WEDNESDAY, JULY 4, 1866. * • The printing presses shall be free to every person who undertakes to examine the pro oebdihgs of the legislature, or any branch of government; and ho law Bhall ever be made To restrain the right thereof. The free commu nication of thought aid opinions is one of the Invaluable rights of men; and every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any sub ject; being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers investigating the official conduct of offi cers, or men in publlo capacities, or where the matter published Is proper for public Informa tion, the truth thereof may be given In evi dence.” FOR GOVERNOR: Hon. HIESTER CITHER, of Berks Co. CITHER AND THE CONSTITUTION. * GKAND DEMOCRATIC MASS CONVENTION OF THE EASTERN AND CENTRAL COUNTIES OF PENNSYLVANIA. A Grand Mass Convention of the friends of Johnson, Clymor and the Constitution, ■ will bo held at READING, ON WEDNESDAY, THE 18th DAY OF JULY, 1860. All who uro in favor of tho immediate restoration of the Unioninitsoriginalpurity. All who believe that The Constitution of the United States is the Supreme Law of the Land. All men everywhere who are opposed to committing tho destinies of 30 MILLIONS OF WHITE MEN to 800,000 NEGRO VOTERS ; all who are opposed to NEGRO LEGISLATORS, NEGRO JUDGES AND NEGRO JURORS IX PENNSYLVANIA, and especially those BRAVE MEN who perilled Life and Limb to defend and up hold tho Government of their fathers, and not to create a new.nution in which the NEGRO is to bo our social and political equal, are invited to attend. Tho Crisis of our Country's Destiny is upon us. Tho putriot Andrew Johnson tells you that the traitors Thaddeus Stevens and Churles Sumner, are trying to destroy our system of Government, the Govern ment that Washington and Jefferson gave us, the best Government the world ever saw, and to establish in its place a Consoli dated Despotism, controlled by New Eng land fanaticism. “Consolidation is ahdanokkol’sasSj-: cession.” —A ndrvv: Jolnison. The inojit distinguished Democratic and Conservative Statesmen of the country will be present and uddress the Convention. %£}" Tho President and the Union Mem bers oi the Cabinet lmvo been invited. jsff* Excursion Tickets will be issued on all the Railroads. Py order of tho Democratic Slate Central C nnmitlee. J. I>. Davis, Chairman 1 JoinoeratioSlnndingCoinniiltueof Berksco. \V,M. Rosenthal, President .Democratic City Club ol Reading. Uanoastku, June *Jti, DSliti, Tho attention of the Democracy through out tin* county is invited to the above call for a Grand Mass Meeting to be held at Reading, Wednesday, July I s th, for the purpose of formally opening the political campaign. Arrangements luna* been made with the Handling and Columbia Railroad to run ex cursion Trains over their ltond on the 1-Sih of.lnly as follows : J.eavr Columbia Ist Train at N:l.' A. M. I ii; dm “ ,vi:» “ “ 10:Ul) iliul “ “ Lancaster l.sl Arrive at Reading at. KKTEUNINL Leave Reading n^. ‘Arrive al Cnlum'-ia at. Lancaster at. The Democratic ('lulls are requested to make tin* necessary arrangements to secure u lull turn out of the Democracy of their districts. Those located near the line ol’lho It. and C. R. R., will take the ears at the nfost convenient station ; all others will concentrate al Lancaster, Excursion tickets will bo for. sale in this city and at all the oflices on the line ol’the Railroad. By order of the Democratic County Com mittoo. ANDREW J. STEIN MAN, Chairman B. J. McUiiann, Secretary Tjijs Bar of Luzerne county gave an entertainmentto the Supreme Bench of Pennsylvania at Wilkesbarre on Wed nesday evening last. John W. Forney was one of the invited gests. He did not go, but sent a letter and the follow ing sentiment: The Elective Judiciary oe Penn sylvania—One of tho best proofs that the American pooplearo lit for self-government, and that the voice of the majority is a better guide than a tyrant's will. “The voice of the majority” of the Supreme Court having pronounced the “ Deserter Law” a nullity, we trust the malignant Radicals who were so anx ious to condemn thousands of their fel low citizens through the exercise of “a tyrant’s will,” will accept that voice as a “ better guide” than the mark of a petty provost marshal. Dishonorably Dismissed.— Capt. Philip R. Forney, 1-Hli United States Infantry, (a son of Col. John W. Forney), was recently tried by court martial at San Francisco, California, anil dismissed the service. The charges of which Captain Forney was found guilty wore disobedience of orders and con duct unbecoming an officer and a gentle man. Tho sentence of the court lias boon confirmed by tho commanding General.— National Intelligencer. The New York Tribune says young Forney was dismissed for “having failed to report to his regiment after re peated orders, and having given in pay ment for a debt a check signed by him self, in his official capacity, on a bank ing house where he never had any money deposited.” There must be some' mistake abou the following from the Radical Pitts burg Gazette: It is stated, on what appears to us to be competent authority, that Senator Cowan has written to a gentleman of Allegheny county, holding office under the Federal Government, signifying that the whole office-holding class are expected to vote Democratic tickets next fall. Our reason for thinking there must be some mistake about this is that Hies ter Clymer is on the Democratic tickett and the Lancaster E.rprrss “asserts broadly, distinctly and boldly” that “ Johnson is not for Clymer;” that he is “ not with the Democracy,” and that “ his influence is for the party who made him President!” The length, breadth, height, depth, distinctness and boldness of this assertion leave no room for doubt about the accuracy of the Express' information as to Presi dent Johnson's intentions! Good News to Tax-Fayers, It will be refreshing news to the over burthened tax-payers to learn that a proposition has been made in Congress to increase the pay of members to 810,000 a year, and traveling expenses to boot, and that the project meets with much favor in the body. They now receive 80,000 per annum, and traveling expenses. The working classes will have to pay the piper. The Democracy of Venango. The Venango Democracy, on Tuesday last, made the following nominations : For Congress, Gen. Alfred B. M’Cal mont; President Judge, C. Heydriek; Senate, Francis Merrick; Assembly, Capt. Wm. Hasson; Prothonotary, Capt. James P. Newell; Register and Recorder, Alpheus M. Hoover; Asso ciate .Judge, Samuel F. Dale ; Commis sioner, George S. M'Cartnsy; Auditor, James Bryden. , The Democracy of Green county appear to be fully awake upon the is sues of this campaign. Meetings are being held in every part of the county, which are attended by large crowds of all parties, and addressed by men of ability. J. A. J. Buchanan, Esq., for years past the leading Republican speaker of that county, Is upon the stump in support of the Johnson policy of reconstruction, and pronounces the most withering exposures of the hypo crisy and, corruption of the Radios lB in Congress. The Fourth of July. The anniversary of independence re turns to us this year with the nation occupying a peculiar and anomalous position. To-day, In the chief city o£this State, the natal day of our coun try will be celebrated with imposing audfittingceremonies. With due pomp and parade the soiled and bullet-scarred flags born so honorably by Pennsyl vania regiments in more than a hun dred fierce battles, will be carried through* the streets of the city of Phila delphia by the men who held them proudly aloft in the very thickest of many a deadly contest. After the pa rade is over these flags, which are des tined to be handed down to future ages as heirloomß of the State and as me mentoes of the gallantry of her chivalrlc sons, will be carefully furled and laid away in a suitable and honorable re pository in the capital of the Common wealth. This ceremony is a significant one. It is like the formal closing of the gates of Janus. It is a distinct and official recognition of the return of peace. As the scarred veterans who bore these flags in battle march through densely crowded streets to-day, cheered as they will be by the approving Bhoute of men and the witching smiles of beauti ful and admiring women, their hearts will beat with varied and contending emotions. The old martial ardor will be rekindled again, and they will pant to