WEDNESDAY, JULY 4, 1866.
* • The printing presses shall be free to every
person who undertakes to examine the pro
oebdihgs of the legislature, or any branch of
government; and ho law Bhall ever be made
To restrain the right thereof. The free commu
nication of thought aid opinions is one of the
Invaluable rights of men; and every citizen
may freely speak, write and print on any sub
ject; being responsible for the abuse of that
liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of
papers investigating the official conduct of offi
cers, or men in publlo capacities, or where the
matter published Is proper for public Informa
tion, the truth thereof may be given In evi
dence.”
FOR GOVERNOR:
Hon. HIESTER CITHER, of Berks Co.
CITHER AND THE CONSTITUTION.
* GKAND
DEMOCRATIC MASS CONVENTION
OF THE
EASTERN AND CENTRAL COUNTIES
OF PENNSYLVANIA.
A Grand Mass Convention of the friends of
Johnson, Clymor and the Constitution, ■
will bo held at
READING,
ON WEDNESDAY, THE 18th DAY OF
JULY, 1860.
All who uro in favor of tho immediate
restoration of the Unioninitsoriginalpurity.
All who believe that The Constitution of
the United States is the Supreme Law of the
Land.
All men everywhere who are opposed to
committing tho destinies of 30 MILLIONS
OF WHITE MEN to 800,000 NEGRO
VOTERS ; all who are opposed to
NEGRO LEGISLATORS, NEGRO
JUDGES AND NEGRO JURORS
IX PENNSYLVANIA,
and especially those BRAVE MEN who
perilled Life and Limb to defend and up
hold tho Government of their fathers, and
not to create a new.nution in which the
NEGRO is to bo our social and political
equal, are invited to attend.
Tho Crisis of our Country's Destiny is
upon us. Tho putriot Andrew Johnson
tells you that the traitors Thaddeus Stevens
and Churles Sumner, are trying to destroy
our system of Government, the Govern
ment that Washington and Jefferson gave
us, the best Government the world ever
saw, and to establish in its place a Consoli
dated Despotism, controlled by New Eng
land fanaticism.
“Consolidation is ahdanokkol’sasSj-:
cession.” —A ndrvv: Jolnison.
The inojit distinguished Democratic and
Conservative Statesmen of the country will
be present and uddress the Convention.
%£}" Tho President and the Union Mem
bers oi the Cabinet lmvo been invited.
jsff* Excursion Tickets will be issued on
all the Railroads.
Py order of tho Democratic Slate Central
C nnmitlee.
J. I>. Davis, Chairman
1 JoinoeratioSlnndingCoinniiltueof Berksco.
\V,M. Rosenthal, President
.Democratic City Club ol Reading.
Uanoastku, June *Jti, DSliti,
Tho attention of the Democracy through
out tin* county is invited to the above call
for a Grand Mass Meeting to be held at
Reading, Wednesday, July I s th, for the
purpose of formally opening the political
campaign.
Arrangements luna* been made with the
Handling and Columbia Railroad to run ex
cursion Trains over their ltond on the 1-Sih
of.lnly as follows :
J.eavr Columbia Ist Train at
N:l.' A. M.
I ii; dm “
,vi:» “
“
10:Ul) iliul “
“ Lancaster l.sl
Arrive at Reading at.
KKTEUNINL
Leave Reading n^.
‘Arrive al Cnlum'-ia at.
Lancaster at.
The Democratic ('lulls are requested to
make tin* necessary arrangements to secure
u lull turn out of the Democracy of their
districts. Those located near the line ol’lho
It. and C. R. R., will take the ears at the
nfost convenient station ; all others will
concentrate al Lancaster,
Excursion tickets will bo for. sale in this
city and at all the oflices on the line ol’the
Railroad.
By order of the Democratic County Com
mittoo. ANDREW J. STEIN MAN,
Chairman
B. J. McUiiann, Secretary
Tjijs Bar of Luzerne county gave an
entertainmentto the Supreme Bench of
Pennsylvania at Wilkesbarre on Wed
nesday evening last. John W. Forney
was one of the invited gests. He did
not go, but sent a letter and the follow
ing sentiment:
The Elective Judiciary oe Penn
sylvania—One of tho best proofs that the
American pooplearo lit for self-government,
and that the voice of the majority is a better
guide than a tyrant's will.
“The voice of the majority” of the
Supreme Court having pronounced the
“ Deserter Law” a nullity, we trust the
malignant Radicals who were so anx
ious to condemn thousands of their fel
low citizens through the exercise of “a
tyrant’s will,” will accept that voice as
a “ better guide” than the mark of a
petty provost marshal.
Dishonorably Dismissed.— Capt. Philip
R. Forney, 1-Hli United States Infantry, (a
son of Col. John W. Forney), was recently
tried by court martial at San Francisco,
California, anil dismissed the service. The
charges of which Captain Forney was found
guilty wore disobedience of orders and con
duct unbecoming an officer and a gentle
man. Tho sentence of the court lias boon
confirmed by tho commanding General.—
National Intelligencer.
The New York Tribune says young
Forney was dismissed for “having
failed to report to his regiment after re
peated orders, and having given in pay
ment for a debt a check signed by him
self, in his official capacity, on a bank
ing house where he never had any
money deposited.”
There must be some' mistake abou
the following from the Radical Pitts
burg Gazette:
It is stated, on what appears to us to be
competent authority, that Senator Cowan
has written to a gentleman of Allegheny
county, holding office under the Federal
Government, signifying that the whole
office-holding class are expected to vote
Democratic tickets next fall.
Our reason for thinking there must
be some mistake about this is that Hies
ter Clymer is on the Democratic tickett
and the Lancaster E.rprrss “asserts
broadly, distinctly and boldly” that
“ Johnson is not for Clymer;” that he
is “ not with the Democracy,” and that
“ his influence is for the party who
made him President!” The length,
breadth, height, depth, distinctness
and boldness of this assertion leave no
room for doubt about the accuracy of
the Express' information as to Presi
dent Johnson's intentions!
Good News to Tax-Fayers,
It will be refreshing news to the over
burthened tax-payers to learn that a
proposition has been made in Congress
to increase the pay of members to
810,000 a year, and traveling expenses
to boot, and that the project meets with
much favor in the body. They now
receive 80,000 per annum, and traveling
expenses. The working classes will
have to pay the piper.
The Democracy of Venango.
The Venango Democracy, on Tuesday
last, made the following nominations :
For Congress, Gen. Alfred B. M’Cal
mont; President Judge, C. Heydriek;
Senate, Francis Merrick; Assembly,
Capt. Wm. Hasson; Prothonotary,
Capt. James P. Newell; Register and
Recorder, Alpheus M. Hoover; Asso
ciate .Judge, Samuel F. Dale ; Commis
sioner, George S. M'Cartnsy; Auditor,
James Bryden.
, The Democracy of Green county
appear to be fully awake upon the is
sues of this campaign. Meetings are
being held in every part of the county,
which are attended by large crowds of
all parties, and addressed by men of
ability. J. A. J. Buchanan, Esq., for
years past the leading Republican
speaker of that county, Is upon the
stump in support of the Johnson policy
of reconstruction, and pronounces the
most withering exposures of the hypo
crisy and, corruption of the Radios lB in
Congress.
The Fourth of July.
