evsky Wednesday by COOPER, .9 A K DEBS ON * CO, H. G Smith, A. Morton, TERMS—^iwo Dollars per annum, payable all cases In advance. OFFICE —Southwest corner of Centre Square. a3-A.ll letters on business should be ad dressed to Cooper, Sanderson <fc Co. Dftfefcltottflrojs. The President and the Convention—The Final Proclamation or Peace. The President’s proclamation declar ing “the re-establishment of civil au thority throughout the country, and the restoration of the entire South to all Its rights and privileges under the Constitution,” is a fitting sequel to the proceedings of the Convention. Itcompletes the case upon which the North wiJl be required to pass judg ment in the pending campaign. For the duty of the Executive is to deter mine the fact of peace, and by officially proclaiming it as a fact now actually accomplished, he removes the last hindrance to the logical force aud con stitutional completeness of the argu ment presented at Philadelphia. The insurrection being declared at an end, all excuse for dealing with the Southern States in any other light than as States enjoying full relationship to the Federal (Government vanishes. The plea of Congress has been that the Southern States still maintain the attitude of in surrection, because but partially pos sessed of their original civil rights. Tiie muiuteuance of military authority in Texas lias imparted color to the allega tion, since the South could not be said to be completely restored, so long as a single Stute remained subject to pro visional authority. But the objection is no longer plausible. The Executive recognizes the supremacy of civil au thority, working ilirougli duly organ ized local chunnels; tiie interposition of Federal authority in concerns which the Constitution assigns to the States, is declared to be terminated ; and the whole South is now duly recognized as in possession of its rightful constitu tional Government. By this step the lms nar rowed the issue between Congress and tlieSouthern.States toasinglepoint, and that point one upon which the people are least prone to error. The country is at peace. The last vestige of the insur rection has disappeared. The Southern Slates again wield the full measure of sovereign authority, to the extent of which the national Executive takes cog nizance. If Co tigress chooses to con tin ue the exclusion olThe Southern members, it will do so on the hypothesis which the lawful power of the President has swept aside, if the South is still to he treated by Congress as in a state of in surrection, it will be in defiance of the fact, authoritatively announced, that the insurrection has been quashed and constitutional government restored. The people see only peace, yet'Congress acts as though war were in progress. The people discern a restored Union—a Union with all it parts as truly republi can in its local forms as before the war —yet Congress, by its leading spirits, still asserts a right to proceed as though rebellions were in blast. Neither the motive nor the tendency of tliia policy on the part of the Congressional majority can he mistaken. Their object is not a restored Union, but a Union ho changed in its essence that the Republic estab lished by the fathers will not be distin guishable. And the obvious tendency of their measures is to destroy the principle of the equality of thejStates, which lies at the foundation of the National (Government, atid toussertthe right of some of the States to dispone of other States as subjugated provinces. We do not believe that any party is strong enough iu the North to perpetu ate a policy which implies a gross usur pation of authority on the part of Con gress, ami a disunited country as the inevitable consequence. Time will tell. The- final and decisive proclamation issued yesterday leaves no escape from the issue which the Radicals have invi ted, and it remains to be seen whether they will venture to persist in a course which will, by-uml-by, Lie equivalent to revolution. The country is at peace. Will the Radicals in Congress assume the responsibility of creating and continuing war ? i The President’s position in view of this possible contingency cannot be mis understood. His speech in reply to the delegation from the Philadelphia Con vention semis forth no uncertain sound. FI is words on the occasion were not the words of haste or passion. They indi cate a deliberate examination of the ground upon which he and the Conven tion unitedly stand, and an unalterable purpose to maintain it at' all hazards, The absence of everything like precipi tancy in all that tiie President lias hitherto done—the forbearance which has marked tiie exercise of the power vested in him—tiie consistent adherence to the principles upoti which he aud Mr. Lincoln were jointly elected, anil to the policy which Air. Lincoln deliber ately inaugurated—are so many pledges of the earnestness with which lie will now co-operate with the National Union movement. In that movement we have the con servatism of the country battliug with the tyrannical and revolutionary ele ments which threaten its unity aud im peril its peace. It is a movement to up hold the constitution, to prevent usur pation, ami to secure the fruits of victory. Itqis a movement to give effect to the principles for which the Union Party, as organized at Baltimore, contended suc cessfully. The result'of its triumph will be to perpetuate a restored Union, with the increased guaranteesforitslmrniony, of which the late Convention Luis fur nished glorious evidence. The Presi dent has intimated his position in the contest. And as between Union and Radical disunion, the people of the North are not likely long to hesi tate.—New York Times. A Severe out Just Criticism. The following from the pen of the brave, gallant, fearless ami maimed Colonel Davis, editor of the Doylestown Democrat , is one of the most severe but just criticisms on the bombastic “Hero of tfuiekersville” that we have yet read : GKN. lIKAUV AND TIIE SOI.DIEKS, We h'.ivo never yet written a line in criticism or derogation of the military career of Ueneral lieary, the disunion candidate for Governor of this State ■We have known him for years, and our personal relations have ever been of the most pleasant kind. We served ton-ether in the Mexican war, and were both offi cers in the late war, which were addi tional reasons why we have never as ■saih-'d his military record. We have opposed his election solely on the ground of want of capacity as a statesman, ami because of the radical disunion platform on which he stands. It appears, how ever, Unit he has no regard for the military reputation of gentlemen who dili’er from him in politics, whom he assails regardless of truth or common decency. At a speech which he made at York on the bill instant, in speaking of the late Soldiers’ Convention at Harrisburg, he made use of the follow ing paragraph: “When I look around Huh assemblage and feel that around me are fellow soldiers who have borne arms with me, from the iirst battle of Hull Hun, not one or two of them from a regiment as wus the ease at llurrisburg, a few days ago,—shysters and cowards, skulkers and hospital bummers. I know such is the fact, for I have driven them from the army myself.” When General Geary made ÜBeof the above expression he knew that he was telling a LIE, but this knowledge did not restrain him from committing an act that disgraces him in the eyes of uil honorable men. Kuch a known and wilful falsehood will render him infa mous. The cloak of charity, that has covered him in the past, will no longer shield him from the merited castigation his shortcomings in military and civil life Invite. For ourself, and the thir teen other delegates who attended the Convention from this county, we pro nouuce the oharge of General Geary to be false in every particular, and that In making It he has proved himself an uu ihitlgated liar. On the Oth instant, the village of Monroe, Ohio, was nearly destroyed by a hurricane. Some lives were loßt and several persons Injured. The storm is said to have passed over a narrow belt of country, destroying ■ buildings and fences, and uprooting trees in its way. j. M. Cooper, Alfred Sanderson VOLUME 67. The profound impression which the Philadelphia Conventon has produced upon the country is best attested by the comments it has elicited from the press. The violence of the Radical journalists is born of fear. Whom they dread they abuse, and that of which they are most afraid they assail with slander aud false hood. The failure of their prophecies has irritated them beyond measure; and in the cordial alliance of Conservative Republicans with natioual Democrats and representative Southerners they see the development of a power which bids fair to be irresistible in the coming canvass. Upon the tone of the ex tremist newspapers, then, it is not ne cessary now to dwell. Rage has so overpowered sense, that they lie reck lessly and vituperate blindly, as