gist glicaliattr-latelligtactr,. EV FA9 r . I F E P I4II* F i I t F OO IE, it,ll A D1C.11.15 0 IX, CO. E .'" Coorß, wiz: A. MOUros, ALFRED SANDERSON TERMSTwo Dollars per trumm, payable all cases in advance. ' - OFFIMLBOaTIIWEST CORIUM OF CENTRE QUAKE. far A.ll letters on business should be ad ressed tO COOP/tit, SAADF.B.SON & CO. Mittraq. The Capuchin. [From the London Shilling Magazine.] Many years ago there resided in a city in Sicily a nobleman named Don Felix, who was entirely master of himself and of a large fortune. Immediately oppo site to his mansion lived a professor of the healing art, called Don Ambrosio, who, in order to prevent his curious neighbors from prying into his secrets, Itept in his windows vases filled with flowers and sweet herbs, such as parsely, thyme, marjoram, &c. The doctor was a man verging on sixty-five, and ex- ceedingly avaricious It happened one morning that Don Felix, rising earlier than usual, caught a glimpse of one of the loveliest faces he ever beheld, peeping behind the flowers. He at once felt himself deeply in love, and could not rest until he dis covered who the beautiful creature was, for he knew that Don Ambrosio had neither wife nor daughter. He made every inquiry among his domestics and neighbors, but no one could satisfy his curiosity, as the doctor never admitted any one into his house except an old woman whoserved him as housekeeper, and who was so surly and ill-tempered that no information could be got from her, as he supposed. However, one day, watching an opportunity when she left the house, he introduced himself to her acquaintance by softly slipping a few coins into her hand, when, instead of a crabbed, disagreeable old creature, as she had been depic.ted, he found her one of the most complaisant and communi cative of her sex. He learned from her, that the young lady was a ward, lately left to her mas ter's charge by a deceased relative ; that she was entitled to a considerable suns of money when_she became of age which she believed had more charms for the doctor than her person, lovely though she was, as he proposed to marry her himself, and was continually urg ing his suit, which was most distasteful to her. He kept her a close prisoner noteven allowing her to cross the thresh old to go to mass on holidays. To Don Felix's pressing entreaties for an interview the old lady replied that the doctor never stirred out, and had even given up visiting his patients ; that the only opportunity he would have of seeing the young lady hearer would be on Christmas-eve, which was then close at hand, when Don Ambrosio had, for a great indulgence, promised to take her to church, that she might witness the services customary on that occasion; but; not to discove( the secret of his having a ward, or to give cause for sus picion, the jealous doctor intended to disguise her as a Capuchin. Don Felix then dismissed his informant with an other present, and an impassioned mes sage to her beautiful mistress, who sometimes found an opportunity of eluding the vigilance of her guardian, and of showing herself at the windows, giving Don Felix to understand by signs that she teas not insensible to his 'pas sion. Her beauty, wlAich had at first kindled a spark in his breast, now fan ned this into a devouring flame. The expected evening at length arrived. Don Felix watched carefully the doe, tor's door, until he saw him leave the house in company with a monk. He lost not a moment in following, and en tered the church close behind them; then pretending to meet, them acciden tally, he exclaimed, "Ha, Don Ambro- sio, are you here ? And who is this young friar who accompanies you?'' " Only a Capuchin novice a relation, whom the prior has permitte 1 to pass the evening with me," replied the dis. ciple of Esculapius, stifling his vexation at the unwelcome recoutre ; and, as he spoke, he drew the hood closer over the face of his companion, wished his ex cellency good evening, and tried to shuffle off into the middle of the crowd. But Don Felix was not so easily dis missed; he kept his post by the side of the novice, and condescendingly ex plained to him all that was novel, or extraordinary in the scene, not with out putting in a tender word at intervals when the doctor was looking another way, intending to snatch a favorable opportunity of running off with his fair companion; but the other was always on the alert, changing from right to left, as the agonized doctor moved the novice, on various pretexts, from one arm to the other. At the conclusion of the ceremony he made another desperate effort to get away; but his neighbor declared that he had received so much pleasure from the doctor's company that he was resolved to invite him and his young charge to supper. The alarmed doctor tried to excuse himself, saying that it was notbecoming in a person of his station to sit at a table with a noble man,. " Pshaw !" said Don Felix ; " that is all nonsense ; we spring from the same flesh and blood, have the same forefathers, and are cousins in the thirtieth or fortieth degree at furthest. However, if you will not sup with me, I am dcterin in ed to do so with you. Here," said. he to one of his domestics, whom he recognized iu the crowd, " order my supper to be carried over to the house of Don Ambrosio ; we will make a night of it." The doctor, not knowing ,to what length so wild a young man might carry his frolic, chose what he esteemed the least of two evils, and agreed to accom pany Don Felix home, on the express condition that they should not be detain ed- more than an hour. "As for that," said his noble host, " perhaps it may not keep you half so long." Soon after they arrived, supper was announced; and the prince, doctor, and novice sat down to table. It being the vigil of Christmas, the meal was, of course, entirely meagre, consisting chiefly of fish. No sooner were the cov ers removed, than Don Felix, casting his eye from one dish to another, and getting into a fury, surveyed each, until he arrived at the bottom- of the table ; then, starting up in a rage, " What," he roared iu a voice like thunder, " all without parsley? that villain of a cook shall pay for his neglect." So saying, he ran about like a madman, heedless of the entreaties of Don Ambrosio ; at length, spying his sword in a cor ner, he seized it, and, rushing down stairs, swore he would send his careless cook to his mortal account. A tremendous uproar was heard be low, which made Ambrosio tremble for the unlucky offender. Just then a dozen servants hurried into the room. " Don Ambrosio, Don Ambrosio ! are you not ashamed to let Don Felix cut all our throats for a little parsley, when you have so much in your window? For heaven's sake run'over and fetch some, or we shall all be murdered." With these words they laid hold of.him, one pulling and another pushing, until they got him fairly down attars, he calling all . .. ..---- . - -........-............---..- . , _.„...._ „..,.. • ,- " r r 1. , , , ....; 1 - ...,.....-• , 1 - Z ~ ,..y, , •!, .., 01 •,;.11 • ' •••• -i- . - --!.,--: ; ! 1, 4 . ,•••••:::,•:, ".. ,: ; •2 - , • ':. ' ,.--*.i/./'O-. i.: • .)Eti:S... .;- ,', ,T . ;.: ,',:. '-- '-‘• a • ! 1.:; • . . , i.,• ., ...1:..: ', , ".... , :. ,4 .L.1... „VlV.r . r r .i.7,- . .i!: .7 7 '.:1 ' ' ..:,Vi r q..,1 '•;•,,t7e.l;rsit.i. t': 1,. 7.: .....1 • 1,14. fi1....... ,•,, 1.: . ” '-••.. -•••''''" ' " . ..'"*- .....,:,...,:;...,. : 4,. • - .., ' : • , .. 40 . - .. •'-' ' ` '''' .' - . ' 4 -•' '.l '1'1 " . ,J , I. ...re :i.,..A ..: 1•r•• ::.1.11-111 , .. : . ', ..' ia3 ;., '- ' , - • , r .'': i - .: :. • ;' ..•::::. • - 1 .. --,-- ~.."D I . I ~ .... ,_, . - . • ... ..„ • . 1' , - - -:t ' 5 .,- ;7 111 . !7 .. -..— 1 it ‘ .. • "1.-.:-. .1 Il tit . 11 41 . ... . ,:, .: .q.., I- ;:.•',. ::'l3 -,.` :i: i -!. 'I ti It -tit ,-, ----- ~.: - - . .