The anniversary of independence re
turns to us this year with the nation
occupying a peculiar and anomalous
position. To-day, In the chief city
o£this State, the natal day of our coun
try will be celebrated with imposing
audfittingceremonies. With due pomp
and parade the soiled and bullet-scarred
flags born so honorably by Pennsyl
vania regiments in more than a hun
dred fierce battles, will be carried
through* the streets of the city of Phila
delphia by the men who held them
proudly aloft in the very thickest of
many a deadly contest. After the pa
rade is over these flags, which are des
tined to be handed down to future ages
as heirloomß of the State and as me
mentoes of the gallantry of her chivalrlc
sons, will be carefully furled and laid
away in a suitable and honorable re
pository in the capital of the Common
wealth.
This ceremony is a significant one.
It is like the formal closing of the gates
of Janus. It is a distinct and official
recognition of the return of peace. As
the scarred veterans who bore these
flags in battle march through densely
crowded streets to-day, cheered as
they will be by the approving Bhoute of
men and the witching smiles of beauti
ful and admiring women, their hearts
will beat with varied and contending
emotions. The old martial ardor will
be rekindled again, and they will pant
to be once more led forth to battle. But
were any one to ask them whether they
still entertain feelings of vengeance
against the foe with whom they so re
cently contended, a loud shout of nega
tion would go up from the lusty throats
of this long line of gallant soldiers.
They would tell him who would insult
their honor and degrade their manhood
by such a base suspicion that these men,
so recently their enemies,were now their
fellow-citizens, the children of the same
common country, of one language and
one lineage with themselves.
Yet, while the war has been over
more than a year, and with the whole
Southern people approving their entire
willingness to abide in good faith by the
issue, the fierce passions engendered by
the contest are still vigorously fanned
by the whole crew of radical politicians.
Every agency which could be? made
availing has been employed to keep
alive the fires of a bitter, sectional hatred.
The men who dominated in Congress
and controlled the governments of the'
Northern States have felt and known
tiiat with a perfectly restored Union
their hold on positions of power and
profit would begone. Their only hope
of 'continuance in places where they
could live by plundering the public was
to be found in the prospect of keeping
alivethe animosity that existed between
the North and the South.. To this end
they have bent all their energies in
every direction. Their newspapers have
teemed with lies and the floor of Con
gress has been constantly disgraced by
the exhibition of such meanness and
malignity as was never witnessed be
fore in any deliberative body.
But for the persistent efforts of this
pestilent crew of fanatics, our rejoicings
on to-morrow would be fuller and more
complete. The whole nation would
have rejoiced as one man. Tho old
sears would still have remained, but
over all would have been thrown the
broad mantle of a patriotic charity
with folds sufficiently ample to em
brace every State in a glorious and
fully restored Union. The voice of
crimination and recrimination would
have been hushed. "With the gallant
dead who perished in the recent gigan
tic struggle the hatred which led to its
commencement would have been buried.
The nation would have entered upon
its new career with the sure prospect of
eventually repairing the wide-spread
ruin which tnewarwrought. Industry
would have been revived throughout the
whole desolated South. Its rich agricul
tural treasures would speedily have been
poured into the lap of the nation in
something like their former boundless
prolusion. Manufactures, commerce,
business of all kinds would have felt
the effect in an increased and ever
freshening activity. Our finances
would have been in a widely different
condition, and instead of the premium
or gold advancing we might have been
ready for a return to specie payment.
Prices would have ruled much below
the present exorbitant figures, while
labor would have commanded a reward
more than equal to that which it now
receives.
The people should mingle some
thoughtfulness with their rejoicing to
morrow. They should reflect upon what
this Fourth of July might have been.
They should remember that not until
we are again blessed with a completely
restored Union, can our country’s natal
day be the great glad national holiday it
was before the war. They should use
all their influence speedily to bring
about the time when there shall no
longer be divisionsor dissensions among
the people of the United States; the
glad coming day when we shall all meet
and mingle together again as the loving
children of a common and well beloved
country; the occasion when our great
national holiday shall be celebrated with
fervid rejoicing throughout the whole
extentof this broad land, amonga sister
hood of perfectly united states, by a peo
ple who feel that they are sprung from
a common ancestry with common in
terests, a common country and a com
mon destiny.
The Freedmen's Bureau has or
ganized a plan for providing work and
homes in the Northern States for un
employed and destitute freedmen on
the Virginia Peninsulas, where in the
single district about Fortress Monroe
the Government is obliged to issue
monthly sixty thousand rations. On
Saturday quite a number of colored
men and women were sent to Massa
chusetts, where homes have already
been secured. This is the best work
the Freedmen's Bureau has yet been
euguged in. If it will go on and cram
Massachusetts with at least one hun
dred thousand niggers, the balance of
the country will have less reason to be
grudge the money it expends. As Vir
ginia was for Union and Massachusetts
for Disunion at the commencement of
our troubles, it would seem to be “in
accordance with the fitness of things ”
that ut their close the curse of a nu
merous negro population should be
lifted from the former and laid on the
latter. Besides, sending them to Massa
chusetts would simply be returning
many of them to the homes of their
ancestors—to the first places in this
country that knew their grandfathers
after the Puritans stole them from
Africa, and before they sold them to
the South.
Tht Clarion Democrat says that
at a large Johnson meeting held during
court week, at which Hiester Clymer
was heartily endorsed, a number of the
officers were prominent gentlemen who
had not before acted with the Demo
cratic party. It declares that hundreds
of Republicans throughout the county
have openly declared their intention to
repudiate the Radical doctrines and
candidates.
Timothy CiiEESMAN,acartman,died
of cholera at No. 91 Lewis street. New
York, on Thursday night. On Friday
at noon William Bradshaw died of vio
lent diarrhoea in the basement of No.
952 Broadway. There was no cholera
on board the hospital ship at the date
of the latest report therefrom.
The Johnson 'and Clymer Soidrersr
It is a common thing for Radical
newspapers, whenever a call fora John
son and Clymer Soldier’s Meeting ap
pears, to pronounce its signers >( de
serters,” *? ske4addlerB from the draft,”
'Ac. Notwithstanding its capabilities
In the way of impudent the
Express has not had the effrontery to
apply these terms to the hohcrably dis
charged soldiers of Lancaster city who
have signed the call published in the
Intelligencer for a meeting to be held at
Fulton Hall on to-morrow, Thursday,
June 28, preliminary to the formaUoq ofi
a Johnson and Clymer Club: It does,
however, whilstadmitting that “ among
the names signed it recognizes those of
some good soldiers who have seen and
done honorable service, ” aver that
“there are others whose reputation is
not good,” and that “one or two of
those who write Captain and Lieuten
ant before their names, cannot write
any battles after them.”
We havenot thatlntlmate knowledge
of the signers of this call which would
justify us in pronouncing upon the mil
itary reputation of each and every one
of them, but we are confident the list
embraces as many good and meritorious
soldiers as would be found in any like
number of Geary “ boys.” The fact
that they were all of them honorably
discharged the service settles their
standing as soldiers. The picking out
of “ one or two” among the officers
who “ cannot write any battles” after
their names, is nothing to their dis
credit even if it be true. Agoodsoldier
assumes without murmuring the post
to which his superior assigns him. If
it is away from the field of battle, that
is no fault of his. The honor lies in
acting well his part, wherever he may
be placed; and it is better to have no
battle to write after your name, and
yet have the consciousness of duty faith
fully performed, than to make yourself
the hero of imaginary exploits on a field
where" you were present among the
“skulkers.”