be once more led forth to battle. But were any one to ask them whether they still entertain feelings of vengeance against the foe with whom they so re cently contended, a loud shout of nega tion would go up from the lusty throats of this long line of gallant soldiers. They would tell him who would insult their honor and degrade their manhood by such a base suspicion that these men, so recently their enemies,were now their fellow-citizens, the children of the same common country, of one language and one lineage with themselves. Yet, while the war has been over more than a year, and with the whole Southern people approving their entire willingness to abide in good faith by the issue, the fierce passions engendered by the contest are still vigorously fanned by the whole crew of radical politicians. Every agency which could be? made availing has been employed to keep alive the fires of a bitter, sectional hatred. The men who dominated in Congress and controlled the governments of the' Northern States have felt and known tiiat with a perfectly restored Union their hold on positions of power and profit would begone. Their only hope of 'continuance in places where they could live by plundering the public was to be found in the prospect of keeping alivethe animosity that existed between the North and the South.. To this end they have bent all their energies in every direction. Their newspapers have teemed with lies and the floor of Con gress has been constantly disgraced by the exhibition of such meanness and malignity as was never witnessed be fore in any deliberative body. But for the persistent efforts of this pestilent crew of fanatics, our rejoicings on to-morrow would be fuller and more complete. The whole nation would have rejoiced as one man. Tho old sears would still have remained, but over all would have been thrown the broad mantle of a patriotic charity with folds sufficiently ample to em brace every State in a glorious and fully restored Union. The voice of crimination and recrimination would have been hushed. "With the gallant dead who perished in the recent gigan tic struggle the hatred which led to its commencement would have been buried. The nation would have entered upon its new career with the sure prospect of eventually repairing the wide-spread ruin which tnewarwrought. Industry would have been revived throughout the whole desolated South. Its rich agricul tural treasures would speedily have been poured into the lap of the nation in something like their former boundless prolusion. Manufactures, commerce, business of all kinds would have felt the effect in an increased and ever freshening activity. Our finances would have been in a widely different condition, and instead of the premium or gold advancing we might have been ready for a return to specie payment. Prices would have ruled much below the present exorbitant figures, while labor would have commanded a reward more than equal to that which it now receives. The people should mingle some thoughtfulness with their rejoicing to morrow. They should reflect upon what this Fourth of July might have been. They should remember that not until we are again blessed with a completely restored Union, can our country’s natal day be the great glad national holiday it was before the war. They should use all their influence speedily to bring about the time when there shall no longer be divisionsor dissensions among the people of the United States; the glad coming day when we shall all meet and mingle together again as the loving children of a common and well beloved country; the occasion when our great national holiday shall be celebrated with fervid rejoicing throughout the whole extentof this broad land, amonga sister hood of perfectly united states, by a peo ple who feel that they are sprung from a common ancestry with common in terests, a common country and a com mon destiny. The Freedmen's Bureau has or ganized a plan for providing work and homes in the Northern States for un employed and destitute freedmen on the Virginia Peninsulas, where in the single district about Fortress Monroe the Government is obliged to issue monthly sixty thousand rations. On Saturday quite a number of colored men and women were sent to Massa chusetts, where homes have already been secured. This is the best work the Freedmen's Bureau has yet been euguged in. If it will go on and cram Massachusetts with at least one hun dred thousand niggers, the balance of the country will have less reason to be grudge the money it expends. As Vir ginia was for Union and Massachusetts for Disunion at the commencement of our troubles, it would seem to be “in accordance with the fitness of things ” that ut their close the curse of a nu merous negro population should be lifted from the former and laid on the latter. Besides, sending them to Massa chusetts would simply be returning many of them to the homes of their ancestors—to the first places in this country that knew their grandfathers after the Puritans stole them from Africa, and before they sold them to the South. Tht Clarion Democrat says that at a large Johnson meeting held during court week, at which Hiester Clymer was heartily endorsed, a number of the officers were prominent gentlemen who had not before acted with the Demo cratic party. It declares that hundreds of Republicans throughout the county have openly declared their intention to repudiate the Radical doctrines and candidates. Timothy CiiEESMAN,acartman,died of cholera at No. 91 Lewis street. New York, on Thursday night. On Friday at noon William Bradshaw died of vio lent diarrhoea in the basement of No. 952 Broadway. There was no cholera on board the hospital ship at the date of the latest report therefrom. The Johnson 'and Clymer Soidrersr It is a common thing for Radical newspapers, whenever a call fora John son and Clymer Soldier’s Meeting ap pears, to pronounce its signers >( de serters,” *? ske4addlerB from the draft,” 'Ac. Notwithstanding its capabilities In the way of impudent the Express has not had the effrontery to apply these terms to the hohcrably dis charged soldiers of Lancaster city who have signed the call published in the Intelligencer for a meeting to be held at Fulton Hall on to-morrow, Thursday, June 28, preliminary to the formaUoq ofi a Johnson and Clymer Club: It does, however, whilstadmitting that “ among the names signed it recognizes those of some good soldiers who have seen and done honorable service, ” aver that “there are others whose reputation is not good,” and that “one or two of those who write Captain and Lieuten ant before their names, cannot write any battles after them.” We havenot thatlntlmate knowledge of the signers of this call which would justify us in pronouncing upon the mil itary reputation of each and every one of them, but we are confident the list embraces as many good and meritorious soldiers as would be found in any like number of Geary “ boys.” The fact that they were all of them honorably discharged the service settles their standing as soldiers. The picking out of “ one or two” among the officers who “ cannot write any battles” after their names, is nothing to their dis credit even if it be true. Agoodsoldier assumes without murmuring the post to which his superior assigns him. If it is away from the field of battle, that is no fault of his. The honor lies in acting well his part, wherever he may be placed; and it is better to have no battle to write after your name, and yet have the consciousness of duty faith fully performed, than to make yourself the hero of imaginary exploits on a field where" you were present among the “skulkers.” The Express is very much troubled in spirit because these soldiers have coupled the name of Clymer with that of John son in their call. It says “Johnson is not for Clymer.” It “ asserts this fact broadly, distinctly and boldly,” and “ defies anybody to give one word from Mr. Johnson committing him to Cly mer.” We might, in turn, defy any body to give one word from Mr. John son committing him to Geary. But President Johnson has, at least indi rectly, committed himself to Clymer.