- '. :_i i- , - , . .. - Y. / ,• • ' ' - . • • '-• '. •-• ' . • ' 4 . . VbLUME 66. the way for the Capuchin to follow. " What !" they said, " are you afraid of our eating him before you return the parsley?" Finding there was no remedy, the doctor made the best of his way to his own house, tore up the parsley .by its roots, and was back in less than &minute. But though short his stay, there was quite time enough, it appears, for Don Felix and all his household to have re tired to rest, for the huge doors of the palace were fast locked and barred against his ingress. In vain did Don Ambrosio knock and knock, shouting and crying to the servants to open for the love of all the saints, bawling till he was quite hoarse that he had brought the parsley ; but the ponderous portals remained firm on their inexorable hinges. Still Don Ambrosio, almostbe side himself with rage and jealousy, con tinued his cries and knockings. A full hour passed in this manner. At length the porter, asurly fellow, was heard behind the door, asking who dared to disturb his master at that un reasonable hour? "It is I, Don Ambrosio. Open, as you hope to be saved. I have brought the parsley." " The parsley !" cried the other, in a tone of wonder. "If you don't want the parsley," gasped out the supplicating son of Ga len, " at least give me my novice." " Your novice !".repeated the porter, in a tone of still greater surprise. "This must be a stratagem of thieves to effect au entrance, in order r fo plunder the '„palace. Holloa, there! bring me my blunderbus!" Long did the desperate doctor besiege the princely residence with exclarnd tions, curses, and thundering raps at the door, in detiance of missiles, wet and dry. It was a plain ease: " the neigh bors all saw that poor Don Ambrosio had lost his senses." - _ Finding how matters stood, the doc tor at length thought that his best plan would be to proceed to the Capitano de Grustizia. Late as it was, his importu nity procured him admission. Hearing the strange tale of Don Ambrosio—who, still bent on preserving hissecret, never hinted that it was no Capuchin, but his ward, who was thus unlawfully detain ed—the magistrate, who is always a nobleman, resolved himself to accom pany the doctor to the mansion of Don Felix, s;onceiving it to be one of his customary frolics. The capitano hav ing narrated the complaint of Don Am brosio, begged the other to give the Ca puchin back to the poor man, that he might return to his convent. A Capuchin," said Don Felix, in feigned surprise, " in my house! Don Ambrosia .has lost his wits. The whole neighborhood can testify to the distur bance he has this evening made at my door. You are at liberty to search the house from the roof . to the cellar ; and if you find monk or friar, Capuchin or Carmelite, young or old, you may take him, and welcome ; but if all this should turn out to be the enct of Don Ambro • sio's disordered brain, it will only be a charity to him, and a satisfaction to me, to lodge him in the mad-house, for fear he should commit greater excesses-- Come, gentlemen, begin your examina tion." Just then, a lady, superbly attired, and beautiful as a houri, passed through the apartment. No sooner did the doc tor behold her, than he said, pointing out to her : "There, there; that is the Capuchin !" " Poor man !" said the capitano, cross ing himself. • ' Mistake a lady for a Capuchin ! he must, indeed, be looked after." Don Ambrosio was accordingly at once hurried off to the:lospital, where his vehement assertions and protesta tions being taken for the ravings of a deranged intellect, his professional breth ren kindly consigned him to the straight-waistcoat, and soon, in reality, cupped, bled, shaved, and blistered him out of his senses; which he would per- haps never have recovered, had not his fair ward—now become the wife of the enamoured prince—considerately inter fered in his behalf, and procured his release. How Milton Spent the Day At his meals he never took much wine, or any other fermented liquog. Although not fastidious in his food, yet his taste seems to have been delicate, and refined, like hispther senses, and he had a preference for such viands as were of agreeable flavor. In his early years he used to sit up late at his studies, but in his later years he retired every night at nine o'clock and lay till four iu sum , mer and five in winter. If not then disposed to rise, he had some one to sit at his bedside and read to him. When he rose he had a chapter of the Hebrew Bible read for him, and then after breakfast, studied till twelve. He then dined, took some ex ercise, for an hour, generally in a chair in which he used to swing himself, and afterwards played on the organ or bass viol, and eithersung himself, or request ed his ,wife to sing, who, as he said, had a good voice but no ear.. He then re sumed his studies until six, from which hour till eight he conversed with all who came to visit him. He finally took a light supper, smoked a pipe of tobac co, and drank a glass of water ; and af terwards retired to rest. Like many other poets, Milton found the stillness, warmth and recumbency of bed favorable to composition; and his wife said, before rising of a morn: - jug, he often dictated to her twenty or thirty verses. A favorite position of his, when dictating his verses, we ate told, was that of sitting with oue of his legs over an arm chair. His wife re- , lated that he used to compose chiefly in winter. Spicy Grumbling. " What is the use of living ?" snarled a veteran grumbler the other day. "We are flogged for crying, when we are babies—flogged because the master is cross, when we are boys—obliged to toil, sick or well, or starve when we are men —to work still harder (and suffer some thing worse!) when we are husbands— and, after exhausting life and strength in the service of other people, die, and leave our children to quarrel about the possession of father's watch; and our wives—to catch somebody else." Coleridge, in oue of the most beau tiful of similes, illustrates the pregnant truth that the more we know, the great er is our thirst for knowledge, and the more we love, the more instinctive our sympathy: "The water-lily, in the midst of waters, opens its leaves and expands its petals, at the first pattering of the showes ; and rejoices in the rain drops with a quicker sympathy than the parched shrub in the sandy desert." plorgibuono. Speech of Hon. Jeremiah 8. Black, Delivered at Williauesport, Pa , Thurs. day, September 28tb. 1865. In the opening of his speech, Judge B. gave an account of party politics before the organization which now calls itself Repub lican took its present name. At -that time Democrats universally predicted, that if ever the Abolitionists got into power, they would destroy the harmony among the Stites, and either cause a permanent disso lution of the Union, or else make civil win. necessary to prevent it; both of which we regarded as amon ,, the worst of national calamities. In that opinion the Whigs fully concurred, and it was expressed by Mr. Clay, Mr. Webster, and other public men of that school, as strongly as by anybody else. The Abolitionists themselves did ne pretend to conceal their atagonigm to Me best interests of the country, or their de termination to break up its tranquility:— Christianity was opposed to their schemes, and so was the Constitution. They de nounced both. They habitually slandered in the most brutal manner all men. who stood up for the principles on which the government was based. Washington, and the other founders of this republic, were spoken of as knaves, and - John Brown, a thief, a murderer and a traitor, as soon as he made his appearance, was adopted as their-model of every virtue. No insult was too low for them to cast upon the funda mental law—no blasphemy too coarse to express their contempt for those precepts of the Bible which required obedience to es tablished authority.' All this was hard to bear, and it teas made harder still by the known fact that they were acting in con cert with the avowed enemies of American liberty and law on the other side of the At lantic. o t . course no considerable number • . _ of the American people entertained these sentiments. The vast mass of them were - - _ sincerely attached to their political insti tutions. They believed their government to be the best that could be invented for a people in their circumstances, and were not only willing, but determined, to save it from subversion The Abolitionists were look upon generally as a gang of conspira tors against the public peace—as korai monsters who acknowledged none of the obligations which bind man to his fellow man—as a set of criminals who came di rectly within Sir Michael Foster's defini tion of legal malice: halving hearts regard less of social duty and fatally bent upon doing mischief." For these reasons they were not only opposed, be detested and loathed. Nevertheless this nation was de livered up into their hands, and for four years they have been working their bloody will upon it. how did it happen that a small body of men so justly despised by the masses of the people could get the gov ernment into their hands? Judge B. answered this question. It was partly caused by an accidental division among the friends of the Union, the Con stitution and the laws, but it was mainly brought about by fraud and false pretenses. The motive power of the Abolitionists was not philanthropy or benevolence or love for the negro, but hatred for the white man of the South. In New England it was . easy to get this malignant passion into full oper ation. The Yankees had their reasons to, intense dislike not only of the people who lived in the far South, but also of those