The Express is very much troubled in
spirit because these soldiers have coupled
the name of Clymer with that of John
son in their call. It says “Johnson is
not for Clymer.” It “ asserts this fact
broadly, distinctly and boldly,” and
“ defies anybody to give one word from
Mr. Johnson committing him to Cly
mer.” We might, in turn, defy any
body to give one word from Mr. John
son committing him to Geary. But
President Johnson has, at least indi
rectly, committed himself to Clymer.—
He has declared that he recognizes as
his friends those only who support the
policy of his administration, and deny
the fact as the Express may, it still re
mains a stubborn fact that President
Johnson tacts “ with the Democracy ” in
the Connecticut campaign. He was
“ with the Democracy” in that cam
paign because the Democratic candidate
for Governor was a supporter of his
“restoration policy,” whilst the Re
publican candidate was its opponent;
Ad he must and will be with the De
mocracy of Pennsylvania in the open
ing campaign, for the same good and
sufficient reasons. Hiester Clymer sup
ports President Johnson's policy—John
W. Geary opposes it. Starting from
these premises, men of common sense
will have no difficulty in reaching a
conclusion satisfactory to the Democ
racy.
The Express says “the influence of
Mr. Johnson is for the party who made
him President.” What party doThad
deus Stevens and John W. Forney be
long to? Does the Express repudiate
them as members of the party who
made Mr. Johnson President? Does it
expect him to exert his influence in
favor of Stevens’ re-election and in be
half of Forney's Senatorial aspirations ?
When has he taken back the speech in
which he pronounced Stevens a traitor
and Forney a dead duck ? It is the
Express that is playing a game of false
pretence. It knows better. It knows
that there is a great gulf between the
President and the Radicals, and that
all attempts to close it up have failed.
It remembers the speech of the 22d of
February and it has read the messaeeof
the 22d of June, and from these it
knows very well that “the influence of
Mr. Johnson” will not be given to any
party that recognizes Charles Sumner,
Thaddeus Stevens and John W. Forney
as its leaders.
Republican Quarrel.
The contest for the Republican Con
gressional nomination in Crawford coun
ty culminated as was expected in a divis
ion, both the friends of Mr. Pettis and Mr.
Finney claiming the election. In order
to understand the difficulty, it may be
stated the “articles of faith” adopted by
the Republican party of Crawford coun
ty set forth that “the return judges shall
be competent to reject, by a majority,
the returns from any election district,
where there is evidence of fraud, either
in the returns or otherwise, and shall
reject them where there is evidence of
three or more persons voting at the
primary meetings who were not Re
publicans.” The friends of Mr. Pettis
claim that the vote polled in Titusville
at the primary meetings was swelled by
Democrats, and that, therefore, the re
turns feom that town should be thrown
out. The chairman of the Board of
Return Judges ruled in favor of the
above article, and the convention by
one of a majority threw out the returns
of Titusville, thus nominating Mr.
Pettis for Congress and F. W. Ellsworth
for Sheriff. The minority then left the
convention, and organized a separate
meeting, at which they counted the re
turns and nominated Mr. Finney for
Congress and Capt. Fred. C. Peck for
Sheriff. The Finney party passed a
resolution in favor of Curtin’s election
to the United States Senate.
The extreme to which Radicalism
has run is illustrated'by a case just de
cided in the Circuit Court at Bt. Louis.
The Judge of election refused to receive
General Frank Blair’s vote because he
declined to take the harrow-tooth oath
prescribed by law in Mlsspuri. The
General brought suit against the Judge,
but lost his case. He was one of the
founders of the Republican party and
one of the first opponents of secession
in Missouri; —he was commissioned a
General by Lincoln and In that capacity
rendered as good service during the war
as hundreds of others holding the same
grade; and yet his vote has been re
fused in a district which he had repre
sented in Congress. The Republican
“ ball” which he assisted in starting has
rolled over him. We don’t pity him,
but at the same time we admit that his
Radical friends in Missouri are behaving
shamefully towards him. He Is one of
the gang of “ free soil” demagogues who
drew off from the Democratic party
enough of its strength to reduce it to a
minority and thusput the country under
the government of a 'sectional party
which had neither the wish nor the
wisdom to save it from the horrors of
civil war.
Then and flow.
When Andrew Johnson first became
President, a little over one year ago the
Disunionists declared that Providence
for some wise purpose, had called him
to the Executive chair. Since, how
ever, his course has not turned out to
be in consonance with their plundering
and blood-thirsty aspirations, they say
Andrew Johnson is only the President
by accident.
The President’s Influence.
Editors soweilsuppliedwithspectacles
.as our neighbors of the oughjt*
to be able to read the signs of the times
with'sufficient clearness not to fall into
the error of Supposing that, “the Influ
ence of Mr. Johnson is for the parity who
’•inode him President.” We do not doubt
Jthat Mr* Johnson wpuld have preferred,
to act in hilfrionyw'lth that party!* We
do not question that he would have act
ed in harmony with it, if it had adhered
to its pledge to prosecute the war for the
sole purpose of preserving the Union.—
He isjonejofmhhy Democrats who; for
getting or overlooking- the purely sec
tional and unpatriotic character,of the
Republican party, believed in the
sincerity of its professions of undying
devotion to the Union, and joined it
under the sadly mistaken impression
that by doing so they could most effec
tively serve their country. When, at;
the close of the war, it threw off the
mask of Unionism and stood before the
country in its true light, It was natural
that a conflict should arise between it
and a real Union man like Andrew
Johnson. This conflict could have but
one termination. The Radicals were
too intent upon the wrong to give in to
President Johnson ; and fortunately for
the country, he was too strong in the
right to give in to them.
The New York Tribune does not de
ceive itself npr attempt to deceive its
readers about Mr. Johnson’B influence.
As between Geary and Clymer, it puts
this influence down on the side of the
latter. We extract a portion of its re
marks upon the call of the Johnson
men for aNationalConvention at Phila
delphia. Of course it interlards these re
marks with its stereotyped truck about
Rebels. Having boldly advocated the
right and the expediency of secession
in the fall and winter of 1860-01, we
presume Mr. Greeley ought to be ex
cused for suspecting nearly everybody
else of disloyalty.
The New Johnson Party,— The call of
a National Convention by Messrs. Randall
and Doolittle of Wisconsin, Browning of
Illinois, and Cowan of Pennsylvania, with
the indorsement of Senators Dixon of Con
necticut, Hendricks of Indiana, Norton of
Minnesota, and Nesmith of Oregon, can be
understood no otherwise than as a formal
proclamation of withdrawal by the John
sonites from the National Union party. Mr.
Hendricks, and perhaps we should add Mr.
Nesmith, cannot withdraw from a party to
which they Dever professed to belong; but
the others have all been honored and trust
ed i\s members of the great party which
they now openly abandon and conspire to
overthrow. We thank them for their frank
ness, and shall hope to find them more
manly as antagonists than they have been
faithful as compatriots.
No one can possibly be duped by their
call. Its terms are explicit and emphatic.
Ex-Gov. Andrew of Massachusetts is dis
qualified by his convictions for a seat in the
contemplated Convention ; not so ex-Govs.
Smith and Letcher of Virginia. Generals
Butler and Howard cannot pronounce the
ltandall Shibboleth; but Generals Lee
and Fitz John Porter can do it easily.