— He has declared that he recognizes as his friends those only who support the policy of his administration, and deny the fact as the Express may, it still re mains a stubborn fact that President Johnson tacts “ with the Democracy ” in the Connecticut campaign. He was “ with the Democracy” in that cam paign because the Democratic candidate for Governor was a supporter of his “restoration policy,” whilst the Re publican candidate was its opponent; Ad he must and will be with the De mocracy of Pennsylvania in the open ing campaign, for the same good and sufficient reasons. Hiester Clymer sup ports President Johnson's policy—John W. Geary opposes it. Starting from these premises, men of common sense will have no difficulty in reaching a conclusion satisfactory to the Democ racy. The Express says “the influence of Mr. Johnson is for the party who made him President.” What party doThad deus Stevens and John W. Forney be long to? Does the Express repudiate them as members of the party who made Mr. Johnson President? Does it expect him to exert his influence in favor of Stevens’ re-election and in be half of Forney's Senatorial aspirations ? When has he taken back the speech in which he pronounced Stevens a traitor and Forney a dead duck ? It is the Express that is playing a game of false pretence. It knows better. It knows that there is a great gulf between the President and the Radicals, and that all attempts to close it up have failed. It remembers the speech of the 22d of February and it has read the messaeeof the 22d of June, and from these it knows very well that “the influence of Mr. Johnson” will not be given to any party that recognizes Charles Sumner, Thaddeus Stevens and John W. Forney as its leaders. Republican Quarrel. The contest for the Republican Con gressional nomination in Crawford coun ty culminated as was expected in a divis ion, both the friends of Mr. Pettis and Mr. Finney claiming the election. In order to understand the difficulty, it may be stated the “articles of faith” adopted by the Republican party of Crawford coun ty set forth that “the return judges shall be competent to reject, by a majority, the returns from any election district, where there is evidence of fraud, either in the returns or otherwise, and shall reject them where there is evidence of three or more persons voting at the primary meetings who were not Re publicans.” The friends of Mr. Pettis claim that the vote polled in Titusville at the primary meetings was swelled by Democrats, and that, therefore, the re turns feom that town should be thrown out. The chairman of the Board of Return Judges ruled in favor of the above article, and the convention by one of a majority threw out the returns of Titusville, thus nominating Mr. Pettis for Congress and F. W. Ellsworth for Sheriff. The minority then left the convention, and organized a separate meeting, at which they counted the re turns and nominated Mr. Finney for Congress and Capt. Fred. C. Peck for Sheriff. The Finney party passed a resolution in favor of Curtin’s election to the United States Senate. The extreme to which Radicalism has run is illustrated'by a case just de cided in the Circuit Court at Bt. Louis. The Judge of election refused to receive General Frank Blair’s vote because he declined to take the harrow-tooth oath prescribed by law in Mlsspuri. The General brought suit against the Judge, but lost his case. He was one of the founders of the Republican party and one of the first opponents of secession in Missouri; —he was commissioned a General by Lincoln and In that capacity rendered as good service during the war as hundreds of others holding the same grade; and yet his vote has been re fused in a district which he had repre sented in Congress. The Republican “ ball” which he assisted in starting has rolled over him. We don’t pity him, but at the same time we admit that his Radical friends in Missouri are behaving shamefully towards him. He Is one of the gang of “ free soil” demagogues who drew off from the Democratic party enough of its strength to reduce it to a minority and thusput the country under the government of a 'sectional party which had neither the wish nor the wisdom to save it from the horrors of civil war. Then and flow. When Andrew Johnson first became President, a little over one year ago the Disunionists declared that Providence for some wise purpose, had called him to the Executive chair. Since, how ever, his course has not turned out to be in consonance with their plundering and blood-thirsty aspirations, they say Andrew Johnson is only the President by accident. The President’s Influence. Editors soweilsuppliedwithspectacles .as our neighbors of the oughjt* to be able to read the signs of the times with'sufficient clearness not to fall into the error of Supposing that, “the Influ ence of Mr. Johnson is for the parity who ’•inode him President.” We do not doubt Jthat Mr* Johnson wpuld have preferred, to act in hilfrionyw'lth that party!* We do not question that he would have act ed in harmony with it, if it had adhered to its pledge to prosecute the war for the sole purpose of preserving the Union.— He isjonejofmhhy Democrats who; for getting or overlooking- the purely sec tional and unpatriotic character,of the Republican party, believed in the sincerity of its professions of undying devotion to the Union, and joined it under the sadly mistaken impression that by doing so they could most effec tively serve their country. When, at; the close of the war, it threw off the mask of Unionism and stood before the country in its true light, It was natural that a conflict should arise between it and a real Union man like Andrew Johnson. This conflict could have but one termination. The Radicals were too intent upon the wrong to give in to President Johnson ; and fortunately for the country, he was too strong in the right to give in to them. The New York Tribune does not de ceive itself npr attempt to deceive its readers about Mr. Johnson’B influence. As between Geary and Clymer, it puts this influence down on the side of the latter. We extract a portion of its re marks upon the call of the Johnson men for aNationalConvention at Phila delphia. Of course it interlards these re marks with its stereotyped truck about Rebels. Having boldly advocated the right and the expediency of secession in the fall and winter of 1860-01, we presume Mr. Greeley ought to be ex cused for suspecting nearly everybody else of disloyalty. The New Johnson Party,— The call of a National Convention by Messrs. Randall and Doolittle of Wisconsin, Browning of Illinois, and Cowan of Pennsylvania, with the indorsement of Senators Dixon of Con necticut, Hendricks of Indiana, Norton of Minnesota, and Nesmith of Oregon, can be understood no otherwise than as a formal proclamation of withdrawal by the John sonites from the National Union party. Mr. Hendricks, and perhaps we should add Mr. Nesmith, cannot withdraw from a party to which they Dever professed to belong; but the others have all been honored and trust ed i\s members of the great party which they now openly abandon and conspire to overthrow. We thank them for their frank ness, and shall hope to find them more manly as antagonists than they have been faithful as compatriots. No one can possibly be duped by their call. Its terms are explicit and emphatic. Ex-Gov. Andrew of Massachusetts is dis qualified by his convictions for a seat in the contemplated Convention ; not so ex-Govs. Smith and Letcher of Virginia. Generals Butler and Howard cannot pronounce the ltandall Shibboleth; but Generals Lee and Fitz John Porter can do it easily. Governors Oglesby of Illinois and Stone of lowa cannot have seats in their Sanhe drim ; but Wells of Louisiana and Throck morton of Texas—the latter doubtless elect ed over the vote of every hearty Unionist in his State—will be present in spirit, and may be in person. Gen. Geary, the chosen leader of the Unionists of Pennsylvania, canuot pass their door-keepers, but Hiester Clymer, his oppouent who never once even j>retcnded to wish the Rebels defeated uud their Confederacy suppressed, will see those doors fly open to welcome his approach. This call simply proclaims the adhesion of the Johnsonites proper to tho party made up of the Rebels anapro-Rebels which aims to seize the Goverumentandcontrolthedes tinies of our country. Tho Fenians. The Irish in America have been the special objects of Radical denunciation, because of their firm adherence to Dem ocratic principles. Notwithstanding the alacrity with which they rushed to the field at the call of the Government of their adopted country, and the un flinching bravery with which they fought and fell under the flag of the Union, they have, as a class, been stig matized as “sympathizers