who had their homes in the Middle and Western States. In the tirst place, most of them were originally members of the old Federal party, and how they hated the Democracy (which they called the Virginia school) for driving them out into a long exile from office, may be understood by any one who will read th, foo! ialsrlioods of their press and the still baser lies of their pulpit against Jefferson Madison, Jackson and others. This was one grudge, hut not the grudge that rankled roost deeply. The embargo first, and afterwards the war of 1812, touched their pockets and deprived them of the pow er to make large fortunes at the expense of the national honor. By this cause they were so much exasperated that they en gaged in a plot to dismember the Union, and would have broken it to pieces but for the battle of New Orleans and the peace of Ghent. Again : they wanted a great na- tional bank, for certain reasons which af fected their pecuniary interests; and it was a Southern President who pronounced such a corporation incompatible with the public interest and contrary to the Consti• tution. In later times they de- mended a protective tariff, which should be high enough to increase the profits of their factories two or three hundred per cent, be yond what they could make in an open mar ket. The South led in opposition to this system of high duties, the West was con verted, the tariff was reduced to a revenue standard, and the Yankee was obliged to to content himself with lower prices. All this roused the natural malevolence of their hearts and prepared them for anything which promised the gratification at once of hatred and rapacity. Judge_.. B. supposed nobody was simple enough to believe that the hard-hearted, cruel and selfish breed o men who whipped Quaker women, hung the Baptists and refused all aid to their suf fering country when a foreign enemy had it by the throat, could be started on a cru sade of mere romantic benevolence toward a body of strange negroes. But by appealing to their venality wild their malice, the Abolitionists got them easily enough. The New England States coming over, that gave them a vote, which, in a Presidential election closely contested between other parties, was a balance of power. They could then go into the field and bid for the politicians of the minority party. The first live Abolitionist Judge B. ever saw had told him that this was their programme, and that it was certain of suc cess, for the politicians sought nothing but place and patronage; and therefore an offer to give them the jobs, contracts . and offices of the Federal Government, would make them profess Abolition principles whether they believed them or not, such means the small and unprincipled band who cursed the Constitution and blas phemed Christianity—habitually slandered the best men of the country—and sung hymns of praise to the memory of a com mon thief—became the great power of this nation, and they have been preying upon it fur four years past. They--came into power, and civil war, anarchy, spoliation and bloodshed came along with them, as all wise men predicted it would. Nobody doubts that if the Demo crats had succeedvd in electing either of their candidates in ISCio, the career of the conntry would still have been onward and upward, :is it was Mr seventy-four years before. It is equally undeniable that if the Abolitionists, or any similar party, had got possession of the government thirty or forty years earlier, public ruin would have been the consegaience. But the war has come and gone, and left behind it certain results, besides the eman cipation if the Southero negroes. We have contracted a debt or tour thou,4ifid millions of dollar:, and we have lost half a million of our best men killed and crippled. Upon the Southern half of our country the effects have been infinitely more disastrous. They have been totally cut to pieces—their towns burnt, their fields ravaged—their whole country covered with blood and ashes. A revolution has been wrought among them such as no people ever saw before—a revo lution that has broken up the whole frame work of society—which is felt in every city, in every town, and on every fan:a—by men, women and children—by all classes and colors—for the blacks have suffered even more than the whites:.-a million of the former having perished in the horrible process. The altered condition of things imposes new duties and raises new questions. Of course, we look to the general welfare and the future peace of the whole country. We must make our re-union with the South as useful to ourselves as we can consistently with justice to then,. flow this shall be ac complished is a point to which the public attention is just now very strongly drawn. The Democracy and the Abolitionists have taken up their several positions and have defined them unmistakably. Democrats do not see how they can ren der any positive or material aid to the Southern people. To the question what help shall be given them, we answer, none; they must help themselves; they must re habilitate their own society, reorganize their own industry, and regenerate their own country, for they alone can do it. And they can not do it unless they have a govern ment of law, which will protect life, liberty and property, while they are about it. What sort of a government shall they have? Can there be two answers to that interroga tory? Not from the lips of a Democrat. We deal only in a government of one kind, and that is the old Constitution, which you have all seen with the name of George Washington signed at the foot of it. We would give them this because we are sworn to administer no other to any community within our jurisdiction, or under our power, and any policy not sanctioned by it must have perjury for its corner-stone. Besides, we supposed that the restoration of this Constitution and the laws passed in pursuance of it to their just supremacy throughout the whole country was the object of the war, we know it to be the !only legit imate object for and which such a war could have been waged. If that be not the result of the war, then it is a most ignominious failure. It is something worse than a fail ure; it is the most stupendous swindle that ever was perpetrated. - The Abolitionists themselves, when they called on the people 'UNCAMIt, Pk, WEDNISDAY NIORNING, OCTOBER 11, 1865. for blood and money to prosecute the war, declared that its purpose was to ylndicate the constitution and laws apd compel obe dience-to them, We were told this inevery form, official and unofficial—in the procla mation of the President 'when the first call was made for seventy-five thousand men— in solemn resolutions passed through Con gress—in despatches and orders from the departments—and in one of the resolutions passed at Baltimore, when Mr. Lincoln was nominated the last time, it was declared that the war was to restore the paramount authority of the Constitution in the Southern States. If they now say that the success ac quired in this way is to be used for other. purposcs;and the Constitution shall not be restored; they confess that they have obtain ed four thousand millions of dollars and a half million of lives, upon false_ pretenses. If any individual would get five dollars from his neighbor upon pretences equally false, nothing but a perversion of law and justice could save him-from condign punishment its a criminal. To deny the paramount au thority of the Constitution now, in the face of these facts, is to break the faith which holds the moral world together. Our theory is very simple. We always averred, (and so did our opponents for the )(natter of that,) that the ordinance of secession were mere nullities, that the States were,legally, still in the Union—that the rebellion consisted in the determination of individuals to resist the execution of the Federal laws—that our war was against these individuals and could not be levied against the States as States, without treating them as a foreign power, and thus recognizing the constitutional right of secession, and if we acknowledged that right, we took from under our feet the only ground we could stand on in making any war at all. The General Government in executing its laws acts upon individuals 'ust as a State Government does. In sup- . _ pressing an insurrection, the one does not make war upon a county, nor the other upon a State. In these views of the universal Democ- - - _ racy I am glad to say that the President of the United States does most heartily concur. When I give you this assurance you are not to understand me as speaking from rumor, or report, or common fame—l know where of I affirm. If that distinguished gentle man were standing here he would express the same 'opinions, only in language fur more forcible, vigorous