Governors Oglesby of Illinois and Stone
of lowa cannot have seats in their Sanhe
drim ; but Wells of Louisiana and Throck
morton of Texas—the latter doubtless elect
ed over the vote of every hearty Unionist in
his State—will be present in spirit, and
may be in person. Gen. Geary, the chosen
leader of the Unionists of Pennsylvania,
canuot pass their door-keepers, but Hiester
Clymer, his oppouent who never once even
j>retcnded to wish the Rebels defeated uud
their Confederacy suppressed, will see those
doors fly open to welcome his approach.
This call simply proclaims the adhesion of
the Johnsonites proper to tho party made
up of the Rebels anapro-Rebels which aims
to seize the Goverumentandcontrolthedes
tinies of our country.
Tho Fenians.
The Irish in America have been the
special objects of Radical denunciation,
because of their firm adherence to Dem
ocratic principles. Notwithstanding
the alacrity with which they rushed to
the field at the call of the Government
of their adopted country, and the un
flinching bravery with which they
fought and fell under the flag of the
Union, they have, as a class, been stig
matized as “sympathizers with treason”
by the Radical party. But a change
has come over the splritof the Radicals.
The action of our Government in the
matter of the Fenian invasion of Can
ada has afforded them an opportunity,
as they suppose, to entrap the Irish into
their support. “President” Roberts,
who kept out of harm’s way while he
sent brave and honest men into Canada
to be killed or captured, posted off to
Washington after the Canadian failure,
full of wrath against the Government,
to strike a bargain with Sumner and
Stevens. That the bargain was made
is evident from the altered tone of such
hypocritical and unprincipled sheets as
the Philadelphia Press. “Blarney”
has taken the place of abuse of the
Irish, and the Democratic party, who
fought their battle and that of all our
foreign-born citizens in 1854, are held
up to them as their enemies.
James Stephens, who stands at the
head of the Irish organization, under
stands “President” Roberts and his
newly-acquired Radical friends, and
Bpeaks his mind very freely about them.
He addressed a Fenian mass meeting
numbering ten thousand persons at
New York on the 24th, and the follow
ing is an extract from the very sensible
speech he made:
Were the men engaged in this Canadian
affair really in earnest? [Cries of “No,
no.”] It certainly was difficult to believe
it when the so-called President Roberts ful
minated his proclamations dated Canada,
when written in New York; [laughter]
when oven fighting Tom Sweeney was
taking his ease at his hotel, and the poor
misguided men rushing into the snare made
ready for them. The brave O’Neill might
fight to the left and Spear might do battle
to the right, but the intermediate ground on
this side of the border was the pleased rest
ing place of those who presumed to guide
and be at the head of all. O’Neill did his
duty, and tho bravo fellows with him did
their duty, as they saw it to be their duty
[vociferous eheeringj but they were en
trapped beyond the measure of a doubt.
But tb«*v must never be entrapped again by
the machinations of designing politicians.
To the shame of Ireland, it must be con
fessed, that the immediate leaders must
have known that the Government would
interfere, and I now state distinctly and
without reserve that I am in a position
to say that these men had no promise
whatever from the Government that
they would even wink at this affair,
much less openly encourage it. Do
you think that the American people
want a war just now ? [No, no.] Do you
think that this great nation can be dragged
into a war by any faction or party of Irish
men, against her wishes ana her policy?
No, my friends, and the Irishman, be be
who he may, is false to his own country,
false to the policy of his brethren in Irelaud,
and false to his oath of allegiance to his
adopted country, who would seek to hurry
her into a position which, however pleasing
to him, mfghtbe prejudicial to her interests
and her peace. There may come a time, it
may notbe fur distant either, when America
may choose to act differently, when she
may find it even convenient to go to war
with England, but of this she will doubt
less give you warning. You are ready for
her at any time, are/you not? [Cries of
“Yes, yes,” throwing up of hats, and gen
eral hallelujahs.]
If these men would come forward now,
after their Canadian failure, then it would
be well. To those of the rank and file I
offer not my hand, but both my hand and
my heart with them. With the so-called
President I have nothing in common, nor
with his General nor with his Senate. They
have tried to make of this organization a
mere political machine for the coming elec
tion. I say now. you have been the victims
of these men who but scorn you. They
aspire to place and power, and make you
the tools to work their way for them to
their unrighteous end. ["Give it to them,
give it to them.”l You must no longer be
the fools and tools of those designing men.
If you are to be a power on this continent as
it is said you are, let it be as power for good
or not at all. If you are to save Ireland, it
cannot be done otherwise than by respect
ing the laws of your adopted country to
whom you owe an allegiance scarcely less
holy. And it is only by the observance of
the laws of these free States and by the
dignity of your conduct and of your de
mand for the freedom of your native Ire
land, that you can merit and receive the
support of the Amerioan people or Govern
ment. . Yop will be told at the coming elec
tion doubtless that you are a great power
and efforts will be made to use you, but
your eyes are open, I trust, and you will
not in the broad light walk into the traps
prepared for you.
Republican Comments on Forney’s
speech.
,'-T We extract from the Pittsburg Com
mercial some comments on John W.
Forney's Bpeech at Lebanon. Coming
. from a member of his own party, these
comments may be considered tolerably
sharp. There is a vein of causticity in
them.that will, we fear, wound the deli
< cabs sensibilities of the embryo Sena
tor. Imagine the shock his vanity must
receive when he reads in the ablest
Republican journal in the State, that
“his speech is but a rehash of what has
■been many times said.” Think of the
Indignation with which his lofty soul
will swell when, in the face of his own
proclamation of his ability “to dis
charge the duties of a Senator from
Pennsylvania,” he is coolly warned
that “his fitness and qualifications”
are to be “sifted pretty thoroughly.”—
Picture, if you can, his disgUßt on being
told that much of his carefully written
speech is nothing but “poor fustian.”
How must not his patriotic soul be
grieved to find himself charged with the
design of prosecuting the canvass “for
his personal benefit and personal ad
vantage.'! And how is it possible for a
man of.his known fidelity to party and
friends to read with calmness the charge
of “cutting himself loose from the
Union Republican party ” and menac
ing its harmony?
From the Pittsburg Commercial, (Rep.)
Mr. Forney. —ln our last issue it was
stated that Mr. John W. Forney had
proclaimed himself a candidate for the
United States Senatorship, and that he
intended to stump this State in behalf
of his own claims. We now have before
us the speech he made at Lebanon, on
Thursday last, wherein he lays out his
platform. Although the speech would
make some half dozen columns in the
Commercial , we find buttwoparagraphs
—rather long ones—which distinguish
it from hundreds of others made during
the present session. Indeed the speech
itself is but a rehash of what has been
many times, though possibly not so well,
said, with a good deal of red pepper
and other high seasoning sprinkled over
it.