men might be supposed to do who find their choicest calculations upset, and their cherished plans predestined to destruc tion. More moderate journals, like the Hpringfield Republican aud the Phila delphia North American, acknowledge the influence exercised by the Conven tion, without identifying themselves with tiie movement to which it gave rise. Our Springfield cotemporary has not been slow to appreciate the impor tance of the gain realized in the unre served adoption by the Southern dele gates of the constitutional principles enunciated in the resolutions. To have called forth afl explicit affirmation of the supremacy and perpetuity of the Union, and a repudiation as explicit of the doctrine of secession, is, as the Re publican admits, an advance toward harmony which ought not to-be under estimated. And inasmuch as the plat form adopted at Philadelphia is sub stantially identical with that which was adopted by the Union party at Balti more in 18(34, it is difficult to see how any member of the party not irrevoca bly committed to the revolutionary crotchets of radicalism can honestly disapprove of the proceedings of the Convention. The North American , indeed, in an article entitled “ Republican Principles Accepted, adopts the conclusion demon strated two days ago in the Times, and concedes that the principles upon which Abraham ..Lincoln and Andrew John son were elected in 1864 were in the as cendancy last week at Philadelphia. By what process of reasoning the North American justifies its continued ad hesion to the Disunion Party in Con gress in preference to the Union move ment out of doors, is not apparent. For if the delegates at Philadelphia ac cepted the principles on which the Re publican Party fought its last fight at the polls, the inference is inevitable that tiie Congressional majority have departed from the standard of the party they pretend to represent. And our Philadelphia cotemporary, iu opposing the National Union movement, based, as it confessedly is, upon the platform which carried Mr. Lincoln a second time into the Presidency, really aban dons the cause of which it claims to be an advocate. From this dilemma there is no escape, except by a repudiation of the Disunion Radicals on one hand, or the Baltimore Union platform on the other. The tone of the Northern Democratic press is, with scarcely an exception, all that the friends of the movement could desire. There is little or no fault-find ing, and absolutely no opposition either to tiie action of tiie Convention or the policy it indicates for the Fall elections. The conciliation, the moderation, the patriotic anxiety forharmony as against the common foe, vhicli characterized the course of the Democratic delegates, alike in the Committees and in the Convention, are visible in the com ments of the journals belonging to the same party. The controversies of the past are forgotten in the effort to provide for the exigencies of the present and the salvation of the future. The declaration of principles is indorsed as sound and wise, hud the address is hailed as a just and constitutional state ment of the ease to be submitted to the people. In the same category may be placed the 110-party journals of the cities— journals whose influence is indisputable, and whose prompt aud unreserved ap proval of the Convention and its results betoken the direction of the current of feeling outside of the organized parties. The no-party class —and they are'a host in themselves--are heart and soul with the movement. Taking into account, then, the Con servative Kepublicans who are in the foremost ranks, the less ultra Republi cans who begin to discern the source and soundness of the principles con tended for, the overwhelming majority of the Democrats, and the “indepen dents" who are not politicians—the amuzing strength of the movement be comes apparent. Against these com bined forces, what can the Radical Dis uniouists accomplish? What in New. York, for example? or in Pennsylva nia? or in Indiana or Illinois? or in any one of the States whose citizens will, in a few weeks, be required to pro nounce for the Union or against it —for the constitutional policy of the Admin istracion, or the unconstitutional policy of Congress? Toensurea sweepingsue ees/3, it is only necessary to repeat in the Sino-es the forbearance, the unselfish patriotism, and the sagacious adjust ment at persons and positions which triumphed so signally at Philadelphia. Rut Hie Southern press—what is its verdict in the premises? We have al ready laid before our readers the utter ances of the journals which have reached us from the South since the close of the Convention. The prevailing feeling is discriminating and—from the Southern stand-point—notunreasonableor unjust. Hol e and there is a paper which reviews the proceedings with a good heart. Rut tlie greater number accept the resolutions with many protestations against the principles they affirm and the conclusions to which, they point. As a mutter of argument they object to the unqualified assertion of the principles of national supremacy, with, tlie consequent extinction of the old doctrine of State rights as implied in secession. And they demur to the ac curacy and taste of other points, both in the resolves and the address. In the main,however they accept the posi tion as the best one possible in existing circumstances; rejecting certain ab stract assertions, but nevertheless de claring their appreciation of the temper and purposes of tlie Convention, and then- reliance upon the movement as the only efficient means of restoring the bnion. More,'perhaps, our Southern cotemporaries could not he expected to concede without doing violence to their self-respect.—A'cic York Times. The Philadelphia Convention and Our Securities in Europe. The report of the harmonious pro ceedings of our grand National Union Convention was circulated over the whole of Europe on Saturday last and read on every Exohange from London to Naples. What is the result? Last night's news from London by the cable reports our Five Twenties as high as 70j at noon yesterday. When the pro ceedings of tlie Convention are once re ported in full ou the other side of the Atlantic, there will be a further rise, which will drive the Radical disunion ists madder—if that were possible—than they are to-day. They are frothing at the mouth now. This late financial re port from Europe will aggravate them beyond ali power of endurance. The cable, like all other commercial and in dustrialapplianceßor thetime, 1b against the Radical taction. They ought to cut it.—iV. Y, Times. At Mobile, Ala., an insane woman on Saturday last threw her Infant into the red hot furnace of a rolling mill where the Iron was fusing. Some curious genius has discovered that, out of ourthirty mlUlongof people, two millions of them write their names with an “ Hon.” before them. Lancaster lintcUuu'iiai: The Press on the Convention, SOLDIERS’ UNI UK CONTENTION. A CALL FOR A MEETING AT CLEV ELAND IN SEPTEMBER. An Address to their Brethren in Arms, They are Faithful to the Constitutional Principles for Which they Fought. JUSTICE AND MAGNANIMITY. Devastation of tiie South a Sufficient Punishment for their Offences. Washington, August 21. THE SOLDIERS’ CONVENTION The following is the call for the Conven tion of. Soldiers, which will be held at Cleve land, Ohio, September 17, instead of Chicago as heretofore announced: 'i 0 the Soldiers and Sailors who served in the A rmy during the late Rebellion: In pursuance of a resolution of a meeting of th e soldiers now or lately in the Union army, held in this city last evening, we in vite those of you who approve the restora tion policy of the President, and the prin ciples announced by the National Union Convention at Philadelphia, to assemble at Cleveland, on the 17th day of September next, for consultation on the issues now convulsing our country. We need not wrgue to you at length the impor tance of these issues, nor your duty to take part iu their settlement. After five years of fierce and destructive war, in which our arms wore gloriously triumphant, the Union for which we fought is still practi cally unrestored. Why is this? We strug gled to maintain the rightful supremacy of the general government, to conquer all.who in arms disputed its authority, and to make every rebellious citizen yield to its laws. We field throughout the war that the Union was indissoluble, and its power, as e< pounded by its courts, supreme; that no State can of its own motion withdraw, or at the will of its sister States be excluded, and that the duty of each State to maintain the Union, and its rights to take part in tkegovernmont, are alike absolute. Every object of the war ever recognized by or known to the army and navy has been thoroughly achieved. The Southern people, decimated, impoverished, and subdued, have for more than a year past abandoned the rebellion, and now only ask that the Uniou lor which we