and clear. He has not given up one inch of the high ground he took when he, was a Senator, before the war broke out. It. may reasonably he ex pected, also, that a very large number of the men who have heretofore called them selves "Republicans" will find themselves with us, since they camgot pet against 114 without grossly violating the faith which they have often pledged. Hut the Abolition party proper is against us as a unit. The man who leads them in Congress, and out of doors, as he has always led whatever party he belonged to, expresses his will, and they must obey his dictation. He propounded his doctrine, the other day, in a State Convention, and not a man was found to resist him; he announced it else where, and it was received by his followers with universal applause; it has been echoed back already by his disciples in Massachu setts. The utterances of Mr. Stevens are the deliverances of his party. Let us see what they propose. There can be no doubt that their interests as mere partisans are wholly adverse to the peace of the country. Their prosperity us a political organization has alwaysdepended, and does now depend, on the amount of exasperation and ill blood which they can keep up between the sections. They know and they expressly admit that the entire harmony and union of the States, no matter on what terms it might be accomplished, would be fatal to their ascendency. They would meet any calamity rather than face the -horrors of perfect peace; because in time of perfect peace they could not exist as a party any more than the functions of animal life could go on under an exhausted receiver. They are, therefore, very sincere and devout when they pray God that the Union may not be restored, and now since slavery is abolished, they are as industrious as ever in finding other causes of quarrel. They propose to hold the Southern States in absolute bondage. They would not gov ern them at all, for government implies law of some kind. The Southern people are to be disposed of without the slightest reference to the Constitution, or to any law, State or national. They must have no voice in the regulation of their federal duties,-or in the administration of their local affairs. When they laid down their arms it is to be deemed and taken that they submitted not , the Ciovernment of the United States, that is to the Constitution and laws, but to the mere will of the dominant party in the North. Thor shall have no representation in Congress and no vote for President. They are not only to be denied all political privileges, but their natural rightto life and property, which the Declaration of Inde pendence declares to be inalienable, will also be taken front them. With regard to life, Mr. Stevens says he has not yet made up his mind how many aro to die, but when he does come to a conclusion on that sub- jest we may expect the slaughter to begin What form it will take we are not told, ex. cept that the victims are not to have a ju dicial trial; that is scouted as a mere absurdity. Those who are spared will be monuments of mercy, and those who are killed are to be killed because they have no right to their lives. As to the right of prop erty, that is clean entirely out of the ques tion, and is not acknowledged fora moment. The Chancellor of their Exchequer has ac tually sat down and calculated how much of their lands and goods hewill take, and what the value of them will be. lie cyphers it up to three - thousand millions of dollars!' All this property is to be taken without any reference to the personal guilt or innocence of the individual owners. That is palpable on the face of the proposition itself. A man who owns two hundred acres of land, or has personal property worth ten thousand dollars, shall be stripped of his all, but his neighbor, who has less, may keep what he has, and may be guilty, and the other inno cent, or both may be guilty, or both inno cent, but that is not the question ; the value of their respective estates is the only inqui ry that is made. Why this distinction? I declare I don't know, unless it be that one is worth robbing, and the other is not.— Women and children, Mr. Stevens says, may be driven into exile. Aye! That they may, and robbed into the bargain. An or phan six months old, if it comes within this rule, will not be spared—they may take the clothes off its little body, and the spoon it is fed with. Why? Not because the child has committed any sin, but because it happens to be the legal heir to property of such val ue that the Abolitionists cannot forego the temptation to appropriate it. Suppose a widow to become the object of their delicate attentions. They do not inquire into her history, Oren so far as to ascertain what her " afpnpathice were during the war. But they take nn inventory of her furniture, value her live stock, count her spoons, ex amine her dresses, and if their value can ho figured tip to ten thousand dollars, they t.)ase to he hers by virtue of Abolition arith metic. Or they send a surveyor out, with compass and chain, to measure her land, and if; by any means, he can run in two hundred acres, the investigation is ended. She may take her children and go into ex ile, if she can manage to travel without money ; if not, she can starve. Of course, I do not pretend to find any words in the English language which will characterize the morality of this- measure. It is simply a _proposal to organize and maintain a band of men to violate the sixth commandment—to plunder a defenceless people in a time of profound pence under the patronage of the Federal Government. When you recollect by whom and how this proposition is made, it becomes a melan choly evidence of the extent to• which a people can be demoralized by civil war. It is advocated in public by men who are seeking the favor of the people, and paraded as a fundamental article in the creed of a political party. No doubt they think they can gain popularity and win votes by it. If they do, they mustbelievethepublic morals to be thoroughly debauched. This comes of making a saint out ofJohn Brown. President Johnson, in a speech which he made in 1860, said in substance-(I do not profess to give his words) that the character of a people might be learned from gods they adored; the Abolitionistsworship • ped a, thief; and the worshippers would, of necessity, be the imitators of his moral qualities. They have got on more rapidly than the President supposed they would. Brown concealed his designs or cautiously whispered them into the ear of his accom plices ; but his present disciples unhesitat ingly avow their intention to imitate him on a scale so grand that his thefts seem like mere petty larceny by comparison. The legal theory on'which their scheme is based, is as absurdly false as the scheme ! itself is indecent and shameless. They do not stultify themselves by asserting that they find any warrant for it in the Constitution. Nor do they get it in the war power; for that power, ac cording to their own loose definition of it, is grounded in military necessity and must cease of course when the war ceases. But they allege that the Southern States went legally out of the Union, have been out ever since, are out now, and must stay out notwithstanding all that was expended in trying to keep them in. Thel are conquer ed aliens. The attitude of the Northern and Southern States toward one another is in their view no other than that of two sepa rate countries, between whom there has been a war; the more powerful having in vaded the weaker and beaten its defenders. Now admit all this to be true, (10034 follow, as they say it does, that the . inhabitants of the conquered territory have lost all, their rights of private property? May they be plutulered after The war is ever? Ye; by the law of nattire, by the law of nations, by the public law of the world, the private property of the conquered people is as sa cred as it was before; the laws that protect it are undisturbed; and.whoso4ver steals it commits precisely the same crime that he would be guilty of if no war had ever been made. It is the duty of the conquering party to provide for the security of this right, and it is the universal practice of all civilized and Christian - countries to - do so ; you can not find an example to the contrary with out going back to the depths of barbarism. No nation can nowmake warupon another, subdue it and after it is disarmed and pow erless, deliver the inhabitants up to be sack ed and pillaged, without bringing upon the head of the offender the execrations of the whole earth. Even in time of open and flagrant war, private property is held to be sacred. One belligerent party make take the public property of the other, to cripple the corn merce of an enemy; private property may also