The first paragraph we shall quote
is the concluding one of the speech,
wherein Mr. Forney specially declares
himself and tells what ne is after. It is
as follows:
I have, you will perceive, spoken frankly
and plainly—iudeed my experience at the
national capital during the rebellion has
taught me the value of frankness, and more
than all the utter worthlessness of what is
popularly called conservatism. I have
seen the rebellion in its best and in its worst
phases. There wer9 intervals when I was
ready to assist in the adoption of the most
forgiving measures. There was a time —
nearly four years ago—when I looked to
Jefferson Davis as the great pacificator, be
lieving that he spoke sincerely when he
said that he hud reluctantly left the Senate,
and that ho was a follower instead of a
leader. But, however painful the admis
sion may be, the belief has become ail un
alterable conviction, that the spirit born of
human slavery will require a long time for
its extirpation, and that every proffer of
pardon, and every concession of principle,
is misunderstood by. the leaders of the late
rebellion. The fate of Mr. Lincoln, in the
very odor of sanctity, in the hour when he
was disposed to forgive and forget every
thing out his duty to his country, was a
lesson so awful that it only required the
failure of Andrew Johnson’s inexplicable
effort to propitiate the same savage instincts,
to intensify tho warning. With this view
I have believod it right to conceal nothing
of my own sentiments; and as I am alone
responsible, I am prepared for the conse
quences. 1 think all candidates for repre
sentative positions should be equally can
did. The entire Union delegation in Con
gress have solidly voted for all radical
measures, and I believe their actions will
bo supported and sustained at the ballot
box. My name having been suggested as
a candidate for the United States Senate at
the close of the term, which expires on the
4th of March, 1867, it is proper that my,
opinions should be known, and I think
every aspirant for the same high honor
should be called upon explicitly to define
his own position. lam vain enough to be
lieve that I am qualified to discharge the
duties of a Senator from Pennsylvania. I
have been constrained by journalistic and
official relations to mingle in most of the
exciting scenes of the national capital, from
the period when James Buchanan attempt
ed to make Kansas a slave State down to
tho present hour. Whether I have been
faithful to principle, fearless in my opposi
tion to treachery in my former party or in
persistent uud unshaken antagonism to the
rebellion which succeeded that treachery—
whether I havo steadfastly maintained the
good fight in tho dark complications ro
cently aeveloped—it is for the people who
have the matter in churgo to decide.
We are glad to hear that Mr. Forney
is “ prepared for the consequences.”
Having set himself up “on his own
hook,” and having invited discussion
and criticism with as free a hand and
wide a breadth as he has been in the
habit of indulging in towards others, he
can find no fault if his fitness and quali
fications are sifted pretty thoroughly.
Appealing as he does to the Union-Re
publican party to elect a legislature that
will send him to the Senate, it becomes
the duty of Union Republicans to can
vass him, his opinions, and, even though
they should prove satisfactory, the
policy of selecting birn. Mr. Forney
steps out as an individual, and there is
something in the act we are inclined to
applaud, for it shows a degree of self
reliance, all else being equal, calculated
to impress one favorably.
We do not, at present, propose to en
ter largely into an examination of Mr.
Forney’s claims, his fitness, or theques
tion of policy, which, in his case, must
enter into the consideration of the sub
ject. There will be time enough to do
this as the canvass progresses, should he
conclude to prosecute it as he has set
out, forhis personal benefit and personal
advantage. Having said this much, we
proceed to quote the other paragraph
referred, to which is as follows :
Entertaining very clear and definite opin
ions on this subject. I do not hesitate to
state that I believe the true solution of all
our complications and tho lasting protec
tion of our free institutions, is to confer im
partial suffrage upon American citizens of
whatever creed, color or nativity. If this
makes me a radical, I am a radical, and I
glory in the nume. Shall we hesitate in
completing our mission when all the races
of civilized men are struggling for intellec
tual, political and religious freedom? Shall
we who have lighted the torch of liberty
and who are leading in the greatest moral
revolution of the ages, refuse to follow our
doctrines to their logicul conclusions? Are
we prepared to say that although physical
slavery is dead, moral and intellectual
slavery shall survive? Shull we not spurn
wiLh contempt the atrocious paradox that
the rebel, defeated upon the battle-field re
turns to private life, not only honored’ for
his treason, but stilt strong in tho purpose
of punishing the race ho hns so long op
pressed? Negro suffrage ! We had it in
Pennsylvania up to 1838. They have it in
Xew York to-day, and we know that from
1700 to 1837) the negro voted in Tennessee
and in North Carolina. The power of
slavery and its influence upon Democratic
politics constrained the repeal of the laws
under which this franchise was enjoyed.
Shall we fear to restore them when there is
not a slave in tho land, and when, accord
ing to the reading and command of the
National Constitution, all men are now
citizens of the United States? I confess
that this subject assumes an imperativejas
pect to my mind, the more I reflect upon
it. While I bolievo that in justice to our
selves and our faithful allies we should
never consent to the restoration of rights to
a rebel that is not followed by the complete
enfranchisement of the colored man, I rest
my faith upon the higher altar of justice
and equality.
Mr Forney might have taken fewer
words to say that he was for immediate
and unconditional negrosuffrage.as “the
only remedy” for our national disorders
and that on this he rested his claims to
the Senatorshlp. All else there is in
the quotation is poor fustian. Herein
Mr. Forney cuts himself loose from the
Union-Republican party, in whose
creed is nothing of this sort. Every at
tempt to insert into it the idea of negro
suffrage has failed. It was pronounced
against by the plan of Congress, backed
by the able report of Mr. Fessenden ;
whenever and wherever, among Unio
n it has been proposed, it
has either been promptly rejected or
suffered to die out among a host of other
impracticabilities to which the problem
of reconstruction has given birtn. But
this rejected plank has been picked up
by Mr. Forney. If by declaring him
self a “radical,” he expects to rally to
his side upon it, all or any considerable
proportion of those to whom, in com
mon parlance, the term “radical” is ap
plied, we think he will find himself
greatly mistaken.
We might ask Mr. Forney how he
pretends to reconcile his daily utter
ances and action in favor of the Con
gressional scheme, which is the accepted
platform of the party, with his procla
mation for negro suffrage? That plat
form rejects the Idea, and leaves the en
tire question of suffrage to the States.
'We might ask him to inform the public
whether he is for one rule for the South
and another for the North, or, as he
seems to be, is for immediate negro suf
frage everywhere ? We might ask him
what he has to say against impartial
suffrage on the ground of intelligence?
There is not wanting a proper desire of
justice toward the negro, but the idea
pretty extensively prevails that admit
ting at once hair a million of men just
emerged from the darkness of bondage
to the polls, would be fraught with grave
dangers, and would mostllkely but add
to the power of the men so lately in re
bellion against the Government.
But we propose not to discuss the
question, now only to say simply,: that
we cannot regard the movement of Mr.
Forney other than as a menace to the
harmony of the party, and the introduc
tion of an issue, personal and political,
that cannot fail to breed mischief unless
thrust out at once.
Mr. Buchanan and his Administration.
We copy from the Baltimore Sun of
Thursday the following Just and candid
review of the work written by Mr. Bu
chanan in explanation and defence of
his conduct and policy as President of
the United States. It will be seen that
the Sun is of opinion that Mr. Buchanan
“has been unfortunate in selecting the
time for asking a hearing’’—that “the
public mind has not sufficiently re
covered its equilibrium to be either a
good listener or a good thinker.” We
are not disposed to insist very strenu
ously that the tfurc is mistaken on this
point. The public mind is undoubtedly
still too much disturbed to weigh ex
citing questions calmly or to decide im
partially upon the actions of men who
have occupied exalted stations in the
last six or eight years. But we think
Mr. Buchanan’s book has come out
none too soon after all. Singularly
calm and dispassionate in its tone, un
impeachable in its every statement and
impregnable in its fortification of facts,
it could not fail to exercise, and we are
sure it has exercised, an influence tend
ing to restore the public mind to a more
rational and healthy condition. This
influence will deepen as years roll on,
and in the not far distant future many
a political opponent of Mr. Buchanan’s
will rise from a perusal of his book,
wondering how it came to pass that a
statesman who had struggled so earn
estly to preserve both the Constitution
and the Union unbroken could ever
have been charged with a want of fidel
ity to his great trust.