with treason” by the Radical party. But a change has come over the splritof the Radicals. The action of our Government in the matter of the Fenian invasion of Can ada has afforded them an opportunity, as they suppose, to entrap the Irish into their support. “President” Roberts, who kept out of harm’s way while he sent brave and honest men into Canada to be killed or captured, posted off to Washington after the Canadian failure, full of wrath against the Government, to strike a bargain with Sumner and Stevens. That the bargain was made is evident from the altered tone of such hypocritical and unprincipled sheets as the Philadelphia Press. “Blarney” has taken the place of abuse of the Irish, and the Democratic party, who fought their battle and that of all our foreign-born citizens in 1854, are held up to them as their enemies. James Stephens, who stands at the head of the Irish organization, under stands “President” Roberts and his newly-acquired Radical friends, and Bpeaks his mind very freely about them. He addressed a Fenian mass meeting numbering ten thousand persons at New York on the 24th, and the follow ing is an extract from the very sensible speech he made: Were the men engaged in this Canadian affair really in earnest? [Cries of “No, no.”] It certainly was difficult to believe it when the so-called President Roberts ful minated his proclamations dated Canada, when written in New York; [laughter] when oven fighting Tom Sweeney was taking his ease at his hotel, and the poor misguided men rushing into the snare made ready for them. The brave O’Neill might fight to the left and Spear might do battle to the right, but the intermediate ground on this side of the border was the pleased rest ing place of those who presumed to guide and be at the head of all. O’Neill did his duty, and tho bravo fellows with him did their duty, as they saw it to be their duty [vociferous eheeringj but they were en trapped beyond the measure of a doubt. But tb«*v must never be entrapped again by the machinations of designing politicians. To the shame of Ireland, it must be con fessed, that the immediate leaders must have known that the Government would interfere, and I now state distinctly and without reserve that I am in a position to say that these men had no promise whatever from the Government that they would even wink at this affair, much less openly encourage it. Do you think that the American people want a war just now ? [No, no.] Do you think that this great nation can be dragged into a war by any faction or party of Irish men, against her wishes ana her policy? No, my friends, and the Irishman, be be who he may, is false to his own country, false to the policy of his brethren in Irelaud, and false to his oath of allegiance to his adopted country, who would seek to hurry her into a position which, however pleasing to him, mfghtbe prejudicial to her interests and her peace. There may come a time, it may notbe fur distant either, when America may choose to act differently, when she may find it even convenient to go to war with England, but of this she will doubt less give you warning. You are ready for her at any time, are/you not? [Cries of “Yes, yes,” throwing up of hats, and gen eral hallelujahs.] If these men would come forward now, after their Canadian failure, then it would be well. To those of the rank and file I offer not my hand, but both my hand and my heart with them. With the so-called President I have nothing in common, nor with his General nor with his Senate. They have tried to make of this organization a mere political machine for the coming elec tion. I say now. you have been the victims of these men who but scorn you. They aspire to place and power, and make you the tools to work their way for them to their unrighteous end. ["Give it to them, give it to them.”l You must no longer be the fools and tools of those designing men. If you are to be a power on this continent as it is said you are, let it be as power for good or not at all. If you are to save Ireland, it cannot be done otherwise than by respect ing the laws of your adopted country to whom you owe an allegiance scarcely less holy. And it is only by the observance of the laws of these free States and by the dignity of your conduct and of your de mand for the freedom of your native Ire land, that you can merit and receive the support of the Amerioan people or Govern ment. . Yop will be told at the coming elec tion doubtless that you are a great power and efforts will be made to use you, but your eyes are open, I trust, and you will not in the broad light walk into the traps prepared for you. Republican Comments on Forney’s speech. ,'-T We extract from the Pittsburg Com mercial some comments on John W. Forney's Bpeech at Lebanon. Coming . from a member of his own party, these comments may be considered tolerably sharp. There is a vein of causticity in them.that will, we fear, wound the deli < cabs sensibilities of the embryo Sena tor. Imagine the shock his vanity must receive when he reads in the ablest Republican journal in the State, that “his speech is but a rehash of what has ■been many times said.” Think of the Indignation with which his lofty soul will swell when, in the face of his own proclamation of his ability “to dis charge the duties of a Senator from Pennsylvania,” he is coolly warned that “his fitness and qualifications” are to be “sifted pretty thoroughly.”— Picture, if you can, his disgUßt on being told that much of his carefully written speech is nothing but “poor fustian.” How must not his patriotic soul be grieved to find himself charged with the design of prosecuting the canvass “for his personal benefit and personal ad vantage.'! And how is it possible for a man of.his known fidelity to party and friends to read with calmness the charge of “cutting himself loose from the Union Republican party ” and menac ing its harmony? From the Pittsburg Commercial, (Rep.) Mr. Forney. —ln our last issue it was stated that Mr. John W. Forney had proclaimed himself a candidate for the United States Senatorship, and that he intended to stump this State in behalf of his own claims. We now have before us the speech he made at Lebanon, on Thursday last, wherein he lays out his platform. Although the speech would make some half dozen columns in the Commercial , we find buttwoparagraphs —rather long ones—which distinguish it from hundreds of others made during the present session. Indeed the speech itself is but a rehash of what has been many times, though possibly not so well, said, with a good deal of red pepper and other high seasoning sprinkled over it. The first paragraph we shall quote is the concluding one of the speech, wherein Mr. Forney specially declares himself and tells what ne is after. It is as follows: I have, you will perceive, spoken frankly and plainly—iudeed my experience at the national capital during the rebellion has taught me the value of frankness, and more than all the utter worthlessness of what is popularly called conservatism. I have seen the rebellion in its best and in its worst phases. There wer9 intervals when I was ready to assist in the adoption of the most forgiving measures. There was a time — nearly four years ago—when I looked to Jefferson Davis as the great pacificator, be lieving that he spoke sincerely when he said that he hud reluctantly left the Senate, and that ho was a follower instead of a leader. But, however painful the admis sion may be, the belief has become ail un alterable conviction, that the spirit born of human slavery will require a long time for its extirpation, and that every proffer of pardon, and every concession of principle, is misunderstood by. the leaders of the late rebellion. The fate of Mr. Lincoln, in the very odor of sanctity, in the hour when he was disposed to forgive and forget every thing out his duty to his country, was a lesson so awful that it only required the failure of Andrew Johnson’s inexplicable effort to propitiate the same savage instincts, to intensify tho warning. With this view I have believod it right to conceal nothing of my own sentiments; and as I am alone responsible, I am prepared for the conse quences. 