be taken as alawful prize, if found on the high „seas. But no such prizes can be made on land, the goods or lands of the peo- ple found within the invaded territory are not to•.be taken for the mere purpose of gain. This rule is often violated on one ex- Cuss or another, such as the necessity of taking supplies, the difficulty of restnrin- ing . troops, or the right of retaliation. But the very fact that apologies are made, proves what the sense of the world is concerning the rule. If it be true that private property cannot be taken when war is raging, it would surely he a_ most unpardonable atrocity to take it afterwards. There are but two instances in modern history where a government has in time of war deliberately ordered the destruction or capture of . private property throughout a large district,one was theorder given by Lou vois, the French Minister under Louis XIV., to devastate the Palatinate ; the other was the case of our own government, when General Sheridan was directed to make the valley of the Shenandoah a desert waste. The excase giyen for both these acts was that the governments committing them gained thereby certain military advantages which otherwise they could not have had. I do not believe it will be accepted by either God or man, though Bina) , be some pallia tion of the horrible cruelty inflicted. But the Abolitionists propose to issue their or der without a military reason of any kind, in a time of profound peace, to organize a regular system of pillage over a country nearly as large as all Europe. if it were carried out as proposed, the blackest na tional crime that history has yet recorded would look beside this one like an act of white-robed innocence. But apart from all moral cmisiderations, what does it promise us a mere matter of policy? What will we gain by it in money to compensate for the loss of national char acter? The amount to be plundered is hree thousand millions of dollars maintain the necessary number of agents and an army large enough to back them would probably cost about one thousand millions per annum. Mr. Stevens does not propose to reduce the public expenses below rive hundred millions. Even according to his own account the sum received will be spent in six years. But the expenses would really be twice as great, and the returns of plunder would be little or nothing. You can easily see how cheating would be done both ways. The property of the Southern people could not be handed over to the Treasury in kind. The lands and horses and cattle and other goods must he sold and converted into money or greenbacks.— What man 'is silly enough to believe that this would be honestly done? Only two days ago a case came to my knowl edge in vihich a plantation in Louisi ana had been sold on account of the United States for nine thousand dollars ; it was known to be worth three hundred and tiny thousand as well as one dollar is worth another. About two-and-a-half per cent. of its value went to the public use and the balan,:e into the pockets of the agents that managed the affair. You all know how an Abolition general took sixty thousand dol lars in gold and pretended that he had taken it for the United States—but the Treasury never saw a rent of it. That seine general is a violent nod noisy supporter of Mr. Stevens' plan and would probably be em. ployed in carrying it out. I could not enumerate, and none of us can conceive, the ten thousand devices that would be em ployed to put this property into the posses sion of private parties, without cost to them. Who would bid for it? Not Southern men; for they are to be impoverished utterly, and even if they could command the means of purchasing back their own property, they equld not hold it, for those who took it the first time might take it again. The greedy speculators would flock there like vultures and make themselves a close corporation. If the agents of the Government were as honest as Aristides, they could not gel a market for their wares. But would not the agents send home the watches, jewelry, paintings, pianos, and other portable prop erty without accounting for it ? And would they not be in partnership with the bidders, and in combination with one another to reduce the price of everything that was sold ? Would not general corruption and dishon esty be the necessary outgrowth of the prin ciple which lies at the foundation of the whole measure? When one party employs another to rob A third one, how can the agent be expected to understand the moral difference between keeping the proe,eeds himself and handing them over to his prin cipal? There is no difference. When the property is once taken from the true owner, one man has as good a right to it as another. Of the three thousand millions which Mr. Stephens proposes to take nobpdy but a simpleton would expect to see five per cent. conic into the Treasury. In a single year, an honest and fair and equal system of taxation would get twice that amount out of the Southern States, and the goose which lays the golden egg would still be alive. 'But we must give the South the benefit of a legal government for another reason, far more 'weighty than any consideration of mere pueuniary interest. If j usti ce accord ing to law, be not administered to them, we cannot have it either. If they are to be mere slaves, we can not possibly be free. Mr. Seward and Mr. Lincoln, in the canvass of 180, and before it, repeatedly said that African slavery most be abolished in the Sou th,or established in the North—the States must all be slave or all free ; they could not be half slave and half free. This was said concerning the local institutions of separate States, and doubtless it was a gross fallacy, as a long experience had proved plainly enough. But it is undoubtedly true when applied to the direct action of the General Government upon the white people of the Union. We cannot have one government, common to all the States and Territories, exercising despotic power in one-half the country, and, at the same time, Carefully protecting the other, in the enjoyment of liberty and law. The hand that wields the unlimited authority of an Asiatic King over the South will not be, and cannot be, tied up by constitutional restrictions in the North. No my friends, if it is Poland for them, it must be Russia for us, and Siberia for both of us, whenever it shall please our Abolition masters to send us there. We must be all slaves or all freemen. Let me not be misunderstood. lam not objecting to any amount of severity within the law which the Federal authority may see fit to inflict upon those individuals who have offended the law. It is uot mercy to the criminal, but justice to the innocent that we are asking. • A word now on negro suffrage. The Democracy opposg, it now, as in all past time. If the while race is to be humiliated by sneaking behind the negro and getting him to govern us, it shall not be said that we consented to , it. The Abolitionists, on the contrary, are fully for it, and though some of Meta heSitate to avow it, there can be no question that it is one of their most cherished projects. They propose to accomplish their purpose by using the power of the General Govern ment to force it upon the States where the people oppose it and the laws forbid it.— Now we know and they know and every body else knows, that the Federal Govern ment has no power, authority or jurisdic tion whatever over the subject, and that no Federal officer could take a single step in their direction without violating the Con stitution which be is sworn to support.