From the Baltimore Sun.
“Mr. Buchanan’s Administration on
the Eve or the Rebellion.” —Appleton
<C Cb., New York— Wo briefly announced
tbe receipt of this work some months ago
from Henry Taylor & Co., Sun Building.
We think the present an opportune moment
to recur to it more utlength. A citizen who
commences his career in life by long wait
ing in the ante-chamber for an audience
with some great man in office, and ends it
by making his countrymen, in turn, wait
his time and pleasure, we take it for granted
is no unimportant personage. This is pre
cisely what Mr. Buchanan hasaccomplisned.
He had few extrinsic adjuncts to advance
his early fortunes. Starting at the forge,
and compelled to “ blow and strike,” he has
literally been the artificer of his political
estates. We argue then, that he bus great
and good qualiiifs, or that the people who
advanced him <nd loaded him with the
highest civic honors, have neither. We pre
fer the former conclusion, because it accords
with our own estimates of his public and
private character all through and down to
that period of his administration “on the
eve of i lie rebellion”—the only feature of his
long life seriously questioned.
We have a theory—which, perhaps, may
now be repeated with profit—that under our
scheme of government, the law in supreme
at all times over individual wills and over
party interests and judgment; but, that
nevertheless, it requires a good share of
honesty in the public agent to fully recog
nize this fundamental principle of the polity.
It is simply a government of law ana not a
democracy—a system of written rules, in
the nature of a compact between the people
themselves, acting, through their several
State legislatures, by which they determine
thut they will be governed. These rules
may be called fundamental or constitution
al, by which the legislature is empowered,
limited and forbidden to act, and statutory,
by which the ordinary affairs of the public
administration are conducted. It is mani
fest that two grand objects were sought to
be attained by this polity; First, to limit
the power of agents; second, to regulate the
people’s own power. Viewed in the light
of reason, both these objects must be at
tained, or the scheme must degenerate into
oppression on the one hand or general
license and auarehy on the other. The
representative must be confined to the pow
ers delegated to him in the sphere of his
agency, and the people must be protected
by fundamental laws against the evils of
their own passions and impulses.
This we understand to be the theory of
Mr. Buchanan, and his work should be ex
amined on precisely this interpretation of
the philosophy of the Union.
It is something more than absurd to sup
pose that an American who has occupied
the highest places In the government for
forty years, and during all that time main
tained the character of a good citizen and ;
an honest man, should, when elected to the
presidency, give up these qualities of his
nature and seek to degrade the State through
whose name he had derived all that was
precious to him as a man. If anything
could quicken his patriotism, stimulate his
ambition to serve his people, and command
perfect integrity in his administration, it is
surely to be found in the high character he
had attained in the Senate, in the Cabinet,
as representative to the Courts of Russia
and England, and finally in his elevation,
by the free suffrage of his countrymen, to
the seat of Washington, Adams and Jeffer
son. So much we have thoughtpropertosay
in again calling attention toMr. Buchanan’s
book.
Mr. Buchanan, we think, has been un
fortunate only in selecting the time for ask
ing a hearing. The public mind had not
sufficiently recovered its equilibrium to be
either a good listener or a good thinker.
The events which brought on the war had
not been and could not be examined in the
midst of so much turmoil and strife. There
were two powerful elements at work to pro
duce the rupture. Northern hostility to
slavery had grown into a northern party
and into a disunion party. It hated the
Union because it protected slavery. It was
anxious to overthrow the Union that it
might use its majorities to overthrow
slavery. Right on the other side was a pro
slavery party, and it had become like its
great antagonist, a disunion party. Most
unquestionably these two factions combin
ed embraced a large majority of the whole
population of the States. Unfortunately
too, they included a much larger proportion
of what may be termed the partizan forces
of the country, those forces in politics
which, we are apt to think, are least patri
otic and most likely to produce disturbance.
Through these antagonistic powers the
national mind was given over to a sort of
avalanche, which, obeying a law of its own,
swept away for the time being, quite all
that was good in the present and sacred in
the past.
Mr. Buchanan is no moro responsible for
the consequences of that political tornado,
than he is for those great hurricanes which
havo two or three times during the present
century almost annihilated .vegetation in
the West Indies. It was one of those gusts
ol passion, which, for the moment, never
fails to dethrone reason and set aside laws
as a cumbrous, heavy, unbearable weight.
Mr. Buchanan personally, Mr. Buchanan
politically, or Mr. Buchanan the President,
could give noither countenance or support
to unti-slavery North nor pro-slavery South.
He was charged with the maintenance of
the constitution—that means that he had
assumed to execute certain defined trusts
He was equally forbidden to pervert the
political system on the one hand or to use
unauthorized powers to muintain it on the
other.
Now, what did he do that he ought not to
have done? And what did he neglect to do
that he ought to have done ?
According to his theory of the system,
there could be no legal secession. No State
had any right to withdraw from the Union.
It Is plain, if he was right, no State could
by her own act, or by any constitutional
act of the government, terminate relations
to the Union. The constitution, In this
sense, is an irrepara ble compact. The next
proposition maintained by Mr. Buchanan
is, of course, that no power is conferred upon
the U nion to coerce a State—that, in other
words, there cannot be war between a State
and the general government; the latter
may enforce its authority over persons
everywhere, and that an attempt to defeat
or prevent such enforcement should be
treated as rebellion or insurrection by per
sons engaged therein, and not of States at
war with the Union. The corollary of this
proposition follows, that the insurrection or
rebellion having been suppressed, the Union
remains intact. It is certainly’difficult to
reconcile the two inherent and contradictory
extremes oithe opposite theory—first, that
the rebellious States could not sever the
Union; secondiy, that the majority of the
people thereof having sought to do so, their
entire populationshave forfeited their rights
as constituent members of the confedera
tion. Surely what the States could not do
it is not in the powerof the United States to
do in this respect. The latter cannot expel a
State from the Union, any more than by its
simple legislation, it can terminate its own
existence.
This theory of forfeiture, to say nothing
more of it, is a most unreasonable and un-
j ust one. It converts loyalty into treachery
and infidelity, insomuch as it disfranchises
the loyal and disloyal alike within the ! cir
cle of insurrection. Under it the faithful
minority is punished for the sins and blun
ders of the faithless majority. If this doo
trine is good for anything it is at least en
titled to a broader application. It involves
the reasonable inquiry as to who, often all,
has been really loyal, and who disloyal.—
Mr. Buohanan says, on this point, speak
ing of tbe North, “it became necessary for
the abolitionists in order to furnish a pre
text for their assaults on Southern slavery
to appeal to a law higher than the Constitu
tion.’* The South entered a like appeal.—
Bothparties made proclamation of hostility
to the Union. The South passed ordinances
of secession, the North passed ordinances of
nullification. There was no virtue, accord
ing to the theory, in either. i
We find precisely at this point the secret of
the hostility, North and South, to Mr. Bu
chanan’s administration. He did not become
a convert to the theory thnt the destruction of
slavery was more to be desired than the pre
servation of the constitution and the Union;
nor to that other phase of the same theory,
thatslavery must be maintained by thovlo
lentseverancoof the Union. Thus repudia
ted by both factions, It is certainly credita
ble to his statesmanship and patriotism that
he was denounced by both, reviled by both
and discredited by both. But the passing
Impression of a people under excitement is
not often thejudgmeutofimpartial history.
