither party— that they have fallen, indeed, with fat greater weight upon those with whom the war began; that in the death of relatives and friends, the dispersion of families, the disruption of social systems and social ties, the overthrow of governments, of law ami of order, the destruction of propei t v and of forms and modes and means of industry ; the loss ot political, commercial, and moral inffuenoe, in every shape and form which great calamities can assume, the States ami people which engaged in the war against the (Government of the Unhid States, have suffered tenfold more than those who re mained in allegience to its Constitution ami laws. These considerations may not, as they certainly do not justify the action of the people of the insurgent States ; but no just or generous mind will refuse to them very considerable weight in determiningthe line of conduct which the government of the United Slates should pursue towards them. They accept, if not with alacrity, certainly without sullen resentment, thuMeleut and overthrow they have sustained. Thev ac knowledge and acquiesce in the results to themselves and the country, which that defeat involves. They no longer claim tor any State the right to secede from the Union ; they no lunger assert for any Stale an allegianee paramount to that which is dueto thegeneralgovernmetU. They have accepted the destruction of slavery,' abol ished it by their State Constitution and con curred with the States and people of the whole Union in prohibiting its existence forever upon the soil or within the jurisdic tion of the United States. They indicate andevince their purpose just so fast as ma}- be possible and safe to adapt their domestic laws to the changed condition of their so ciety, and to secure by the law and its tri bunals equal and impartial justice to all classes of their inhabitants. They admit the invalidity of all acts of resistance to the national authority, andof all debts incurred in attempting its overthrow. They avow their willingness to share the burdens and discharge all -the duties and obligations whielf rest upon them in common with other States and other sections of the Union; and they renew, through their representa tives in this Convention, by all their public conduct, in every way and bv the most solemn acts by which States and societies can pledge their faith, their engagement to bear true faith and allegiance, through all time to come, to the Constitution of the United States, and to all laws that mav be mado in pursuance thereof. Fellow-countrymen: Wo call upoir you in fuil reliance upon your intelligence and your patriotism, to accept, with generous and ungrudging confidence, this full sur render on the part of those lately in arms against your authority, and to share with them the honor and reuownlhai awuitthose who bring back peace and concord to jar ring States. The war just closed, with all its sorrows and disasters Ims opened a new career of glory to the nation it has saved. It has swept away the hostilities of senti ment and of interest which were a standing menace to its peace. It has destroved the institution of slavery, always a cause of sectional agitation and strife, and has opened for our country the way to unity of interest, of principle and of action through all time to come. It has developed in both sections a military eapucitv—an aptitude for achievements of war, both by sea and land, before unknown to ourselves, and destined to exercise hereafter, under united councils, and important influence upon the character and destiny of the continent uud the world. And while it has thus revealed, disciplined and compacted our power, it has proved to us beyond controversy or doubt, by the course pursued towards'both contending sections by foreign powers, that wo must bo the guardians ot our own inde pendence, and that the principles ot ivpub tican freedom we represent can find among the nations of the earth no friends or de fenders but ourselves. We call upon you, therefore, by every consideration of your own dignity and safety, and in the namoof liberty through out the world, to complete the work of restoration ana peace which the President of the United States lias so well began, and which the policy adopted and the principles asserted by the present Congress alone ob struct. The time is close at hand when members of a new Congress shall perpetu ate this and, by excluding loyal States and people from representation iu its halls, shall continue the usurpation by which the legislative powers of the govern ment are now exercised, common prudenco compels fis to anticipate augmented discon tent, a sullen withdrawal from the duties and obligations of the Federal govern ment internal dissension and a general collision of sentiments and pretensions which may renew, in a BtiU more fearful shape, the civil war from which wo have emerged. Wo call upon you to interposo your power to provent the recurrence of a lscendant culumity. Wc call upon you m every Congressional district of every State , t> „ f S cu / )' e lf> ? c J: ec^on Of members, who, what rJn/- ' i l ['^ ercnc es may characterize their action, will unite in recognizing the ppt»nT, oF KVKHY Statu of the Union to , VIT IKs entation in Congress), und wiio KVKHV DMITTO BKATS IN EITHER BRANCH VVKIIV v!.'