— This, in the mind of a Democrat. is conclu sive; but such an argument is literally thrown away upon the Abolitionists. Per haps, indeed, they like the thing all the bet ter for being unconstitutional. Let us con sider the other reasons. We oppose negro suuffrage, not from any predjudice or ill-feeling against them, for we have none, and will have none, as long as they remain in the places to which na ture and the laws of the country have as signed them. But this government was made by our ancestors, the white' men of the country, and transmitted to us in regu lar course of descent. When the negro de mands possession of it, whether in whole or part, it is the right and duty of every white man to answer him as Ahab was an swered when he wanted Naboth's vineyard for a garden of herbs: "God forbid that I should give the inheritance of my fathers unto thee." We refuse to give up this inheritance, not merely begause it is ours, 'oat because we know that if we gave it to negroes it would be utterly spoiled. Not many races of men have shownthewlVes fit for the high du ties of governing a greatrottntry, and it is vain to dotty that the negro has less of that capacity than any other that ever wore the human shape. Equality, political or social, would not.elevate him; it would only drag us down. To invest him will:tour rights would make him no richer, for he could not use them; but it would make us poor in deed. But the Abolitionists' insist that every human being has a national right to vote, merely be-inse he is a human being, and irrespective of all other considerations ; therefore tho right must be conceded to the negroes without asking whether they are fit to exercise it or not. This is their axio matic principle. It is about as true as the profound remark of Dogberry, that 'reading and writing comes by nature, but to be well favored is a gift of fortune." . . No man has a 'Tatum/ right to participate in the public affairs of a State, whether asa voter or an officer. It is a conventional privilege provided in the organization of the Government. "The divine right of kings to govern wrongly" is a doctrine long ago exploded; but here we have it revived by the Abolitionists for the benefit of the negro. In some countries the supreme power of the State is placed in the hands of a single person. In others a small number isselect ed from the mass, and all authority confided to them. In a republic like ours, we are said to be governed by the many, and it is many when compared to the governing classes elsewhere ; but still very few when considered with reference to:the whole pop ulation. :Those whe vote here have the power, not by any law of nature, but be cause the founders of our govermnent be lieved, as we believe, that it is safer in the hands that hold it than it would be if the number was either smaller or greater. A government where every human being has a right to vote would be such a monstrous absurdity that nobody outside of a mad house ever thought of it. Herein Pennsylvania the right ofsuffrage goes about as far as anywhere else; and yet not one-sixth of the population are electors. We exclude not only negroes but all tbreign ers, all persons under the age of twenty one, all paupers, and all who have not paid taxes. Fivo-sixths of the population are kept away from the ballot-box as incompe tent; and of the other sixth a bare majority, or one-twelfth, controls all the political in terests or the other eleven-twelfths. Before it can be shown that the excluded classes ought to be admitted, it must be proved that womon_ and children, and convicts and negroes,; and lunatics and paupers, and un naturalized foreigners, would govern us more wisely and honestly than we aro now governei. The advocates of the divine right of 12 egroes to • govern wrongly do not pretend that their . special favorites are at all competent, men, tally or morally, to decide the great ques tions which in this country are often settled by the votes of the primary electors. Chief Justice Chase, after his tour to the South, made . a speech at Dartmouth College, in which he is reported to have said that the negroes were ignorant of the difference be tween meuaand team. Such was the con dition of their morality. As to intellectual capacity, the utmost he claimed for them was not that they could give a reason for their votes, or even tell one ticket from an other, but if a ticket was put in their hands they could carry it to the polling place and put it in. Mr. Winter Davis, who is also a burning and a shining light in the same po litical church, answered the Objection to the negro's incapacity by saying, at Chicago: " It is not intelligence we want; it is num bers." This reduces the whole measure in to a new plan for stuffing the ballot boxes. Why not ask for a law to authorize the stuf fing without using the hands of the unfor tunate negroes? I hope you have the "charity which be lieveth all things, endureth all things, and thinketh no evil." But do you not find if difficult, with all your Christian virtues, to resist the conviction that the Abolitionists are playing the hypocrite when they pre tend to think that the right of suffrage is such a sacred thing it never ought to be withheld from any human being? Their whole history contradicts them. If they were sincere, they certainly would not de prive white mon of the privilege; for they have not yet got so far along as to deny that white man is a human being. But when have they omitted the opportunity to trample upon a white man's right of suf frage, guarded though it be by the Consti tution and the laws? When did they make an apportionment bill in this State that was not marked all over with their fraudulent disregard of popular right? Takethe pres ent apportionment and to simplify the L....15e still further, take two c,: s 4uties lying 'side by side, in the same Senatorial dis trict—Chester and Montgomery. The latter has eighteen thousand taxable inhabitants, and the firmer only sixteen thensand. Five representatives were divided between them, by giving three to the smaller county and two to the larger one, in flat defiance of the Constitution. In Maryland they have Laken tile State goverturient entirely out of the hands of the people by means of brute force. In Kentucky, if a white human being goes to an election he finds the ptacesurroundiA by A bolition officers, with compan ice of armed soldiers under their command; as soon as they ascertain that he does not in tend to vote their ticket, they order him off the ground, and if he refuses to go, he is stabbed or shot. And this is fully approved by all that set of politicians who profess to believe that voting is a sacred, natural, God-given right. Sometimes negro suffrage is advocated on the score of Christian benevolence and phi lanthropy. This is the special whine of the Abolition priesthood. But every word and act which spring from their real impulses prove them to be remorseless and cruel in the last degree. When you see one of them standing up in the pulpit to gloat over the sufferings of women and children—denying the peaceful doctrineS of " the Lord that bought him," and proclaiming John Brown a saint, a martyr—calling aloud for more military commissions and more plunder— and then when he suddenly stops his howl for blood, turns up the white of his eyes and protests that his piety and humanity is terribly wounded because uegroes ; cannot vote—what is all this but the mere :atilt all disgusting and shameless hypocrisy? Gems of Thought. Man is the subject of sympathy, and not the slave of self-love. Punctually.—A punctual man is very rarely a poor man, and never a man of doubtful credit. Wisdom and folly.—He is not thor oughly wise who can't play the fool on occasions. Noble Act.—The greatest cunning is to have none at all Siaoll Debts.—Small debts neglected ruin credit, and when a man has lost that, he will find himself at the bottom of a hill he cannot ascend. Dissirmilation.--Dissimulation in youth is the forerunner of perfidy in old age; its appearance is the fatal omen of growing depravity and future shame. Gratitude and Generosity.—Whenev er you find a great deal of gratitude in a poor man, take it for granted that there would be as much generosity if he were a rich one. As DEACON A , on an extreme ly cold morning in old times, was riding by the house of neighbor B , the latter was chopping wood. The usual salutations were exchanged, the severity of the weather briefly discussed, and the horseman made demonstrations of pass_ ing on, when his neighbor detained him with— " Don't be in a hurry, Deacon. Wouldn't you like a glass of old Jamaica, this morning?". " Thank you, kindly," said the old gentleman, at the same time beginning to dismount, with all the deliberation becoming a deacon, " I don't care if I do." " Ah, don't trouble yourself to get off, Deacon," said the neighbor, " I merely asked for information. We haven't a drop in the house." Agninst the Current A waggish chap, whose vixen wife, by drowning lost her precious life called out his neighbors all around, and told 'em that his spouse was drowned, and, in spite of search could not be found. He knew, he said, the very nook, where she had tumbled - in the brook, and he had dragged along the shore, above the place a mile or more. " Above the place?" the people cried; "why what dy'e mean ?" • The man replied— "Of course you don't suppose I'd go and waste the time to look below ? I've known the woman quite a spell, and learnt her fashions tor ble well; alive or dead she'd go, I swow,. against the current anyhow 1" NUMBER 40. Speech of Major-General Slocum at Syra- His Views of the War and of Some of the Generals—Emphatic Approval of Pres ident Johnson's Polley as the Only Pritetleal Course to be Adopted. Alter alluding to the great events of the war General Slocum said : The only impediment has now been re moved which has heretofore prevented us from having a true Union—one of interest and feelin.g as well