There are too many windows in public offi
ces to enuble political jugglers long to play
off their tricks to a believing auditory.
Truth must work its own way to light. We
are confident that no amount of cant and
hypocrisy can conceal from the future the
perfect integrity of Mr. Buchanan’s life and
administration. To question this is to
question the power of this people to main
tain a free system of laws. We may have
our revolutions, our interregnums, our fan
aticisms, and even our military govern
ments, but wo shall surely have our restor
ations also. Under the pressure of modern
invention, events aro crowded into narrow
and quick channels. When error and folly
prevail their sweep is terrible indeed, 1 but
we have the consolation of knowing that
reaction and recovery are an express train,
and that our very disasters stimulate con
ductors and engineers to greater care and
fidelity. It is now that the public press is
called upon to perform its high duties iu
connection with our recent political broils.
Proper places must now be assigned to the
various persons engaged directly and indi
rectly, in the late national tragedy. Thoro
can be no concealments, no deceptions, no
counterfeit patriotism in the picture. It is
to be made of the lights and shadows oi ac
tual life, as seen by the clear, searching eye
of philosophy. The reviler and the reviled,
the oppressor and the oppressed, the dema
gogue and the statesman, are alike sum
moned before tbe great tribunal of mind to
receive the judgment of impartial truth.
Mr. Buchanan seems prepared fortriul.
The Origin of the Flag Ceremonies.
"While the Republican press of this
State are parading infamous slanders
upon Hiester Clymer, side by side with
glowing accounts of the flag presenta
tion at Philadelphia, it may be well to
recur to the origin of the ceremonies.
By the Legislative Record we find that
on the Oth of May, 1861, the Hon.
Hiester Clymer, then Senator from
Berks county, presented to the Senate
for its action, the following, entitled “A
joint resolution relative to procuring
standards for the several regiments of
Pennsylvania called, or to be called,
into the service of the United States” :
Resolved , That the Governor of the Com
monwealth be requested to ascertain how
the several regiments raised in Pennsyl
vania during the wnrof the Revolution, the
war of 1812, and the war with Mexico,
were numbered; among what divisions of
the service they were distributed, and
where the said regiments distinguished
themselves in action ; that having ascer
tained the particulars aforesaid, he .shall
procure regimental standards, to bo in
scribed with the numbers of those regi
ments respectively, on which shall bo paint
ed the arms of the Commonwealth and the
names of the actions in which the said
Regiments distinguished themselves; that
the standards so inscribed shall bo deliv
ered to the regiments now in the field or
formerly bearing the regimental number
corresponding to the regiments of Pennsyl
vania in former wars.
Resolved , That the Govornor do procure
regimental standards for all the regiments
formed or to be formed iu Pennsylvania
beyond the numbers in former wars, upon
which there shall be inscribed the number
of the regiment and painted the arms of this
Commonwealth ; and that all theso stand
ards, after the present unhappy rebellion is
ended, shall be returned to the Adjutant-
General oi the State, to bo further iuscribed
as tbe valor and good conduct of each par
ticular regiment may have deserved; and
that they then be carefully preserved by
the State, to be delivered to such future
regiments as tbe military necessities of the
country may require Pennsylvania to raise.
The joint resolution was referred to
the proper committee, and on the fol
lowing day was reported to the Senate
without amendment. In tne support of
the measure, Mr. Clymer made the fol
lowing eloquent and patriotic remarks:
The pusauge of this joint resolution seems
to bo necessary at the present time. It is
evident that the regiments of Pennsylvania
now in the service oftheUnitedStatesmust
be furnished with colors of some descrip
tion. In consultation with some gentlemen
it was thought that those colors should be
of a particular description. In the revolu
tionary war this Commonwealth had in the
service a number of regiments—how many
I do not know ; indeed, the records of this
, Commonwealth have become so much ob
literated by time and by the carelessness
and neglect of our people, that it may be
impossible to ascertain exactly the number
of regiments in service during the revolu
tion. Thero were a number of regiments
also during the war of IKTJ, and two regi
ments during the war with Mexico. This
joint resolution proposes Unit the Gov
ernor shall asoertuin what number
of regiments are employed during
this war, and that regimentul colors shall
be obtained, upon which are to be Inscribed
tbo names of those regiments, and also the
names of the battles in which they have
distinguished themselves; that these colors
shall bo given to regiments with correspon
ding numbers, and thut for those regiments
which may be raised hereafter new colors
are to be procured, which will ulso be in
scribed with their numbers respectively ;
that niter this rebellion is ended all those
colors shall bo returned to the Adjutunt-
Generul of the State, who shall havo in
scribed upon them such gallant actions ns
the regiments may have performed in the
present struggle. Then, sir, these stan
dards, thus inscribed, shall bo handed over
to any regiments which Pennsylvania may
in future bo required to furnish to the gen
eral government.
It is the design of this joint resolution to
create a feeling of historic and patriotic in
terest in each regiment, that a regiment
which may have served at Germantown,
and in Mexico, and on some later field, may,
upon some future battle-field of the republic,
be inspired to nobler deeds by the remem
brance of old legendary times. I believe,
sir, that by the adoption of this measure
there will be an interest infused into every
regiment, that new courage will be given
them,and that the first and second regiments
at least will have inscribed upon their ban
ners such namos as will lead them to deeds
of glory and heroism, which might possibly,
to some degree*, be wanting were those
names not there. And when this contest, is
over, if events should again lead those regi
ments into the bloody fray, they will have
storied names on their colors, which, whon
they read, they will be as proud of as the
first and second regiments of to-day are of
the battle-fields of the past. I trust that the
resolutions will, receive the approval of the
Senate, and that these regiments may bo
furnished with appropriate colors.
We find the following in one of our
Republican exchanges, the Pittsburg
Commercial. The “ distinguished sol
dier and diplomatic representative” al
luded to, as we learn from other
is Gen. Kilpatrick, who denounced the
Democrats so fiercely in the last cam
paign in New Jersey. Like one of the
Radical candidates for United States
Senator in Pennsylvania, he is great on
public virtue and private vice—hates
copperheads but consorts with strum
pets.
Serious Charge Against a United
States Diplomatist. —The New York
Citizen, edited by Charles G. Halpine, is
out against a distinguished soldier and
diplomatic representative of the United
States to one of the South American Re
fmblics, directly charging him with gross
mmoralitv, as the companion in guilt of an
abandoned character, whom he has had the
effrontery to introduce into respectable so
ciety here, and who now shares with him
the honors of his Important civil position
on the Pacific coast. The Citizen loudly
condemns the minister in question, and de
mands that his recent “stumping” services
in a neighboring State shall not be thus re
warded, in a way that affords him a chance
of bringing disgrace upon the Federal Gov
ernment, and it suggests to Secretary Sew
ard that the facts warrant his immediate
recall from the place he fills.
A Sew Trick of Burglars.
Some of the professional burglars have
adopted a new method of obtaining In
formation In regard to desirable places
for “operations. 1 ’ During business
hours, when householders are absent,
men call at their residences, and repre
senting themselves to be internal reve
nue officers, make minute Inquiries of
the servants about their masters’ occu
pations, habits, silver-plate, furniture,
&c., which Information Is taken advan
tage of by burglars. Citizens should be
on the lookout for each tricks as these.
Merited Success.