fought may be recognized as existing, and that they may be dealt with asthe Con stitution and laws prescribe. For their anx iety to restore the Union, and bring harmony to its couucils, they have gone beyond a mere silentsubmission toils laws. Through their delegates to the National Union Con vention, they solemnly denounced the doc trines of nullification and secession, from which the war urose; repudiated the rebel debt, and declared of sacred obligation the national debt; proclaimed the faith of the nation pledged to ihe continuance of the bounties ami pensions to loyal soldiers and sailors, and their families; declared slavery forever abolished, and the freed mon entitled to equal protection of the laws in person and property with their former masters. Their platform is not ouly one of emphatic loyalty, but it is, moreover, most liberal in spirit on all the great issues grow ing out of the war. The character of the men who represented the Southern States in that Covention precludes us from believ ing their enunciation of principles to bo in sincere. They sent to it their prominent statesmen—men who, like Rives, Graham, Orr, Parsons, Sharkey, Houston, Brockeu brougb, Hunt, Manuing and Stephens, were known throughout the land before the war as menofthehighestchuracterand influence. Among the five hundred dele gates from the South, there was not a voice or a vote dissenting from the resolu tions adopted by the Convention. If the best of the Southern people are over to be believed, we must accept their solemn dec larations as sincere. We do accept them as conclusive evidence that a great majority of the Southern people, sick of wur and anarchy, und longing for a restoration of the free Government, are ready to bear true al legiance to the Constitution and laws of the Uniou. We aro, therefore, unwilling to see the Southern people held longer in vassalage. They are our countrymen, citizens of the United States, who have incurred penalties but who have rights. Those who wilfully participated in the rebellion, and are un pardoned, are subject to the penalties pre scribed for treason. But though individuals may be tried, convicted and punished, com munities cannot, nor can the States and their people, without a plain violation ofthe Constitution, be denied the right ot repre sentation through men personally qualified in the councils of the nation. The intention of Congress seems to bo to deprive them of representation just so long as it suits the purposes of the Kadical party. Many us sort that it will concede the right whenever the constitutional amendment shall have been adopted, and each proscribed State shall have ratified it. But it is quite cer tain that the amendment will not be rati fied by three-fourths of the States, and therefore, that it will not be adopted. Some, perhaps many, of the Northern Stutes will reject it, and wo cannot expect its legal ratification by any of the lately insurrectionary States. If there were no other reasons why the Southern States will reject it, it is enough that it proposes to disfranchise nearly all-the men iu the South who have influence over tho masses of tho people. If none were to be disfranchised except officers of the rebel army, we still could not expect the South to adopt it; for a large majority of the men in the lately insurrectionary States, through compulsions or choico, served in the rebel armies, and their votes would overwhelm ingly defeat it. Would Union soldiers to recover political privileges, disfranchise their leudurs whom they love and revere ior their heroic virtues ? How then cau we ex pect Southern soldiers to disfranchise and degrade their old commanders? As there is no probability'that the amendment will be ratified by three-fourths of the States, the plan of restoration which Congress appears to have determined ou is at best impracti cable. That proposed by the President and approved by the National Union Conven tion, is Jeasible, and we believe safe. We have no fear that the South can ever over throw tho Federal Govermneutoreven dis- turb its career of power and glory. They will be the last of the States to rebel, and if they shall again rise in insurreo rection the loyal people can and will subdue and, if need be, destroy them. The government has asserted its power for self preservation, and the devastation and mis ery of the South proclaim to this generation at least tlie cmnu and the terrible penalties of treason. Beholding their woes, and con trasting their weakness and our strength, we coiml alford to show the confidence and courage of magnanimity. We might well let our vanquished opponents arise, and, like James Fitz James at Coritangle ford, staunch their wounds and forgive their treason. But we are not asked to be mag nanimous, butouly cousistent and just. This we cannot refuse to be without a violution of the Constitution of our country, and a wish of its utter overthrow. We seek and will have no association in political action with men North, or South,' who are not avowedly, in our opinion, sincerely faithful to the constitutional principles for which we fought. But if men who have taught or practiced treason now openly re nounce their errors and maintain with us tho true principles of our government, we shall not reject their co-operation, when the restoration of the Union and the preserva tion of our form of government are in issue. However much we regret to sever cherished political associations and to co-operate with former enemies, we must prefer to act with those who have been wrong and are now right, rather than with those who were right aDd now are wrong. Believing that our government is again in peril, we appeal to you who have iought to save it ana who hold it dearer and more sacred than ai purty ties, to come to the rescue. Let the soldiers and sailors agreeing with Us in sentiment, but who cannot in person at* tend, send delegates through the action of their societies, or of local conventions. Let us meet in force at Cleveland on the 17th of September, the anniversary of the day when the Constitution was proclaimed by our forefathers, and let us aia in restoring the Union it created and the liberties it was ordained to secure, G. A. Custer, Major*General U. S. A.; A. 1). MoCoou, Mttfor-GeneralU. S. A.; Jj* H. Kousseau. IVlajor-Goneral, G. W. Cook, Major-General, W- Meredith, Brevet Major-General, •t* Ewing, Jr., Brevet Major-General, Committee on Address. „ Washington, Au » ust 19 »W60. n rt n*?i»nt o » rd nly approve the cail for the Convention, and recommend the holding movßment° nvoMlona °°- O P<-' rate in the u A;' Generali James B. Steadman, do.; !■, p, m a i r . h w Sloonm, do. i Daniel E. Slokfes, do. i Gor doll Granger, do.} John A. iioOlernand, do. ; D.N. Couch, do.; \y. \V. AveriU, do. H. E. Davies, Jr., do. j Orlando B. Wilcox, do,; A. S. Wll lama, do,: Gershom Mott, do.; Hugh Irving, do. i Theo. Runvon do : Thomas Kelby Smith, do. j Wm. BTFrinkl lln. do.; Thomas L. Crittenden, do. i M R Patrick, do.; Alvain C. GiUem, do! • J G* Bartlett, do.; G. K. Warren, do.; Jefferson LANCASTER, PA., WEDNESDAY MORNING, AUGUST 29, 1866. C. Davis, do.; Joseph F. Knipe, do.; A, H. Markland, Superintendent United States Mail; Martin S. McMahon, Brevet Major General; H. H. Heath, do.; John M. Ol iver, do.; William G. Wardjdo.; Henry A. Morrow, do.; Geo. P. Este, Brigadier-Gen eral . G. C. Maxwell, Anson G. Mc- Cook, do.: George Spalding, do.; J. B. Sweitzer, do.; W. W. H. Davis, do.; Walter C. Whittaker, do.; John L. Cnxton, do.; We McCandless, do.; .A, B. McCalmont, do.; Sami. Bealty, do.; Wm. Harizhorn, do.; J. S. Fullerton, do.; G. Winters, doq E« B, Brown, do.; J. G. Parkhurst, do.; G. H. Hall, do.; R. A. Vaughn, do.; James Craig, do.; Morgan L. Smith, do.; James McFerren, do.; Joseph W. Frizell, do.; Ferd. Van Derveer, do.; Lewis C. Hunt, do., James H. Ford, do.; Thomas Curley, do.; E. T. Bragg, do.; Charles G. Halpine, Brevet Brigadier-General: Henry S. Com raager, do.; H. C. Hobart, do.; H. C. Dun lap, do.; C. O. Loomis, do.; Cassius Fair child, do.; Henry Bertrand, do.; Charles W. Blair, do.; James K. Mills, do.; Charles Black, do.; Durbin Ward, do.; John Lawrence, do.; Colonel Quinn Morton, do.: David Murphy, do.; John M. Richardson, do.; Marcus Boyd, do.; James O. Brodhead, do.; W. B. Rogers, do.; Jas. Peckam, do.; T. T. Crittenden, do.; Samuel R. Mott, do.; H. F. Baker, do.; P. H. Alback, do.; James Mann, do.; Henry Barnes, do.; Richard McAllister, do.; D, W. Bless, Surgeon U. S. V., do.; John At kinson, do.; Colonel Graham, do.; M. H. Fitch, do.; Henry Starr, do.; W. W. D. Lewis, do.; O. F. Merre, do.; Levi A. Har ris, do.; George Gray, do.; W. H. Ent, do. ; John H. Linton, do.; James George, do.; John Heucock, do.; John H. Ward, do.; William R. McCreery, do.; H. M. Bulk ley, do.; C. D. Penuipacker, do.; Joseph C. McKibbon, do.; Johu F. Phillips, do.; Miles K. Green, do.; John M. Glover, do.; John E. Phelps, do.; M. Flesh, do.; Col. Byrne, and