as of law. I believe the Union is now permanently established, and that as a people we are soon to enter upon a brilliant career. Whether this career is to commence at once, orbe deferred twenty or thirty years, depends very much upon the course pursued by the general govern ment towards the Southern States. If the -- - general government is to assume powers which it has never before claimed to pos sess, and is to attempt to decide who shall be entitled to the elective franchise in cer tain States—if it is to continue to interfere in the domestic affairs of the Southern States, keeping military officers in the midst of their people, to act as judges in all cases of dispute between different classes of citi zens—then the dawn of peace and prosperi ty is yet fur in the distance. The issue in the recent war was on the right of secession —the Southern States contending for that right, and declaring coercion upon the part of the general government to be a violation of their legal aild constitutional rights. The general government, on the other hand, as sumed that no such right existed, and treat ed the pretended secession as a revolt of a portion of the citizens of those States. The triumph of the government has decided the question, and it will never again be made an issue unless we now voluntarily reverse the decree. If we now say to the seceding States, you have been out of the Union and thereby lost your Constitutional rights as States,we certainly recognize the very princi ple for which the South has been contending. But I am opposed to all these measures for interference in the domestic affairs of those States, not only because I believe we have no constitutional right to interfere, but be cause I believe it will be unwise, impolitic and unjust to do so—leading-to far greater evils than we would correct. One of the results of the recent war has been the sud- den emancipation of four millions ofslaves Of these at least one and a half millions are either children without parents upon whom they can depend for support, or old and in- firm people, having no children upon whom they can lean. Of the remaining two and half millions not one in a thousand can read; none of them possess land. All have here tofore labored only by compulsion, and, of course, have not aequired habits of industry or economy. They are now in a land which had just been desolated by civil war. The policy to be adopted towards them is a question which should engage the best minds in the country. In the solution of the question differences of opinion must, of course, be anticipated. The plan of coloni zation has been proposed, and has many ad vocates. I believe it to be impracticable and unwise. In their present state of ignor anceand indolence their condition as a colony would be infinitely worse than that from which they have just been removed. They need the example and aid of the white race, and the States where they now are, need their labor. The two races will remain as- soeiated, and the great mass of the negroes will remain in the Southern States States now come forward and accept the total abolition of slavery as one of the re- sults of• the war. In their State constitu tions, which are now being remodelled, every State will acknowledge this fact, and will insert an article prohibiting slavery henceforth and forever. Having done this, they claim all the rights guaranteed to them by the constitution—the right of deciding who among their own citizens shall be en titled to - the elective franchise, and the right of controlling their own domestic affairs.— Shall they be allowed these privileges, or shall the general government, in violation of repeated declarations as to its purposes in prosecuting the war, assume control of these matters? This is now almost the only living issue between the great political par ties of the day. The democratic party, with entire unanimity, declares in favor of allowing to every State the exercise of all powers not delegated by it to the General Government. Now that the freedom of the slave is universally acknowledged, this party is willing that the States where the freedmen reside shall pass such laws as they may deem pro per for their education and support. A large portion of the opposite party favors having the general government assume control of these matters, burthening our people with the support of a million paupers, and com plicating us in the settlement of questions with which we have no constitutional right to meddle. The arguments used to con: vines Northern people that it is the duty o. the general government to assume this great responsibility, while the States are willing and desirous of relieving thegovernment from it, are based, first, upon the assump tion that as soon as the government with draws its protection great cruelties will be inflicted upon the blacks, and secondly, that the States will at once pass laws reducing the race again to a condition but little bet ter than a state of slavery. I have never believed that all the humane and kindly impulses, implanted by nature in the heart Of man were confined to a particular section of country. I firmly believe that the sight of human suffering calls forth as much sym pathy in one section of our country as in another, and I do not fear that a course of systematic cruelty will ever be practised in any section of this country towards any of God's creatures. That it will be found ne cessary to pass laws for the government of the blacks I do not doubt. Laws must be passed to provide for the mainte nance of the old and infirm and Tor the support and education of the young.— That isolated cases of injustice in the treat ment 4 of the blacks will occur, I do not doubt; that some unwise laws may be passed is not improbable; but I am confi dent less injustice will be done the blacks, as well as the whites, if thrmatter is left in the hands of those most deeply interested. Tho labor of the black man is an absolute necessity in every Southern State. Now that he is free, self-interest will prompt the men of the South to endeavor to make him a cheerful and willing laborer. Having ac knowledged his freedom, humanity, pa triotism and self-interest will combine to induce the statesmen of the South to adopt such laws with reference to the negro as will be best calculated to promote his in terest and the interests of society. But sup pose that, distrusting the Southern people, we take into our own bands the appalling task of regulating the relations between the employer and employee—the task of pro viding for the indigent,educating the young, and compelling all to labor who are able but indisposed to do so. Aside from the heavy burdens it will impose upon us— aside from the contentions and bitterness to which it will give rise in Congress and among our people—shall we not be likely to commit as many errors—to perpetrate as many acts of injustice—as would be per petrated under the State authorities? Look at the working of tile institution now in operation for regulating the affairs of the freedmen. You often read accounts in the newspapers as to the condition of affairs in certain localities. You are inform ed about the prosperous condition of a few schools established for the benefit of negro children—of the readiness with which they learn their letters, and of the ardor with which they sing patriotic airs. Accor ding to some of these accounts the negro children are far superior to your own ; they mutter the alphabet in their sleep and spend most of their waking hours in invoking blessings on the head of Gen. Saxton and other distinguished public men. To many I presume this is pleasant reading mutter, and it may serve' to convince some people the great problem is already solved—that through the efforts of Saxton and his co-la borers four millions of ignorant and degrad ed beings are to be suddenly elevated, and to become educated, refined and patriotic members of society. You seldom hear of the numerous cases where the freedmen have laid claims to the lands of their former masters, and have quietly informed them that they hold title under" the United States government, and have persistently refused to do anything but eat, loiter and sleep. They fail to tell you of the cases where just as the harvest was to commence, every hand has suddenly disappeared from the place, leaving the laborers of a year decay in the field. They fail to tell you of great bands of colored people who leave their for mer homes and congratulate in the cities and villages, or settle on a plantation without permission from the owner, seek ing only food, and utterly careless of the future. On the very day thati left Vicks burg a poor woman came to me with a complaint that at least fifty negroes, not one of whom she had ever before Seen, had settled on her farm and were eating the few stores she had laid aside for winter use.