° YAL KEPKESENTATIVK ritOM «•/,« l , AT f ,lna^c l/' nflc etothcgovcrnment, P '. ,u ','' r mn S errnl upon bythc rt ari /iuatJ“ T Ch,:cn <'“>!/clcelctl, return ' u « l ' tU therein. When this shall have been done the gov ermnen wffl have been restored to its in tegnty, tho Constitution of the United States will have been re-established in its full su premacy, aud the American Union will have again beoomo what it was designed to bo by those who formed it, a sovereign na tion, composed of separate States, each like itself, moving in a distinct and independent sphere, exercising powers defined and re served by a common Constitution, and resting upon the assent, tho confidence and co-operation of all the States and all the people subject to its authority. This re organized and restored to their constitution al relations, the States and tho general government can enter in a fraternal spirit, with a common purpose and a common in terest upon whatever reforms tho security of personal rights, the enlargement ot popu lar liberty and the perfection of our repub lican institutions may demand. At the dost* of the reading of the forego ing address, (.Governor Berry, of South Car olina, rose and moved its adoption. The question was put by the Chair, and the address was declared unanimously adopted. Mr. Samuel J. Tilden, of New York then rose ami said Mr. Chairman: Tho delegation from New York have instructed me'to propose that the Convention give three (‘beers for the Hon Ilenry.). Raymond, who has prepared the address jimt read. (General Batten, of Bennsvlvania, rose, and on helialt of the Bcnnsvivuniu delega tion, seconded the motion. The cheers were accordinglv given. i'll K COMM ITTKKS. • The Chair then announced the following Committees : NATIONAL UNION (OMMirTKK. John T. Crowell, ot New Jersey, I’lmlrumn, Main. —James Mann amt A. A. Gould. New Hampshire—Edmund Bailee amt K. s. Cutter. Yeimonl—R. B. Smallev ami Colonel H. N Wort ham. Massachusetts—Jo-iah Dunham and R. S. Spoilbid. i Knode Island—Alfred Ailthonv and James li. Bn i son -. James T. Babcock and H. C. New York—Kobe: l 11. Bruy u and Satined J Tilden. New Jersey—Joseph T. Crowell and Theodore T. Hamlall Bennsvlvania—J. M. /ailiek und J. S. Black. Delawan—J. H. (. omegys and Edward J. Martin. Maryland—(.Governor Swann ami T. (G. Brail, Virginia—Jume- F. Johnson and Dr. K. C. Kobiuson. West Virginia—Daniel Lamb and John J. Jackson. North Ca.olihn—Thomas S. Aslieaml Joseph 11. Wilson. South Carolina—James 1., urr and li. F. Berry. Georgia—J. 11. Christy and Thomas S. Hurde man. Florida—William Marvin and Wilkinson Call. Mississippi —W. L. Sliarkev and George L Bolter. Alabama—W. H. Crenshaw and C. C. Huel:a. bee. Louisiana—Randall Hunt and Alfred Urn liing. Arkansas—Lorenzo (Gibson and A. IL Kti" lish. it. H. Epperson and .John Hnncoek Ten ness* e —l >. T. Tallusin and William D, Campbell. Kentuc.y —U. If. Stanton aud Hamilton Dope, Ohio— L. It. Campbell and George B. Smyth. Indiana—D. 1). Gooding and Thomas bow line. Illinois—John A. McCleruaud aud Jesse o. Norton. Michigan —Alfred Russell ami By son's. Stout. Missouri—lion. Barhm Abell and James S. Rollins. -Minnesota—Hon. 11. M. Rio-and I>. F. Nor ton. Wts :* iisin—J. A. Noonan ami '-C A. Peace. lowa—(George A. Baraer and Wm. A. Chase Kansas—Janie:. A. McDowell and W. A. Tip ton. California- I\ Hoyt-. Ni-va.la—John Canui. !uu-l and Jl-.n. ti. II Hall. Hon. Samuel I'urdy and Joseph (irt^on—Jame- Nesmith mid ]J. W. lam hitin. \ District ol Columbia -Jo-jah D. Hoover and J. Hlake. Dakolah'-• N. K. Armstmm; and N. W Wliwr. Idaho—Win. 11. Wallace ami H. < Timmins. Nebraska—General H. H. Heath and Hon. .1. S. Morton. KKMDKNT MX KCUTT YK < o>l M I Tl' K K AT WASH I NO. Charles Knapp, District ot Cohimhm, Chair man. Hun. Montgomery lllalr, Maryland Hon. Charles Mason, lowa. Ward H. Lumon, John F. Coyle A. K, Perry Samuel Fowler, Col. .lames It. n’Bnrue, Cor tudius Wendell, District ul Columbia. COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON THE I ‘ICKN M> .