fifty other officers. The change from Chicago to Cleveland, as the place of holding the Convention, was made at the solicitation of gentlemeu in the seaboard States, who consider the latter a more desirable and central locution. CUSTER ON FORNEY A Scathing Letter to the Secretary of the forney’s Hftruugue to the Mob. Coster’s Testimony In llegard to theC'on- ditlon of Texus. The National L'nJon Convention. Pence, Prosperity and Preservation of the Country its Only Aim. The Declaration of Principle*. L'nion, Concession ninl Harmony- Everything tor theCnu.se, Noth ing for Men.” | From the National Intelligencer, August 21. Washington, Aug. 20, 18GG. J. IK Forney, Esq., Secretary of the V. S. »S 'c/iatr: Departing from what I have ever consid ered a judicious custom, I deem it not only appropriate, but incumbent upon me, to correct the false impressions regarding my past and present position which at this time are being so assiduously disseminated throughout the country by a subsidized, un scrupulous and fanatical press. It is to be expected, in times like the present .when a new political era is being inaugurated—an era which is dostmed to remodel aud devel op the character of our political structure —that the views and sentiments enter- tained by men, themselves the victims of passion aud prejudice, will embrace a wide and unlimited scope, and that, blinded by resentment, their judgment be clouded and impelled by malignant, unworthy, and most wicked ambition, noua who endeavor to interpose an obstacle in their path, or who differ from them in opinion, can hope to escape their villification and misrepresen tation. A few of the most extreme Radical journals have pretended to discover an in consistency between the views embraced in my testimony before the Congressional Committee on Reconstruction in March last, and in my present action as a delegate to the Philadelphia Convention, and a sup porter of the principles enunciated in the resolutions and platform proclaimed and adopted by that illustrious national and patriotic assembly, composed of representa tives from every State and Territory iu the Union, and therefore the first truly national convention which has assembled iu our country during the past six years. Promi nent in this misrepresentation and wilful perversion of truth is the organ controlled and edited by yourself, and, were it not for the official position which you hold, I would not deem myself justified in referring to you or anything oin auuting from you. I will not refer to the seditious und inflammatory epithets you applied to that Convention, of which I am proud to have been a member, but will only class them with your insidi ous and wicked harangues pronounced in the City of Philadelphia during the sitting of the Convention, in which 3 f ou endeavored to stir the passions of what you supposed a mob to deeds of violeneo and blood. Neither will I occupy time in exposing your baseness in characterizing those gal lant soldiers of the Union who took part in the Convention as being influenced by any but the highest, noblet and most patriotic impulses which govern the human will. Much less were they, as you insinuate, tinctured with disloyalty. Such unwar ranted, unjust, and unprovoked assertions come from you with baa grace when directed against those who, during the entire war, have freely and unselfishly perilled their lives to restore, defend, and perpetuate the principles of a constitutional government, which you are laboring to destroy. What have you done or accomplished to justify you iu maligning aud traducing those whose patriotism has undergone the test of battle and is beyond impeachment? My sole object in addressing you now is to correct the misrepresentations which have been made by you and other Radical journals, regarding my testimony concern ing the condition of one, and a portion of another, of the Southern States. In the first place, you would have your readers believe that I hud submitted testimony in regard to the Southern States as a body, whereas I testified with reference to Texas and West ern Louisiana alone, and particularly with reference to the former. Furthermore, be fore giving iny evidence, 1 remarked to Senator Williams, of Oregon, who conduct ed the examination, that Texas had always been, more or less, regarded as a State in certain parts of which the local or domestic laws had little or no power; where citizens as a class were lawless, ungovernable, and uncontrolled by any other law than the one that “ might makes right.” Consequently the condition of aflairs as represented by me at that time (seven months ago) could not justly and wholly be considered as a result of the war, inasmuch as the same con dition, to a certain extent, existed before the war. And to that class of population who wore responsible for this condition of affairs did I refer when I stated that they ‘‘ac cepted the situation” from “motives en- tirely selfish.” That a large number of the citizens of Texas, embracing the most in telligent'and prominent men of the State— men, too, who had been prominently en gaged in the rebellion—accepted the situa tion in good faith, I know to be true. That the condition of the loyal men in that State would have been endangered by the com plete withdrawal of the United States troops I do not entertain a doubt, but the danger would be shared by all classes. It is universally known and conceded that the animosity existing between the parti sans on the frontier of the Southern States was more bitter and unrelenting than that existing between the masses of the people North and South. Owing to the lawless character of a considerable portion of the population of Texas, I regarded it at that time as beyond the power of the civil government, unaided and unsupported by military authority, to pre serve perfect peace anci order within the limits of the State. I therefore, iu my testimony, which was given with reference to “that portion of the Southern country in which I have been ,” viz.: Texas and West ern Louisiana—gave it as my deliberate opinion, that the people of that section of country were not at that time “ in a proper condition, 1 ' and had not manifested “ a pro per state of feeling, to be restored to their former rights and privileges under the gen eral government,” and that the national control over those States should be exer cised,by the government "until satisfied that they may , without detriment , be entrusted with their former rights and privileges.” I huve herein briefly referred to those points of my testimony in reference to which through wilful perversion, the public were liable to be deceived. And, now, notwith standing the prominence you gave to my testimony, as reproduced in the Chronicle of the 18tn Instant, under the captious head ing of "Custer vs. Custer,” <fcc., <fec <&« thereby conveying the idea that the views entertained by me then differed widely from those I now entertain, I desire, not withstanding the fact that "there are none so blind as they who refuse to see,” to assure you that there exists a strict accord ance between the opinion and sentiments then expressed and now advocated by me. And to prove that my suggestions set forth in the testimony referred to were in har mony with the course since maintained by the Administration, it wiR only be necessary to refer to the fact that the authority of the general government has been continued in force in Texas in the form of a provisional government, until within a verybriefperiod and that Texas, of all the Southern States’ has been the last to elect State officers. and to attempt to inaugurate a State govern ment. As to the propriety of my coarse in attending the National Union Convention, I recogmze neither in you, nor in those you represent, the right to question my motives If I satisfy mv God, my country, and my conscience, I achieve my highest aim. That my course has received the approvai of the first, and will ultimately, if not now : receive that of the second, 19 evidenced by the hearty approval of the third As was so feelingly expressed by the dis tinguished statesman ana patriot who pre sided over the deliberations of the conven tion, “ peace hath her victories none the less renowned than war;” and along with the many victories achieved upon many a hardly-contested field by the courage, fideli ty ana perseverance of our noble and patri otic armies, und which I am proud to have been an humble participant, I place as a crowning victory the harmonious assem bling or that convention, composed as it was of representatives from every State and Territory, men who for years past have been opposed in principle aDd policy but who, casting aside all prejudice and per sonal feeling, assembled intent upon one purpose, and that purpose to secure the peace, prosperity and preservation of the country. To achieve this grand purpose, it seemed as if oue and all were inspired by the sentiment, “ Union, concession and harmony—every thing for the cause, nothin g for men.” And as a result of their deliber- ations, the platform and principles adopted by that convention may be expressed in six words—National integrity, constitu tional-liberty, individual rights. Upon this platform all who desire to promote peace, harmony und justice throughout the length and breadth of our land may stand. Those who desire to perpetuate strife, discord and disunion will reject it. Duty, as well as interest, demaud that this govern ment should be national; this cannot be so long as twenty-four States legislate for thirty-six States, and ten millions of our citizens are unrepresented. The constitution makes each house of Congress the sole judge of the qualifications of its own mem bers. It is not required by that instrument, nor is it demanded by any consideration of right or justice, that the two houses of Con gress should conjointly pass upon the qual ifications and claims of members of either branch, and by no law or principle of free government can one or both houses de prive an entire State of that fair re presentation to which, under the constitu tion, it is entitled, uuless by the exercise of an ussuined power. You can testify with whut earnestness I engaged in the late struggle—with what earnestness I fought until that struggle was declared ended, the victory won. With that same earnestness I still desire peace—that peace for which our armies contended. And now that the national authorityis every where recognized, the doctrine of secession forever settled, the public debt acknowledged, the rebel debt repudiated, and peace, order and harmony proclaimed in every State, it only remains for Congress “to receive to seats therein loyal representative from every Suite in allegiance to the United States, subject to the constitutional right of each house to judge of the election returns and qualifica tions of its own members.” If a further vindication of my course was necessary, I might refer you to the procla mation of peace this day issued by the President of the United States. In lhat welcome document the President distinctly states, that by proclamation of April 2,1866, issued subsequent to the date of my testi mony, “ there no longer existed any armed resistance of misguided citizens to the au thority of the United States in any or all of the States, excepting ouly the State of Tex as.” Did not my evidence, which applied to Texus alone, accord with this view? And further, does not the President in his proclamation of to-day assert, that “ subse quently to the said second day of April, 1866, the insui'rcction in the State of Texas has been completely and everywhere suppressed and ended, and the author ity of the United States has been suc cessfully and completely established in the State of Texas, and now remains therein un resisted and undisputed, and such of the proper United Slates officers us have been duly commissioned within the lim its of the said Stute are now in the un disturbed exercise of their official func tions?” This proves—First. That if you will compare the condition of affairs exist ing in Texas in March last, and as testified to by me, with the condition declared to exist by the proclamation of the President of one month later date, you will dis cover no discrepancy of opiuiou between the two. Second. If you desire to know by what principle of action lam now guided, I refer you to those parts of the President’s proclamation already quoted, and to the final clausein which he,the highest authority we recognize on earth, proclaims “ that the insurrection is at an end, and that peace, order, tranquility, and civil authority now exist in and throughout the whole of the United States of America.” G. A. Custer. Address to the Fenian Brotherhood. New York, August 20.—The follow ing is the address of General Sweeney to the Fenian Brotherhood concerning political complications: To the Fenian Brotherhood :— The old and tried members of the Fenian Brotherhood regret 10 find thut' somo po litical papers are endeavoring to mnke it appear that our organization is about to be used for party purposes in the upproaching political campaign, and I cannot allow such an impression to go abroad without a pro test on my part. The Fenian Brotherhood was established for the liberation of Ireland from a state of foreign misrule aud subju gation which, for the continuation and in tensity of its persecution, hus no parallel in history. While solely devoted to the grand object of their mission, the members of the Fenian Brotherhood sympathize with every strug gling nationality and are ardeut lovers of freedom for all men in every land. Two of the fundamental rules of the organization are that tho religious and political questions should be entirely excluded from their councils, and it is owing chiefly to those wise provisions that the Fenian Brother hood, without the aid of a single dollar from any political party in the country and j n the face of the most fierce opposition, has S p r ead its branches into every land and has beco me the great power in America which qj S to day. While overy oilizeu in his in dividual capacity has a right to vote us his judgment dictates, I upp re hend that disruption, disaster and the utte r blighting of all our hopes would be the re sult of turning the Fenian Brotherhood into a political organization atthisjuncture. Although the attempt may be made By some ambitious men, who must necessarily exercise influence in so wide spread a com bination, still I am sure the great majority of the Fenian Brotherhood are too devoted to the grand cause to which their lives are pledged to allow that cause to be swallowed up in the vortex ol American politics, or to permit themselves to be diverted for a sin gle moment from the direct faith which must eventually lead them to success. The Pitts burg Congress held in February, 1866, was very explicit in reference to this matter. In the sixth day’s session, tho.following resolu tion was unanimously adopted: Resolved, That this Congress, in the name of the Fenian brotherhood, in the most solemn and emphatic manner, disclaim any intention, desire or inclination, to use the power of this organization for the purpose of influencing, in any form, party politics in America, such policy being entirely for eign to our aims and repugnant to our pa triotism, and those who would attempt to traffic in the sacred impulses of Irish hearts, deserve, and should receive, the scorn and detestation of all brave men. Whoever attempts to violate, abrogate or evade that resolution, will incur a serious responsibility which I am not prepared to sanction or to share in my official connec tion with the Fenian Brotherhood. Exhorting all the members of the organi zation to persevere in the safe and success ful course which they have hitherto pur sued, 1 am theirs, fraternally, Signed T. W. Sweeney, Secretary of War, F. B. Geary’s Platform. “When I lookaroundthisassemblageand feel that around me are fellow soldiers, who have borne arms with me from the first battle of Bull Run. not one or two from a regiment, as was tne case at Harrisburg, a few days ago, shysters and cowards, SKULKERSand HOSPITAL BUMMERS— I know such 1b the fact, for I have driven them from the army myself. They say they are going to elect Hlester Clymer.”— Geary’s York Speech. “When the question of negro suffrag 6 comes up as it will probably in three or fou r years, T SHALL BE READY 70 MEE7 XT. AND I WILL SAY lAM NOT PRE PARED TO DEMY THAT RIGHT OF VOTING TO THE COLORED MAN.— Geary's Speech at Lochiel Iron Works. A melon rind upon the sidewalk caused the death of a lady in Norfolk, hENATOB COWAN His Great Speech at Greensburg. He Defines His Position, and Gives th* Radicals a Raking Fore and Aft. From the Pittsburg Post, Aug. 2j. On Tuesday evening,Senator Cowan wua announced to speak at the Court House, and the announcement drew tp Greensburg a large crowd of strangers. A delegation went out from this city on the 3 P, M, train, headed by the Great Western band] On arriving at Greensburg the visitors formed in procession, and marched to the residence of the Senator. Hearty cheers were given in his honor, and in obedience to loud calls, he made his appearance and briefly addressed the crowd, expressing his personal gratification at this evidence that his public course had met the approval his immediate constituency. It was suffi cient recompense he observed for the abuse which had been so liberally showered upon him by the Radicals aud Disunionists. THE MEETING TUESDAY EVENING. In the evening, the Court House was densely crowded to hear Senator Cowan ai length, on the public questions of the day. Great curiosity was manifested by men of all parties to hear this speech, as it was the first occasion he had spoken in the State in his own vindication, for several years. The composition of the meeting itself, was a flattering compliment to Mr. Cowan. The