1 think all candidates for repre sentative positions should be equally can did. The entire Union delegation in Con gress have solidly voted for all radical measures, and I believe their actions will bo supported and sustained at the ballot box. My name having been suggested as a candidate for the United States Senate at the close of the term, which expires on the 4th of March, 1867, it is proper that my, opinions should be known, and I think every aspirant for the same high honor should be called upon explicitly to define his own position. lam vain enough to be lieve that I am qualified to discharge the duties of a Senator from Pennsylvania. I have been constrained by journalistic and official relations to mingle in most of the exciting scenes of the national capital, from the period when James Buchanan attempt ed to make Kansas a slave State down to tho present hour. Whether I have been faithful to principle, fearless in my opposi tion to treachery in my former party or in persistent uud unshaken antagonism to the rebellion which succeeded that treachery— whether I havo steadfastly maintained the good fight in tho dark complications ro cently aeveloped—it is for the people who have the matter in churgo to decide. We are glad to hear that Mr. Forney is “ prepared for the consequences.” Having set himself up “on his own hook,” and having invited discussion and criticism with as free a hand and wide a breadth as he has been in the habit of indulging in towards others, he can find no fault if his fitness and quali fications are sifted pretty thoroughly. Appealing as he does to the Union-Re publican party to elect a legislature that will send him to the Senate, it becomes the duty of Union Republicans to can vass him, his opinions, and, even though they should prove satisfactory, the policy of selecting birn. Mr. Forney steps out as an individual, and there is something in the act we are inclined to applaud, for it shows a degree of self reliance, all else being equal, calculated to impress one favorably. We do not, at present, propose to en ter largely into an examination of Mr. Forney’s claims, his fitness, or theques tion of policy, which, in his case, must enter into the consideration of the sub ject. There will be time enough to do this as the canvass progresses, should he conclude to prosecute it as he has set out, forhis personal benefit and personal advantage. Having said this much, we proceed to quote the other paragraph referred, to which is as follows : Entertaining very clear and definite opin ions on this subject. I do not hesitate to state that I believe the true solution of all our complications and tho lasting protec tion of our free institutions, is to confer im partial suffrage upon American citizens of whatever creed, color or nativity. If this makes me a radical, I am a radical, and I glory in the nume. Shall we hesitate in completing our mission when all the races of civilized men are struggling for intellec tual, political and religious freedom? Shall we who have lighted the torch of liberty and who are leading in the greatest moral revolution of the ages, refuse to follow our doctrines to their logicul conclusions? Are we prepared to say that although physical slavery is dead, moral and intellectual slavery shall survive? Shull we not spurn wiLh contempt the atrocious paradox that the rebel, defeated upon the battle-field re turns to private life, not only honored’ for his treason, but stilt strong in tho purpose of punishing the race ho hns so long op pressed? Negro suffrage ! We had it in Pennsylvania up to 1838. They have it in Xew York to-day, and we know that from 1700 to 1837) the negro voted in Tennessee and in North Carolina. The power of slavery and its influence upon Democratic politics constrained the repeal of the laws under which this franchise was enjoyed. Shall we fear to restore them when there is not a slave in tho land, and when, accord ing to the reading and command of the National Constitution, all men are now citizens of the United States? I confess that this subject assumes an imperativejas pect to my mind, the more I reflect upon it. While I bolievo that in justice to our selves and our faithful allies we should never consent to the restoration of rights to a rebel that is not followed by the complete enfranchisement of the colored man, I rest my faith upon the higher altar of justice and equality. Mr Forney might have taken fewer words to say that he was for immediate and unconditional negrosuffrage.as “the only remedy” for our national disorders and that on this he rested his claims to the Senatorshlp. All else there is in the quotation is poor fustian. Herein Mr. Forney cuts himself loose from the Union-Republican party, in whose creed is nothing of this sort. Every at tempt to insert into it the idea of negro suffrage has failed. It was pronounced against by the plan of Congress, backed by the able report of Mr. Fessenden ; whenever and wherever, among Unio n it has been proposed, it has either been promptly rejected or suffered to die out among a host of other impracticabilities to which the problem of reconstruction has given birtn. But this rejected plank has been picked up by Mr. Forney. If by declaring him self a “radical,” he expects to rally to his side upon it, all or any considerable proportion of those to whom, in com mon parlance, the term “radical” is ap plied, we think he will find himself greatly mistaken. We might ask Mr. Forney how he pretends to reconcile his daily utter ances and action in favor of the Con gressional scheme, which is the accepted platform of the party, with his procla mation for negro suffrage? That plat form rejects the Idea, and leaves the en tire question of suffrage to the States. 'We might ask him to inform the public whether he is for one rule for the South and another for the North, or, as he seems to be, is for immediate negro suf frage everywhere ? We might ask him what he has to say against impartial suffrage on the ground of intelligence? There is not wanting a proper desire of justice toward the negro, but the idea pretty extensively prevails that admit ting at once hair a million of men just emerged from the darkness of bondage to the polls, would be fraught with grave dangers, and would mostllkely but add to the power of the men so lately in re bellion against the Government. But we propose not to discuss the question, now only to say simply,: that we cannot regard the movement of Mr. Forney other than as a menace to the harmony of the party, and the introduc tion of an issue, personal and political, that cannot fail to breed mischief unless thrust out at once. Mr. Buchanan and his Administration. We copy from the Baltimore Sun of Thursday the following Just and candid review of the work written by Mr. Bu chanan in explanation and defence of his conduct and policy as President of the United States. It will be seen that the Sun is of opinion that Mr. Buchanan “has been unfortunate in selecting the time for asking a hearing’’—that “the public mind has not sufficiently re covered its equilibrium to be either a good listener or a good thinker.” We are not disposed to insist very strenu ously that the tfurc is mistaken on this point. The public mind is undoubtedly still too much disturbed to weigh ex citing questions calmly or to decide im partially upon the actions of men who have occupied exalted stations in the last six or eight years. But we think Mr. Buchanan’s book has come out none too soon after all. Singularly calm and dispassionate in its tone, un impeachable in its every statement and impregnable in its fortification of facts, it could not fail to exercise, and we are sure it has exercised, an influence tend ing to restore the public mind to a more rational and healthy condition. This influence will deepen as years roll on, and in the not far distant future many a political opponent of Mr. Buchanan’s will rise from a perusal of his book, wondering how it came to pass that a statesman who had struggled so earn estly to preserve both the Constitution and the Union unbroken could ever have been charged with a want of fidel ity to his great trust. From the Baltimore Sun. “Mr. Buchanan’s Administration on the Eve or the Rebellion.” —Appleton <C Cb., New York— Wo briefly announced tbe receipt of this work some months ago from Henry Taylor & Co., Sun Building. We think the present an opportune moment to recur to it more utlength. A citizen who commences his career in life by long wait ing in the ante-chamber for an audience with some great man in office, and ends it by making his countrymen, in turn, wait his time and pleasure, we take it for granted is no unimportant personage. This is