The Harrisburg Patriot and Union
furnishes the following sketch of the
career of a modest and unobtrusive gen
tleman who has for many years been
held In high esteem by a large circle of
friends, and whose recent munificent
donation for the founding of an educa
tional Institution has placed his name
high on the roll of the benefactors of
mankind:
Twenty-seven or eightyearsago acar
penter s apprentice lately —now a Jour
neyman, who among the hills of Sus
quehanna county could scarcely keep a
cow and keep out of debt, pulled up
stakes and turned his steps Into the Le
high valley. A caual coal boat belong
ing to the rich and famous Lehigh Coal
and Navigation Company fell i n his way
and he chartered it. A most estimable
wife, at this time the unaffected and lady
like mistress of one the most palatial and
richly appointed houses in all this great
State ot ours, took possession of the
aparo room of this canal boat. A season
or two were all that was necessary toes
tabllsh our hero in theentire confidence
ofthe Company; and what was infinitely
better, to establish his own confidence
iu himself. Next acoal mine was rented,
and he employed boatmen in his turn.
A second mine fell under hiß control:
then, he bought and owned coal lauds ;
and soon after—the least profitable epi
sodeofhis life, pecuniarily speaking-the
Democracy of that region sent him to
Congress. The reader, by this time, has
divined that we are speaking of Asa
Packer, President of the Lehigh Valley
Railway.
His clear, (puck, business perceptions
soon presented the Lehigh Valley Rail
way as a necessity. He turned to his
old friends of the Lehigh Company,
and urged them to undertake the work.
Their caual, a dear bantling ot years,
seemed to be assailed iu this new pro
ject, and the Diiectors turned coldly
away. Packer’s star, momentarily
clouded by this refusal, soon rose iu the
ascendant. He speedily rallied the
necessary aid and requisite capital. Not
only the lower Lehigh valley was tra
versed, but the rich coal fields of Mr
hauoy were pierced in one direction,
while slowly aud quietly the upper Le
high Valley felt the iron baud passing
overit; and anon, the peopleof wilkes
barre, waked up one morning to tbe
certainty of a new couueetion with Le
high valley, and thus an outlet to New
York, or Philadelphia, us they might
prefer.
But our “man of destiny” does not
stop here ; he paused only loug enough
to bestow a half million of dollars to the
purposes of liberal education —and
moves right on, up the beautiful valley
of the Susquehanna, and finding a few
other congenial spirits, such as Charles
F. Welles, Jr., they soon became “mas
ters of the situation.” The line up the
Susquehauna from Wilkesbarre, is uow
in their hands under a new organiza
tion, upon a chartej freely granted by
the State, called York and
Pennsylvania Canal and Railroad Com
pany, The Bonds of this Company are
in the best credit, being indorsed by the
Lehigh Valley Railroad Company.
The work Is being actively prosecuted
between Towanda and a point on the
Erie railway near Waverly. An ex
tensive coal business is being built up
between the Barclay coal mines—(now
worked by three different chartered
Companies) —and Western New York.
The North Branch Canal has been found
inadequate to the tonnage offering ut
Towanda, besides being closed in tbe
winter. Hence the hurry to complete
this upper end of the Lehigh Valley pro
ject ; and it is expected that this twenty
live miles will be finished during the
f>resent season. The remainder is also
n progressive management.
We love to chronicle the successes of
such men as Asa Packer, and to hold
them up to the young men of the coun
try as lit exemplars of energy, industry
and of liberality. From being a car
penter’s apprentice, he has risen by con
stant, active industry, by sobriety and
unswerving f integrity, by steadiness
and forethought, to he one of the
wealthiest menin theKtate. Hisincome
must be near half a million per annum;
and the annual advance in value of the
property he holds, much more thau that
sum. All this, without ever having dab
bled in Government contracts, or In
dian subsidies; —all, without blistering
his hands with bribes, or meanly plot
ting against the peace aud successor any
one he might deem in the way of his
own onward political progress ! And
yet, ask such papers as the Harrisburg
Telegraph who Asa Packer is, and they
will tell you simply that, like another
rising, self-made man of the Old Key
stone,” Hiester Clymer—Ac is a copper
head.
A Clergyman Whips his Child to Death
[From the Rochester Union, Juno 21. i
We learn from railroad meu who
came from Medina this morning that
there was great excitement in that vil
lage arising from areport that a Presby
terian clergyman, named Lindsley,
residing a mile south of the village,
yesterday whipped his son. three years
old, so severely that he alied two hours
subsequently, because he'would uot say
his prayers. Report adds that the child's
fingers were broken by tbe blows ad
ministered. The report seemed so mon
strous and unnatural that we telegraph
ed to Medina to learn if it was true, aud
received an answer that it was. The
telegraph states that the minister was
two hours whipping the child with a
heavy rod, and it died from its injuries
within tlie lime stated above. Llud
siey had not been arrested at the time
the despatch was sent, but we learn that
an officer from Albion lias gone to
Medina to take him into custody. For
the sake of common humanity we hope
the story is exaggerated, and "it may he
possible that it is.
Since writing the above we have re
ceived by special telegraph the state
ment of Mr. Lindsley, the father of the
child, made to a jury summoned by
Coroner Chamberlain: On the 18th of
une the child .disobeyed his step
mother, and I commenced correcting
him, using a shingle for the purpose,
and continued to chastise him for more
than two hours, when the child began
to show signs of debility, and I ceased
to punish him and laid him on a couch
and called my wife. When she saw
the child she said lie was dying, and
before twelve o’clock he was dead. The
coroner’s jury returned a verdict yes
terday “ that death resulted from chas
tisement by the father.” Itwill beseen
that the whipping was given on the
IKth instant, instead of yesterday, and
that common report did not in this in
stance overstate the facts in the case.
A child three years old whipped to
deatli by its father because it could not
or would not say its prayers! Is It
possible, and of all other persons that a
Olergyman should be guilty of such a
Elece of inhumanity ? What should be
is punishment? The condemnation
of the public is not enough. The law
should take firm hold of him and deal
out justice to him with an uusparihg
hand. A cold-blooded murder—it can
be called nothing less—should not go
unpunished. No wonder the people of
Medina are indignant and excited.
West Tennessee,
Colonel I’almer, agent of the Freed
men’s Bureau, is making a thorough
Investigation of affairs in West Tennes
see. He reports that the freedmen are
generally well treated by their employ
ers : that it would be something rure to
findan idle negro, and that the relations
between white and black are much
better than at the commencement of
the year. Schools and churches are
springing up everywhere for the use of
the freedmen, while in some counties
such a thing as vagrancy is unknown.
The average pay of the colored folks,
which planters cheerfully give, is $143
per year, houseroom, rations and medi
cine. About three-fourths of the freed
men, however, are working on shares,
the contract allowing them, where they
give nothing but their services, one
third of the crop.
It will be remembered that this Is the
part of Tennessee said to be lawless,
disloyal and unfltto be “reconstructed.”
It would thus appear that the negroes
are better treated by the “rebols” than
by the “Bureau.”
A Lightning stroke.
The Louisville Democrat relates that
a farmer was struck by lightning near
Madisonville, Kentucky, last week,
and instantly killed. He was stripped
as naked as he was born, except the
wristband of his shirt on his left arm.
Fragments of his clothing were scat
tered to the distance ofthlrty yards, the
pieces mostly in little squares, some not
over half an inoh. The uppers were
cut smooth from the soles of his boots
the large thick heel of his left boot was’
cut in two, and an opening was made
in hiß left temple ana also on the baok
of his head.