substantial men of Westmoreland aud ad joining counties were present in large num bers, und his words of counsel and admoni tion fell upon an intelligent and apprecia tive audience. It was easy to see from the general tone of the mooting that Edgu Cowan has a host of attached personal friends and admirers of whom any public inau may well bo proud. The enthusiasm on his behalf runs at flood height in West moreland county. Ilis name was universal ly coupled with that of President Johnsou, in the cheers at the meeting, and it was difficult to tell from the demonstrations, who stood highest with the people, the President or Senator. When the Court House had boon so com pletely paclftd, that it was not possible for another person to obtain admission, the meeting was called to order by the election of Hon. Joseph F. Kuhns, President, and the usual number of Vice Presidents and Secretaries. General Kuhns in a brief in troductory speech, tersely referred to the organization of parties during the war ; to the reconstruction policy as first enunciated by President Lincoln, and subsequently adopted by President Johnson. Upon this question the Republican party was now divided, and it became all good citizens to calmly investigate the differences between the President and Congress and assume their position. In warm terms of admira tion, the President then referred to Senator Cowau, and introduced him to the audi ence, stating that it was fitting that in this temple of Justice, -.which had been the cradle of his genius and fluent, he should be heard in his own defence. SENATOR COWAN’S SPEECH, Senator Cowan on making his appearance on the platform was greeted with most up roarious cheering. The Senator was in good voice and spirits, and spoke with decided animation and confidence. We never wit nessed a political speech listened to with closer attention. The arguments appeared to sink deep in the hearts pf the audience. The speech was devoid of clap-trap or ap peals to passion, but was calm, dignified and argumentative. At some points made by the Senator, the applause wus very de cided, but on the whole the audience seemed 00 powerfully impressed by the solemnity and force of the argument to indulge iu much cheering. They listened, however, with all their might and main. AN APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE. Senator Cowan expressed his gratification at seeing men of both political parties pres ent. He had never doubted that his public conduct would be justified and sustained by his constituents und by the American people. He had never spoken or written a lino in his defence, hoping that the tit time for an appeal to the reason ot the people would come. It has come. An appeal has been made to the reason of the citizens of thirty-six States, and that appeal will be sustained and the Government of our fathers as it was transmitted to us, will bo handed down in all its purity to those who are to come after us. The speaker then referred in glowing terms to the power of this Gov ernment; it was powerful beyond all an cient or modern republics and empires, und would remain so if we were a united people, and at home preserved peace and tranquil lity. To do this it was necessary we all should yield up something of our pre-con ceived opinions on the altur of the country, that the wounds of the nation may be healed. PARTIES AND THE WAR. Mr. Co wail then went into au examination of the history of the parties in connection with the war. In the hands of ambitions men, bo declared the Union party had be come a Disunion party. He was elected to the Senate as the candidate of the People’s party, and not as an Abolitionist. At that time the Republican party was not an Ab olition party, but simply opposed the ex tension of slavery into free territory. He found when he entered the Senate, two sets of men iu the Republican party who differed as widely as Democrats and Republicans. One set was composed of Abolitionists, who had no party among the people, but whose constant cry was that the people must be educated up to their radical views. The other was composed of moderate men. In the excitement of the war, the little knot of reckless agitators managed to push them selves to the pout, and then we parted com pany. Mr. Cowan next defended his vote against the expulsion of Jesse D. Bright from the Senate, and showed that the Senate could just as properly expel a Pennsylvania Senator for entertaining views differing from the majority of the body, us expel Mr. Bright. THE WAR POLICY HE ADVOCATED. When the country became involved in war, lie was in favor of making it a war of the whole people. He recollected the Demo cratic party constituted half thenution.und he would do nothing to alienate them from the great end in view of restoring the Union. The Democrats had to help fight and they would have to help pay the great debt. He would never do anything to divide the country, but the Abolitionists bad done all in their power, by bringing forward radical measures, to force the Democrats into a po sition of opposition. They had got up mea sures for this express purpose. They pur sued a policy calculated to divide us at the North, and injure us at the South among the people, for when the war broke out the majority of the Southern people were for the Union. The negro was the last question that ought tojhave'.been thrown into politics. Thousands of good Union'men Southlook ed at slavery from a different point from what we at the North did. The radicals pursued the very policy to strengthen Jeff. Davis—and he nad no doubt the main strength of the rebellion lay in the effect of radical policy at the South. Andrew Johnson said to him in the Senate, in refer ring to the radicals, that they were taking the very words out of the mouths of the Union men at the South, when they de fended the people of the North. The radi cals demonstrated to the South that Jeff. Davis was correct in his statement of the abolition purposes of the Northern people. When negroes were captured In the war, he was in favor of treating them as other people who might be captured; bnt Con gress had passed laws effecting their status; laws intended to go into operation where our armies, 200,000 strong, could not pene trate. LINCOLN AND JOHNSON. Mr. Cowan then referred to tho position of President Lincoln, and showed how he had resisted the radicals from the beginning, and that ho had been as bitterly opposed by Stevens, Sumner, Wade, Winter Davis and others as Mr. Johnson now Ib. They managed to drive Mr, Lincolnfrompointto point, and if be had further resisted them tho radicals were prepared to sacrifice the government itself. Only three days before e issued his emancipation proclamation, ho declared it to be as absurd as the Pope’s bull against tho comet. The speaker tnen l n S? an examination of tho doo trine of State suloide. He compared it in absurdity to tho doctrine of bank suicide or lu B <S lcldo of a turnpike company. If all the officers of Pennsylvania died to-day the Sif* 8 still exist. The State cannot , ,5 G ordinances of secession did not effect them. He then took up the recon struction policy initiated by Mr. Lincoln, and carried out by Andrew Johnson, Hi showed that the position ofthese two states men was identical. He explained at length NUMBER 34. the action of Presidents Lincoln and John son in regard to Louisiana, and traced the origin of the New Orleans riot to the machi nations of the radicals. The President had no more to do with them than any of'ttie i audience. Mr.Lincolninventedtbepresent method of reconstruction. Be it good or bad, Mr. Johnson had no more responsibility for it than an executor for the debts c fan , ©state he is called upon to settle. On this point, he challenged discussion at all times an 7 P® l-8011 * He cared not to meet ■ the riff-raff, but bring on vourSumnersand Wades and Stevenses. He defied any one that .^ r * had doDe any- H« 0p f >08ition to the policy set forth by Mr. Lincoln. H e had no objections to tb'e ‘i Wuy from their Principles, but they must not call him apostate. THE SOUTH AND SOUTHERN PEOPLE. . _Vr 1 ’ next referred in graphic terms to the sufferings of the Southern people. The only thing that could create a actional party in this country was slavery, and slavery beiug abolished, we could all now stand together in promoting the power of the nation. He showed that the fundamen tal error of the radicals was their feur of trusting the people. They do nottaketheui into account at all. When it was perceived that the Union could be restored—that the States were coming back, these radicals iound they had caught a tartar. They did not want a restored Union, for they were fearful the Southern people would ally themselves with the Democrats, and take charge of the government. Well, what if they did ? The Democrats would not de stroy the government. We were all equally interested in preserving it. He believed the best and purest plan would be for par ties to go in and out, turn about, ns they did in old Whig and Democratic times. Mr. Cowan then reviewed the theory of Senator Fesseuden in his report from the famous Committee of Fifteen, that the peo ple of the South wore not fit to be restored to their former relations to the government. If that was true, then ind(M)d was the Union gone. He characterized the clap-trap cry abont admitting bloody handed rebel’s back to their old position under the gov ernment. us silly balderdash. What was the war for but to bring them back? The war was never made for conquest. So Congress declared in 18(51. Was not that enough ? What good would a war for con quest do you?