pre cisely what Mr. Buchanan hasaccomplisned. He had few extrinsic adjuncts to advance his early fortunes. Starting at the forge, and compelled to “ blow and strike,” he has literally been the artificer of his political estates. We argue then, that he bus great and good qualiiifs, or that the people who advanced him <nd loaded him with the highest civic honors, have neither. We pre fer the former conclusion, because it accords with our own estimates of his public and private character all through and down to that period of his administration “on the eve of i lie rebellion”—the only feature of his long life seriously questioned. We have a theory—which, perhaps, may now be repeated with profit—that under our scheme of government, the law in supreme at all times over individual wills and over party interests and judgment; but, that nevertheless, it requires a good share of honesty in the public agent to fully recog nize this fundamental principle of the polity. It is simply a government of law ana not a democracy—a system of written rules, in the nature of a compact between the people themselves, acting, through their several State legislatures, by which they determine thut they will be governed. These rules may be called fundamental or constitution al, by which the legislature is empowered, limited and forbidden to act, and statutory, by which the ordinary affairs of the public administration are conducted. It is mani fest that two grand objects were sought to be attained by this polity; First, to limit the power of agents; second, to regulate the people’s own power. Viewed in the light of reason, both these objects must be at tained, or the scheme must degenerate into oppression on the one hand or general license and auarehy on the other. The representative must be confined to the pow ers delegated to him in the sphere of his agency, and the people must be protected by fundamental laws against the evils of their own passions and impulses. This we understand to be the theory of Mr. Buchanan, and his work should be ex amined on precisely this interpretation of the philosophy of the Union. It is something more than absurd to sup pose that an American who has occupied the highest places In the government for forty years, and during all that time main tained the character of a good citizen and ; an honest man, should, when elected to the presidency, give up these qualities of his nature and seek to degrade the State through whose name he had derived all that was precious to him as a man. If anything could quicken his patriotism, stimulate his ambition to serve his people, and command perfect integrity in his administration, it is surely to be found in the high character he had attained in the Senate, in the Cabinet, as representative to the Courts of Russia and England, and finally in his elevation, by the free suffrage of his countrymen, to the seat of Washington, Adams and Jeffer son. So much we have thoughtpropertosay in again calling attention toMr. Buchanan’s book. Mr. Buchanan, we think, has been un fortunate only in selecting the time for ask ing a hearing. The public mind had not sufficiently recovered its equilibrium to be either a good listener or a good thinker. The events which brought on the war had not been and could not be examined in the midst of so much turmoil and strife. There were two powerful elements at work to pro duce the rupture. Northern hostility to slavery had grown into a northern party and into a disunion party. It hated the Union because it protected slavery. It was anxious to overthrow the Union that it might use its majorities to overthrow slavery. Right on the other side was a pro slavery party, and it had become like its great antagonist, a disunion party. Most unquestionably these two factions combin ed embraced a large majority of the whole population of the States. Unfortunately too, they included a much larger proportion of what may be termed the partizan forces of the country, those forces in politics which, we are apt to think, are least patri otic and most likely to produce disturbance. Through these antagonistic powers the national mind was given over to a sort of avalanche, which, obeying a law of its own, swept away for the time being, quite all that was good in the present and sacred in the past. Mr. Buchanan is no moro responsible for the consequences of that political tornado, than he is for those great hurricanes which havo two or three times during the present century almost annihilated .vegetation in the West Indies. It was one of those gusts ol passion, which, for the moment, never fails to dethrone reason and set aside laws as a cumbrous, heavy, unbearable weight. Mr. Buchanan personally, Mr. Buchanan politically, or Mr. Buchanan the President, could give noither countenance or support to unti-slavery North nor pro-slavery South. He was charged with the maintenance of the constitution—that means that he had assumed to execute certain defined trusts He was equally forbidden to pervert the political system on the one hand or to use unauthorized powers to muintain it on the other. Now, what did he do that he ought not to have done? And what did he neglect to do that he ought to have done ? According to his theory of the system, there could be no legal secession. No State had any right to withdraw from the Union. It Is plain, if he was right, no State could by her own act, or by any constitutional act of the government, terminate relations to the Union. The constitution, In this sense, is an irrepara ble compact. The next proposition maintained by Mr. Buchanan is, of course, that no power is conferred upon the U nion to coerce a State—that, in other words, there cannot be war between a State and the general government; the latter may enforce its authority over persons everywhere, and that an attempt to defeat or prevent such enforcement should be treated as rebellion or insurrection by per sons engaged therein, and not of States at war with the Union. The corollary of this proposition follows, that the insurrection or rebellion having been suppressed, the Union remains intact. It is certainly’difficult to reconcile the two inherent and contradictory extremes oithe opposite theory—first, that the rebellious States could not sever the Union; secondiy, that the majority of the people thereof having sought to do so, their entire populationshave forfeited their rights as constituent members of the confedera tion. Surely what the States could not do it is not in the powerof the United States to do in this respect. The latter cannot expel a State from the Union, any more than by its simple legislation, it can terminate its own existence. This theory of forfeiture, to say nothing more of it, is a most unreasonable and un- j ust one. It converts loyalty into treachery and infidelity, insomuch as it disfranchises the loyal and disloyal alike within the ! cir cle of insurrection. Under it the faithful minority is punished for the sins and blun ders of the faithless majority. If this doo trine is good for anything it is at least en titled to a broader application. It involves the reasonable inquiry as to who, often all, has been really loyal, and who disloyal.— Mr. Buohanan says, on this point, speak ing of tbe North, “it became necessary for the abolitionists in order to furnish a pre text for their assaults on Southern slavery to appeal to a law higher than the Constitu tion.’* The South entered a like appeal.