• N I'. Chairman —Kuverdy Johnson. Maine—W. G. Croshv and Calvin Kocnrd. New Hampshire—John W. lleshw and .1. H Smith. Vermont—S. HohUison and ’l'. J. Cree. Massachusetts—Edward Avery ami E ( Dailey. Rhode Island—Amasa Sprague and Gideon lira i ford. Connecticut—Janus E. English and Gideon H. Hollister. New York - nwens W. Smil h and Hon. s. j- Now Jersey—Hhii. Thomas 11. Herring ami General Theodor.- ivunj an. Pennsylvania—.l. k. Flanigan and Hon. (ioorge W. ('as>. I>elaw;ue —S. (i. Lewis ami (’. 11. H. Lay. Maryland—.l. M. Harris and 1.8. Jones. Virginia —Hon. James Humour mm George W. Bowlin. * West Virginia—Dr. John s. Thompson, Put nam County, and Daniel Damn, Wheeling. North Carolina-A. M. Barringer and Hon. George Howard. South Carolina Fanow. .1. L. Manning ami Georgia—S. s. smith ami J. D Wlmb<*rlv. I- lorida—John Friend and J. C. MeKihhln. M ' ssissippi - '< Jr iiiel G. M. 11 el leer and Hon H. F. simhali. Louisiana—Thus. H. May ami 11. C. Kim'. Arka- sas— John D. Luce ami E. C. bumf not. Texas— D. <L Bu rm-( t and M. 11. Epperson. Tennessee—lion. C. A. Kyle and Hon. 1) B. Thomas. Alabama—Louis K. Larsons and John Gale Shorter. Kentucky—Hon. John W. Stepimn.son and lion. A. Ila nl ing. (diio—Henry Bayne and General A. M. D Mrduok. Indiana—General Sol. Meredith ami Jud<m I). S. (Joodmg. Illinois—Hon. George G. Bates and Hon. W. R. Morrison. Michigan—General C. It. Loomisand General George A. Cusler. Wisconsin—A. W. CmUsaml B. Ferguson. lowa—Colonel Gyrus B. MarkJey and B. B. Richards. Kansas—General H. Sleeper and Oriin Thurs ton. California—T. A. Mcbougnll and Colonel Jacob 1\ Lee. Nevuda— Hon. Gideon J. Tucker and John Carmichael. Oregon—W. H. Faimraud K. M. Biunuin. liisiricl of Columbia-Thomas B. Florence and B. F. Swart. Idaho—lion. A. W. Be Buy and William If Wallace. Nebrnsaa— Br. George L. Weller and L. Iyourie. Washington—George C. Cole and C. T. Ka-mn Minnesota—B. S. Norton ami 11. N R re. Missouri —K. A. Lewis and John M. Richard son. Arizona, Bakotah, New Mexico, Utah and Colorado—No norm nations. *'< »11. M I'ITEK ON i'ISANCK. Charles Knapp, President. ->i ai tie —A. W. Johnson and John Burleigh New Hampshire—Daniel Marry and W. M. Blair. Vermont —R. W. Chnsennd <\ L. Da\ import Massachusetts—Hon. F. <). Prince nud Gen' M. Bentley. Rhode island—Amasu Sprague and .James Wa:- r..mis.-. Coe iieciic..!—J. H. Ashmeud and Freeman H. Brown. New York—Abraham Wakeman ami Kichd. Schell. New Jersey—John L. McKuight and Francis H. Lalhrop. Pennsylvania—U. S. Martin and W. C. Pat terson. Belaware—Charles Wright and Theodore K. Crawiord. Maryland—Hon. it. Fouler and W. I*. Mauisby. Virginia—Hon. Edmund W. Hubbard 4ml George Blair, Jr. West Virginia—Charles T. Boale, Warren county; Tneodore Sweeney, Wheeling. North Carolina—A. H. Arnmgton and A. McLean. South Carolina—F. G. Moses ami W. P. Schuyler . Georgia—Lewis Tomlin and William M. Lowry. Florida—George W. Scott and W. c. Mu* 1 >ney. A labnma—Lewis Ownn and J. S. Kennedy. Mississippi—Hon. K. IVgues and Colonel John A. Bingford. Loubiana—A. M. Holbrook ami —. Arkansas—M. L. Bell and UL. Fellow. Texas—M. B. Gchillree and John Hancock. Tennessee—William D. Feignson and John Williams. b Keulucky—M. J. Durham ami W. W. Bald win. Ohio—J. E. Cun ninghati laud John 11. J nines* I ml ian a—Hon. Levi Sparks and Moses (>1 uko„ Illinois—Hon. William B. Ogden and Isaac Underhill. Michigan—lion. George C'. Monroe aud Wil liam B. M. Creery. Missouri—Thomas L. Price aud Charles M. Elihtrd. Minnesota—Hon. C. F. Buck and Charles F. Gilman Wisconsin—J. B. Doe and C. L. Slides. lowa—M. D. McHenry and S. u. Bulb r. Kansas— F. P. Fiizwiiliamsaud G. A. - olton. California—.Johu 11. Baird and Heury F. Wll Hams. ■ Nevada—Frank Hereford and L. H. Newton. District of Columbia—Charles Knapp and E. Pickerel], Dakotah—J. B. S. Todd and T. C. Dewitt. Idaho— C. T. Powell ami T. \V. Betts. Nebraska—James K. Porter and P. B. Becker. Washington—Edward Lauder and E. Evans. Arizona, Oregon, Montana. Utah, uud Colo rado—No appointments. COMPLIMENTARY RESOLUTIONS. The lion. John M. Hogan, of Missouri, then rose ami said: Mr. Chairman—This Convention, so glorious in its character, has now accomplished the results for which it met, and I move, in view of its harmonious action, that the Convention do now adjourn The Chairman—Before putting that mo tion the Chair desires to announce two or three things connected with what has trans pired. Mr. W. P. Schell, of Pennsylvania offer ed the iollowing resolution* which was unanimously adopted. Xetolved, That the thanks of this Convention are now tendered to the President and officeiS of the Convention, for the able and Impartial
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