- A governmontof the people 1 never makes conquests; and especially con- ' quests of men of the same race and religion ' —of your own kindred, your brothers and cousins. Kings and emperors may wage 1 war for conquest to increase their revenue, but the people can gain nothing by such a ' war. Why then should you enslave the people of the South ? Thank God you can- ' not do it if so disposed. God has placed a 1 barrier to such an outrage in the very char- I acter of our people. If you could enslave < them, they would not be fit to live with ' you under the same form of government. 1 WHY THE REHEL3 ARE NOT TRIED. The South had been punished sufficient already. When that section invoked war it suffered all its horrors. The speaker hero pictured the condition of the Southern peo ple—their poverty, and the universal mourning iu every household. Yet Con gress proposed to punish them further, by depriving them of all their civil rights in the government. Why were not the leaders punished then? it was asked. The speaker then showed whose fault it was that Mr. Davis had not been tried, lie hod been au thorized to say on the lloor of the Senate, to the radicals, that they could have as many rebels punished as they desired—no mutter whether it was five or ten thousand—but they must be tried and punished according to law. The President was not the person to try them. This duty belongs to the hum blest individual as well as to the highest. If you wish Davis punished, try him ac cording to law. Indict him by a grand jury, and then try him before a petit jury. If you convict him or other rebels, then comes in the province of the President, as an executive officer, in the exercise of the power of clemency if ho thinks proper to use it. The reason Davis had not been tried was well known. Judge Chase, the very leader of the radical fanatics, hud refused to do so, when asked by the President, al though the indictment was laid in his (Chase’s) district. Judge Underwood had offered to try him. He would be well tried by that man. if the attempt was made. If Underwood lived in Greensburg, he might possibly bo considered competent for u petty magistrate, but ho would have to take good care of himself. Judge Chase don’t want the question of the legality of seces sion and the extent of State rights to come up for settlement before him, and the reason is well understood. The question is sur rouuded by difficulties the people do not understand, and the Radicals do not intend they shall. All the Radicals advocated se cession before the war. What was the posi tion of the men who declared “the Union a league with hell and a covenant with death?" Were they not secessionists ? At this late day to hang a man for acting out their doctrine would be too much for even a Radical stomach. That is the reason J udge Chase does not want to try Jeff. Davis. The Radicals are fearful of their own records on this question. REPUBLICANS STAND BY THE PRESIDENT. Mr, Cowan urged upon tho Republican party to stand by the President. He was a good man—a wise and honest man. Hois a safe man, too. and will do nothing rashly. If we do not follow his guidance what lea ders shall we follow? Shall we submit to the leadership of Stevens and Sumner ? Are they safe mon? Why, Judge Scott, at tho Republican meeting yesterday, hud repudiated them as leaders. Thaddeus Stevens was and always had been a dan gerous politician. Do you remember that buck-shot war ho got up and engineered? It was precisely similar to the war now waged by the radicals upon the rights of tho South to representation. In the buck-shot war the attempt was made to exclude rep resentatives from our Legislature, who had been duly elected, until Stevens was chosen to the United States Senate. But tho at tempt had been thw’arted by the determi nation of tho people, precisely as this at tempt will bo frustrated. The radicals hope, if the South is kept out, they will maintain their position in control of the government, and that is the secret of their opposition to representation. He was personally friendly to Messrs. Stevens and Sumner, and with all the members of Congress, but he would not for millions follow the lead of such men. They believe in negro equality, and the speaker could not believe with them. THE FUTURE OF THE NEGRO. The speaker next entered into an' exam ination of the condition of the negro race of the South. He believed the advocates of so cial and political equality for the negro were tho worst enemies the negro had. They could compete with tho white race! Since the war commenced, it was estimated that one million of negroes had perished because thrown out on tho world, without the guidance of a master, they were as chil dren and could not face tho battle of life. The poor man North, has a severe struggle himself, at every stage of his life to layup sufficient for sickness and old age. But the negro, naturally indolent and improvident, would waste in one day the accumulated earnings of a life-time, fie never looked to the future. He has but 81 inches of brain to 92 inches in tho white race. His fate when brought into competition with thedomineer- ing, enterprising, rapacious active white man, will be the same as that of a weak plant alongside one of strong and healthy growth. One-fourth of the negroes in this country before the war, are now gone, and before one hundred years they will all be gone. There is nothing horrible in tho thought, for in thirty years, probably none of us will be living. But we will propogate ourselves, and live again in our children. With the negro it Is different. Unac- customed to care for themselves or their children, now that they are deprived of the protection of tho white man whose interest it wus that they should live and thrive, the race will in time become extinct. The abolition of slavery/ is the extinction of the negro race on this Continent. He no longer has the protection and guardianship of the master. He can not get that now, but must fight out his own way in the world, and struggle in competition with a race that buys everything as low and sells everything as high as possible. Throw the negro into politics and what chance would he stand with you, or any other white man? u e^ arno 1 &W l^at sweepsawnytholndiun, the Bushman, and the Australian will gov ern the negro, and drive him before he all- powerful white race, into mere oblivion. The speaker here referred to the mental and physiological peculiarities of the negro. Whatever horrors may have existed under Alrican slavery, at tho South, were eclipsed a million of times, In Africa, by tho slavery that exists there to-day among the negroes. When left to themselves they enslaved each othor, and what could bo more terrible tbuu being a slave to slaves? Yet that was tin ir condition In their own land. Mr. Cowan referred to the fact that the shrewd and in- telligent among the negroes themselves were opposed to the attempt to thrust thorn forward into politics. He said that when he moved to amend the bill regulating suffrage In the District of Columbia by con fining iy» exorcise to white mon, delegations of Influential and prominent negroes waited on him, and thanked him for his motion. They did not want to vote, for they appre ciated the Inevitable effoctof being brought into political contests with the dominant race. WHO SUPPORT THE PRESIDENT. Mr, Cowan urged the Union men tostand by their trusted and tried leaders, in this emergency, and not wander off after such strange radical goods as Stevens and Som- Bca i * A *EB OJP AIIVIa.. BaSSoftSu ,lT ““ la, ™r• ll3 i ,: 7«" P«r fr^loMo^.]Sg! 1411 P OTMnt - Wcreawfor flrstfamfZ^ifJt! 1 ? 0 ' 7 oente.* line ftp the flnt, »nd4 oente for eaoh robeeqnent lneer- P tSSuH“ IOOTB aDd olher •dver's by the One aolnmn,l year, .._ : j,™. Hal/ oolnmo, l Tear— —m Third oolnmn. 1 year. Z Quarter oolamn,„ ”■— X Buanrsss Oleds, o/tea lines orleu' one year, ' 10 Business Cards,live lines or less, one] Leo A l . AND OTHKBNOTIOSH."" 5 cuceoutors’ notices 2.00 - Administrators’ notices,. 