— Bothparties made proclamation of hostility to the Union. The South passed ordinances of secession, the North passed ordinances of nullification. There was no virtue, accord ing to the theory, in either. i We find precisely at this point the secret of the hostility, North and South, to Mr. Bu chanan’s administration. He did not become a convert to the theory thnt the destruction of slavery was more to be desired than the pre servation of the constitution and the Union; nor to that other phase of the same theory, thatslavery must be maintained by thovlo lentseverancoof the Union. Thus repudia ted by both factions, It is certainly credita ble to his statesmanship and patriotism that he was denounced by both, reviled by both and discredited by both. But the passing Impression of a people under excitement is not often thejudgmeutofimpartial history. There are too many windows in public offi ces to enuble political jugglers long to play off their tricks to a believing auditory. Truth must work its own way to light. We are confident that no amount of cant and hypocrisy can conceal from the future the perfect integrity of Mr. Buchanan’s life and administration. To question this is to question the power of this people to main tain a free system of laws. We may have our revolutions, our interregnums, our fan aticisms, and even our military govern ments, but wo shall surely have our restor ations also. Under the pressure of modern invention, events aro crowded into narrow and quick channels. When error and folly prevail their sweep is terrible indeed, 1 but we have the consolation of knowing that reaction and recovery are an express train, and that our very disasters stimulate con ductors and engineers to greater care and fidelity. It is now that the public press is called upon to perform its high duties iu connection with our recent political broils. Proper places must now be assigned to the various persons engaged directly and indi rectly, in the late national tragedy. Thoro can be no concealments, no deceptions, no counterfeit patriotism in the picture. It is to be made of the lights and shadows oi ac tual life, as seen by the clear, searching eye of philosophy. The reviler and the reviled, the oppressor and the oppressed, the dema gogue and the statesman, are alike sum moned before tbe great tribunal of mind to receive the judgment of impartial truth. Mr. Buchanan seems prepared fortriul. The Origin of the Flag Ceremonies. "While the Republican press of this State are parading infamous slanders upon Hiester Clymer, side by side with glowing accounts of the flag presenta tion at Philadelphia, it may be well to recur to the origin of the ceremonies. By the Legislative Record we find that on the Oth of May, 1861, the Hon. Hiester Clymer, then Senator from Berks county, presented to the Senate for its action, the following, entitled “A joint resolution relative to procuring standards for the several regiments of Pennsylvania called, or to be called, into the service of the United States” : Resolved , That the Governor of the Com monwealth be requested to ascertain how the several regiments raised in Pennsyl vania during the wnrof the Revolution, the war of 1812, and the war with Mexico, were numbered; among what divisions of the service they were distributed, and where the said regiments distinguished themselves in action ; that having ascer tained the particulars aforesaid, he .shall procure regimental standards, to bo in scribed with the numbers of those regi ments respectively, on which shall bo paint ed the arms of the Commonwealth and the names of the actions in which the said Regiments distinguished themselves; that the standards so inscribed shall bo deliv ered to the regiments now in the field or formerly bearing the regimental number corresponding to the regiments of Pennsyl vania in former wars. Resolved , That the Govornor do procure regimental standards for all the regiments formed or to be formed iu Pennsylvania beyond the numbers in former wars, upon which there shall be inscribed the number of the regiment and painted the arms of this Commonwealth ; and that all theso stand ards, after the present unhappy rebellion is ended, shall be returned to the Adjutant- General oi the State, to bo further iuscribed as tbe valor and good conduct of each par ticular regiment may have deserved; and that they then be carefully preserved by the State, to be delivered to such future regiments as tbe military necessities of the country may require Pennsylvania to raise. The joint resolution was referred to the proper committee, and on the fol lowing day was reported to the Senate without amendment. In tne support of the measure, Mr. Clymer made the fol lowing eloquent and patriotic remarks: The pusauge of this joint resolution seems to bo necessary at the present time. It is evident that the regiments of Pennsylvania now in the service oftheUnitedStatesmust be furnished with colors of some descrip tion. In consultation with some gentlemen it was thought that those colors should be of a particular description. In the revolu tionary war this Commonwealth had in the service a number of regiments—how many I do not know ; indeed, the records of this , Commonwealth have become so much ob literated by time and by the carelessness and neglect of our people, that it may be impossible to ascertain exactly the number of regiments in service during the revolu tion. Thero were a number of regiments also during the war of IKTJ, and two regi ments during the war with Mexico. This joint resolution proposes Unit the Gov ernor shall asoertuin what number of regiments are employed during this war, and that regimentul colors shall be obtained, upon which are to be Inscribed tbo names of those regiments, and also the names of the battles in which they have distinguished themselves; that these colors shall bo given to regiments with correspon ding numbers, and thut for those regiments which may be raised hereafter new colors are to be procured, which will ulso be in scribed with their numbers respectively ; that niter this rebellion is ended all those colors shall bo returned to the Adjutunt- Generul of the State, who shall havo in scribed upon them such gallant actions ns the regiments may have performed in the present struggle. Then, sir, these stan dards, thus inscribed, shall bo handed over to any regiments which Pennsylvania may in future bo required to furnish to the gen eral government. It is the design of this joint resolution to create a feeling of historic and patriotic in terest in each regiment, that a regiment which may have served at Germantown, and in Mexico, and on some later field, may, upon some future battle-field of the republic, be inspired to nobler deeds by the remem brance of old legendary times. I believe, sir, that by the adoption of this measure there will be an interest infused into every regiment, that new courage will be given them,and that the first and second regiments at least will have inscribed upon their ban ners such namos as will lead them to deeds of glory and heroism, which might possibly, to some degree*, be wanting were those names not there. And when this contest, is over, if events should again lead those regi ments into the bloody fray, they will have storied names on their colors, which, whon they read, they will be as proud of as the first and second regiments of to-day are of the battle-fields of the past. I trust that the resolutions will, receive the approval of the Senate, and that these regiments may bo furnished with appropriate colors. We find the following in one of our Republican exchanges, the Pittsburg Commercial. The “ distinguished sol dier and diplomatic representative” al luded to, as we learn from other is Gen. Kilpatrick, who denounced the Democrats so fiercely in the last cam paign in New Jersey. Like one of the Radical candidates for United States Senator in Pennsylvania, he is great on public virtue and private vice—hates copperheads but consorts with strum pets. Serious Charge Against a United States Diplomatist. —The New York Citizen, edited by Charles G. Halpine, is out against a distinguished soldier and diplomatic representative of the United States to one of the South American Re fmblics, directly charging him with gross mmoralitv, as the companion in guilt of an abandoned character, whom he has had the effrontery to introduce into respectable so ciety here, and who now shares with him the honors of his Important civil position on the Pacific coast. The Citizen loudly condemns the minister in question, and de mands that his recent “stumping” services in a neighboring State shall not be thus re warded, in a way that affords him a chance of bringing disgrace upon the Federal Gov ernment, and it suggests to Secretary Sew ard that the facts warrant his immediate recall from the place he fills. A Sew Trick of Burglars. Some of the professional burglars have adopted a new method of obtaining In formation In regard to desirable places for “operations. 1 ’ During business hours, when householders are absent, men call at their residences, and repre senting themselves to be internal reve nue officers, make minute Inquiries of the servants about their masters’ occu pations, habits, silver-plate, furniture, &c., which Information Is taken advan tage of by burglars. Citizens should be on the lookout for each tricks as these. Merited Success. The Harrisburg Patriot and Union furnishes the following sketch of the career of a modest and unobtrusive gen tleman who has for many years been held In high esteem by a large circle of friends, and whose recent munificent donation for the founding of an educa tional Institution has placed his name high on the roll of the benefactors of mankind: Twenty-seven or eightyearsago acar penter s apprentice lately —now a Jour neyman, who among the hills of Sus quehanna county could scarcely keep a cow and keep out of debt, pulled up stakes and turned his steps Into the Le high valley. A caual coal boat belong ing to the rich and famous Lehigh Coal and Navigation Company fell i n his way and he chartered it. A most estimable wife, at this time the unaffected and lady like mistress of one the most palatial and richly appointed houses in all this great State ot ours, took possession of the aparo room of this canal boat. A season or two were all that was necessary toes tabllsh our hero in theentire confidence ofthe Company; and what was infinitely better, to establish his own confidence iu himself. Next acoal mine was rented, and he employed boatmen in his turn. A second mine fell under hiß control: then, he bought and owned coal lauds ; and soon after—the least profitable epi sodeofhis life, pecuniarily speaking-the Democracy of that region sent him to Congress. The reader, by this time, has divined that we are speaking of Asa Packer, President of the Lehigh Valley Railway. His clear, (puck, business perceptions soon presented the Lehigh Valley Rail way as a necessity. He turned to his old friends of the Lehigh Company, and urged them to undertake the work. Their caual, a dear bantling ot years, seemed to be assailed iu this new pro ject, and the Diiectors turned coldly away. Packer’s star, momentarily clouded by this refusal, soon rose iu the ascendant. He speedily rallied the necessary aid and requisite capital. Not only the lower Lehigh valley was tra versed, but the rich coal fields of Mr hauoy were pierced in one direction, while slowly aud quietly the upper Le high Valley felt the iron baud passing overit; and anon, the peopleof wilkes barre, waked up one morning to tbe certainty of a new couueetion with Le high valley, and thus an outlet to New York, or Philadelphia, us they might prefer. But our “man of destiny” does not stop here ; he paused only loug enough to bestow a half million of dollars to the purposes of liberal education —and moves right on, up the beautiful valley of the Susquehanna, and finding a few other congenial spirits, such as Charles F. Welles, Jr., they soon became “mas ters of the situation.” The line up the Susquehauna from Wilkesbarre, is uow in their hands under a new organiza tion, upon a chartej freely granted by the State, called York and Pennsylvania Canal and Railroad Com pany, The Bonds of this Company are in the best credit, being indorsed by the Lehigh Valley Railroad Company. The work Is being actively prosecuted between Towanda and a point on the Erie railway near Waverly. An ex tensive coal business is being built up between the Barclay coal mines—(now worked by three different chartered Companies) —and Western New York. The North Branch Canal has been found inadequate to the tonnage offering ut Towanda, besides being closed in tbe winter. Hence the hurry to complete this upper end of the Lehigh Valley pro ject ; and it is expected that this twenty live miles will be finished during the f>resent season. The remainder is also n progressive management. We love to chronicle the successes of such men as Asa Packer, and to hold them up to the young men of the coun try as lit exemplars of energy, industry and of liberality. From being a car penter’s apprentice, he has risen by con stant, active industry, by sobriety and unswerving f integrity, by steadiness and forethought, to he one of the wealthiest menin theKtate. Hisincome must be near half a million per annum; and the annual advance in value of the property he holds, much more thau that sum. All this, without ever having dab bled in Government contracts, or In dian subsidies; —all, without blistering his hands with bribes, or meanly plot ting against the peace aud successor any one he might deem in the way of his own onward political progress ! And yet, ask such papers as the Harrisburg Telegraph who Asa Packer is, and they will tell you simply that, like another rising, self-made man of the Old Key stone,” Hiester Clymer—Ac is a copper head. A Clergyman Whips his Child to Death [From the Rochester Union, Juno 21. i We learn from railroad meu who came from Medina this morning that there was great excitement in that vil lage arising from areport that a Presby terian clergyman, named Lindsley, residing a mile south of the village, yesterday whipped his son. three years old, so severely that he alied two hours subsequently, because he'would uot say his prayers. Report adds that the child's fingers were broken by tbe blows ad ministered. The report seemed so mon strous and unnatural that we telegraph ed to Medina to learn if it was true, aud received an answer that it was. The telegraph states that the minister was two hours whipping the child with a heavy rod, and it died from its injuries within tlie lime stated above. Llud siey had not been arrested at the time the despatch was sent, but we learn that an officer from Albion lias gone to Medina to take him into custody. For the sake of common humanity we hope the story is exaggerated, and "it may he possible that it is. Since writing the above we have re ceived by special telegraph the state ment of Mr. Lindsley, the father of the child, made to a jury summoned by Coroner Chamberlain: On the 18th of une the child .disobeyed his step mother, and I commenced correcting him, using a shingle for the purpose, and continued to chastise him for more than two hours, when the child began to show signs of debility, and I ceased to punish him and laid him on a couch and called my wife. When she saw the child she said lie was dying, and before twelve o’clock he was dead. The coroner’s jury returned a verdict yes terday “ that death resulted from chas tisement by the father.” Itwill beseen that the whipping was given on the IKth instant, instead of yesterday, and that common report did not in this in stance overstate the facts in the case. A child three years old whipped to deatli by its father because it could not or would not say its prayers! Is It possible, and of all other persons that a Olergyman should be guilty of such a Elece of inhumanity ? What should be is punishment? The condemnation of the public is not enough. The law should take firm hold of him and deal out justice to him with an uusparihg hand. A cold-blooded murder—it can be called nothing less—should not go unpunished. No wonder the people of Medina are indignant and excited. West Tennessee, Colonel I’almer, agent of the Freed men’s Bureau, is making a thorough Investigation of affairs in West Tennes see. He reports that the freedmen are generally well treated by their employ ers : that it would be something rure to findan idle negro, and that the relations between white and black are much better than at the commencement of the year. Schools and churches are springing up everywhere for the use of the freedmen, while in some counties such a thing as vagrancy is unknown. The average pay of the colored folks, which planters cheerfully give, is $143 per year, houseroom, rations and medi cine. About three-fourths of the freed men, however, are working on shares, the contract allowing them, where they give nothing but their services, one third of the crop. It will be remembered that this Is the part of Tennessee said to be lawless, disloyal and unfltto be “reconstructed.” It would thus appear that the negroes are better treated by the “rebols” than by the “Bureau.” A Lightning stroke. The Louisville Democrat relates that a farmer was struck by lightning near Madisonville, Kentucky, last week, and instantly killed. He was stripped as naked as he was born, except the wristband of his shirt on his left arm. Fragments of his clothing were scat tered to the distance ofthlrty yards, the pieces mostly in little squares, some not over half an inoh. The uppers were cut smooth from the soles of his boots the large thick heel of his left boot was’ cut in two, and an opening was made in hiß left temple ana also on the baok of his head.
Significant historical Pennsylvania newspapers