2.00 ■Assignees' notices, 2.00 ntsinl', notices, I^o thtL, ,? o tlces,'’ ten lines, or less, three times,.... .7. ; .50 ■ SSJK&X ■ 'n Europe, ■ had displayed In building up ou?nWto b! • the wonder oi world, stood by tho pSdent ibo did Secretary McCullough, one oftho firet 1 financiers oftho aoe, who wus now struggling ,o .K°* out of the tinaucial difficultly mS which Chaso had involved the country Stanton stands.by tho President too, and eh dorsos everything ho does. And where la the hrst military man of tho world—where does General Grantstand on these questions of reconstruction ? With the President. .The last we hear of General Grant Is his receiving, In company with tho President the congratulations oftho Committee oftho great Philadelphia Convention. You will recollect how ho wns assailed by the radi cals, when ho went South and reported upon the condition of tho Southern Suites, Liou tenant General Sherman wns with the Presl dont heart and soul. This ho knew moro decidedly than ho knew of General Grant's position, through Mr. Kwing, of Ohio, Sherman S laffior-iii-iaw, one of tho most Pri,°!i UU e lnfl “ on hM supporters of tho President s policy ui the Union. Sher man was with tho President with nl his great ami characteristic earnestness of purpose. So was Orff; Sheridan. Han cock and in fact every General wlio had ncquitted himself as a thorough soldier One of your own Generals—ono of the bravest of the brave—who hud boon shot through and through, and round and round —General Richard Coulter stood firmly by the President in his great work of reconcili ation. But what military men were with the radicals? Why every sham General that served in the army—overy polo with a cocked hat stuck on it—all tho Butlers and Schurzs. Every fellow who blew his own trumpet, and carried a newspaper corres pondent with him to write his bloodless battles up—every General who made stump speeches—all these fellows us a mutter of course aro with the Radicals and very free in denouncing tho President, (It was gen erally understood by tho audience, that Senator Cowan in his description of tho sham Generals who train with tho radicals, hud Geury especially in his mind’s oyo, and tho cheering and laughter of tho nudieneo grew uproarious as he oponed his batteries of ridicule and denunciation on tho hero of Suickursville.J Tlroso who adhero to tho President in his policy of peace and restoration, lmvo with them tho patriotism and intelligence ol tho whole country, North and South. W u have appealed to the people, mid tho speaker believed tho appeal would bo tri umphantly sustained. But, if wo cannot get tho victory—if this radical rule is to contiuue to afflict the land—there is some thing in waiting for us, worso—far worse than all the horrors of the late war. THE HEMKDY Mr. Cowan next proceeded to discuss tho remedy for tho disorganized condition of tho country, and tho certain preventive of the greater evils impending in tho near fu ture. This remedy was very simple, and lay in a laithful adherence to the plain pro visions of the Constitution. EachSUito has the undoubted right of representation; not only that, but it was tho duty of every State to send ropresntatives to Congress. Tho States lately in rebellion wore entitled by the law of IHtiU—a law voted for by ono of the gentlomon who addressed tho meet ing yesterday—they were entitled under this law to lifty-eighL representatives in Congress. Obey the law by admitting tho representatives already elected to seats, and that ends the whole trouble, and gives peace to tho country. But Congress says the peo ple of these Slutes uro not entitled to repre sentation. They musl submit to tho bur thens of taxation, without bcingropreseuted. Oftho throo co-ordinate departments of tho government, two of them, tho Executive and Judicial, have decided that tho South ern Slates have been restored to their prac tical relations to liiu rest oftho Union. Tho President lias recognized them as Stales in and of the Union. Tho Supremo Court has done the same thing, and In that august tribunal the Status lately in rebel lion aro regularly culled, and cases arising in them heard tho same us causes from other Status. But Congress reluses to rocognizo these Suites, and admit them to representa tion, on the broad, ilul ground that tho States and the people of the States aro not entitled to representation! That doctrine is the doctrine of dissolution—of disunion— ot unurchy. If wo keep tlieso people out ol tho Union we throw tho country into a state of anarchy. Jt is your right, oqual with their own, that they should I>o repre sented. When I address thoSenateto dny, on behalf of tho people of Pennsylvania, I have a right to have—it is your right—that there should bo twenty more Senators thero. If they hud been there, tho wise and mod erate in Congress would have had the loud in shapiug legislation, instead of tho noisy and funulieul demagogues who now rulo tho legislation of tho country. Mr. Cowan concluded by expressing tho hopo that we may be able to restore tho Union of our fathers. That achievement wHI bo glory enough for this generation. The report wo huvo given in no respect does justice If) Mr. Cowan’s eloquent effort. We huvo been able to do little moro than present tho leading points of an argument elaborated by him in a Hpoech of twohour’H (Juration, jfo concluded amid hearty out bursts of applause. “Three cheers for Cowan” wore given with a will, and so en grossed had the audience become with tho matter and manner of tho speech, that they demanded he should go on. Every ono seemed astounded when informed that Mr. Cowan had spoken two hours. No one seemed to think ho had occupied half the time, and this, we take it, is about as great a compliment as a public speaker can well receive. OTHER SPEAKERS. Ex-Governor Johuston followed Mr. Cow- an in a forcible speech, on tho general sub jects reconstruction. Col. James K. Kerr, of the Fourth Pennsylvania cavalry, and J. R. Rutterfield, also mude brief addresses. Tho meeting adjourned with-rousing cheers for the President and Senator Cowan. We must not omit to state quite a largo number of ladies graced the meeting by their presence, and that tho good order maintained was somethingunapproachnble in our city gatherings. AFTER THE MEETING, The enthusiasm of tho crowd at tho moot ing was not allowed to abate at ilsudjourn ment. A series of serenades was impro vised and carried out iu good spirit. A pro cession was formed, und, headed by tho band, marched to tho residence of Hon. Henry D. Foster. He was called, out and spoke brieily.aud well. Next, a call on Gen. Richard Couiter was declared to be in order, and to tho residence of the gallant Gen eral Dick the crowd wended its way. He made a soldierly speech—a modol of frankness and genial humor. Next, the procession willed on E. J. Keenan, Esq., und cheered him into a brief speech. K. L. Johnston, Esq., Democratic candidate for Congress in the Cambria district, also spoke from Mr. Keenan’s office. Tho pro cession then formed into lino again, und called on .Senator Cowan. Tho band treat ed the Senator to its most melodious sounds, and the crowd stretched their lungs to the utmost, but failed to again bring out the hero of the day. “Mr. Cowan had retired,” wus the announcement. By this time it was pretty near train time, and the Pitts burg delegation inarched to the depot, took the one o'clock train, and arrived at home, in a remurkably upright condition, about three o’clock yesterday morning. Radicalism Exploding. We call attention to the infuriated resolutions adopted by the Pennsyl vania Radicals in their convention at Reading, yesterday. “The manmade President by J. Wilkesßooth,” isHbeir decorous designation of the President of the United States, and they speak of the Democratic party in language equally dignified anu tasteful. This brutal ferocity is excited because the President adheres to tho policy pro claimed to the world by both Houses of Congress the firstyearof the war, found ed on the explicit language of tne Con stitution of the United States, and cor dially indorsed by the most respected statesmen of the country and the most brilliant soldiers of the war. It is the policy of General Grant, os well as of President Johnson, which calls forth this torrent of indecent virulence and vituperation. It has been publicly sanctioned by eminent Jurists like Judge Curtis, who pronounced the ad mired dissenting opinion in the Dred Scott case, and Thomas Ewing, the ablest surviving contemporary of Web ster and Clay, to whose school of politics he belonged; by accomplished scholars and statesmen, like Mr. Winthrop and William C. Rives ; by eminent citizens remarkablo for their moderation, good Judgment, and great stake In the publlo tranquility, like Hamilton Fish and William 13. Astor; and, though last not least, by the distinguished generals who have signed the call to the great Soldiers’ Convention, - And itis men likethese f who, together with the President, are aspersed In such : blackguard language by suoh fellows as. John W. Forney and his malignant Radical confederates.—iV. Y. World,
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