— Our sympathies are due to white as well as to the black race, though we have no con stitutional right to control either. The diffi culties surrounding this question can only be met and overcome by practical men. It is an easy matter to theorize on the subject; to point out the evils likely to result from the policy adopted by the President; .but it will be found far more difficult to suggest any other method not likely to result in still greater evils. General lloward, who stands at the head of the Freedmen's Bureau, is-a man of great purity of charac ter' - and will never sustain a system which he does not think productive of good ; and yet, after carefully observing the operations of that bnrean t I am convinced that more BUSIMIS AD 4% 112 a year per feactionte is square urr thosse toil psueenktiloescserne RsaLf,..z east - • ;.1.4 Esrsra, scales's:err, and 01:20- silacr-Anesereeritc, r'Oenta a lbw_ for-the - - flestysnd cents trir each subsequent -19 - , Pswarr Bizoinistas and other advert; byre One ooltunn, 1 Hall ecluen94 00 Thad onumn, 1 • 40 ass Cssnli,ift74 anew, ; one year . ....„. 10 l • Business iltards,tive Linea at less, oue ' LEGALyear, n — oriirn NO•FiCaii- - - - Executors' notices.. 2.00 ' Admlntstrators' -. ZOO • Asslgnees' notices,_....- .... . . ZOO Anoltere'—.l.s6 Other "Notices ," ten lines, ;Flees, three times, evil than good will result flipt% perpetuating it after the States have adopted con- stitutions prohibiting slavery. Each State is placed in charge .of an as sistant commissioner. It is made the duty of the department commander to de tail such officers and soldiers as these as- sistant commissioners May , require in the discharge of their duties. All questions be tween whites and blacks are to be adjudi cated by an officer or agent of the bureau. This, of course, requires that one officer or agent shall be stationed in each county, or at least that they .hall be so distributed be- tween the races as to be accessible to all the inhabitants. These gentle - men who are to act as judges in matters of difference be tween the race.sare usually lieutenanitce looted from the regiments on duty the State. Each judge, lieutenant or ages s you may please to term him, has hisguard, and each guard its commissary establish ment. The news of his arrival in any sec tion of the country spreads with wonderful rapidity. A negro has a grievance against his employer or some'other white person ; he enters his complaint, and the judge or lieutenant orders the white man or white lady to appear before him and confront his or her accuser. The usual forms adopted in our courts of justice to ascertain the facts in the case aro discarded cases the accused is at once released; in others he is tined twenty, fifty or a hundred dollars. The judge collects the fine and usually forwards it to his superior, to be used in defraying the expenses of the insti tution. The negro goes home, stopping at each plantation and detailing the particu lars of the case to other freedmen. Halfthe negroes in that section are at once seized with a desire to see the Yankee military judge, and to see how their old masters or mistresses would act on being brought be fore him. Complaints are made againsttho kindest and liZst people in the country. The immediate result is despondency and aner on the part of the whites, discontent and in solence on the part of the blacks. Here is a young man from a Northern State, not ed ucated as a judicial officer and often not possessing a single qualification for the dis charge of such duties, upon whom devolve greater responsibilities than devolve upon the Justices of our Supreme Courts; for he not only acts asjudge, but also as sheriff and clerk ; and. from his decision it is seldom an appeal can be made. In my remarks upon this bureau I do not wish to reflect upon any of the of ficers connected with it. Generally they are earnest and sincere men, and are doing all in their power to make it successful. It is of the system I speak. I contend that it is so utterly foreign to the principles by which our people have been governed that it cannot continue. And yet it appears to be the only method that can he devised for regulating these matters, providing the task of regulating them is to devolve upon the general government. During the past few months I have enjoyed good opportuni ties for studying the character and disposi tion of the freedmen and of the workings of the organization designed to protect them. I have become fully convinced that the policy adopted by the President of leaving to the respective States the-entire control of their local affairs is the only saffipqlicy that can be adopted. You have been toldlay ono of the journals of this city that I was much annoyed at the action of the President with regard to the organization of the Mississippi militia, and this was one of the causes that induced me to resign my commission in the a rmy,and accept a nomination for civil office. As my letter consenting to accept such a nomination was written prior to the action of the President on that question, and as one of the conditions of my acceptance was the endorsement of the policy of the Presi dent, this statement seems now unworthy of notice. Regarding my position in the army—as I have always done—simply as that of a soldier bound to obey all orders received from superiors, and to carry out in good faith the policy of the government I I can conceive of no good reason why should feel annoyed by any order received by me. In response to an application for instructions as to the jurisdiction of military tribunals, I 'Teri veil from, the IV'ar Depart ment a com m unication informing me that the Government regarded the State of Mississippi' as still in a state of rebellion. Immediately after the receipt of these instructions the Provisional Governor proposed to organize and arm the militia of the State. Acting under my orders, I would not permit it. Subsequently the President, taking a view of the condition of the State differing some what from that taken by the War Depart-. meat, resolved to withdraw the United States troops from the Slate, which, of course, removed all objectioh to the organization of the miltia. So far from feeling annoyed at the result - of this matter, I most heartily approve the remov al of the troops from that State, and I most earnestly hope that within thirty days every soldier now on duty there-will be mustered out of service, and that all attempts to in terfere with her local affairs will cease.— Now that the State has adopted a constitu tion which does not recognize slavery, r would confide to her the settlement of all questions likely to arise -as to the means of supporting and controlling the freedmen. I believe that people will regard the. inter est of the State as closely identified with that of the freedmen, and that such laws will be passed as will be best calculated to promote the interest of all. I am also Charg ed by the same journal with having sacri ficed my reputation as a public man for the sake of obtaining a position with my political " opponents." During the war which has just closed I haVe had but little to do with politics : I have made no poliitcal speeches—written no political letters. I have found the responsibilities devolving upon me from my position in the army quite sufficient to occupy all my time and attention. Having now returned to civil life I intend to support such measures as I. deem best calculated to promote the inter ests of our country and the prosperity and happiness of our people. I find one party united in the support of*, such measures, the other party divided upon them, and in sev‘ eral States strongly denouncing them.— Conld I hesitate as to my course? Earnest- ly endorsing and approving every resolu tion adopted by the Democratic Convention, I supposed, in accepting a nomination from that Convention, that I was entering the house of my political friends rather than that of my " opponents." The tornado which swept slavery from the land swept with it every platform ever adopted by the republican party prior to the war. I. can call to mind but one resolution adopted by that party before the close of the war which has any bearing on the issues now before the people. On the 22d July, 1861, the repre sentatives of that party in Congress assem bled, without a dissenting voice, declared " the war is waged to defend and maintain the supremacy of the constitution and to pre serve the Union, with all the dignity, equal ity and rights of the several States unim paired." To the principles thus solemly declared I still adhere, and I regret to see a large portion of the Republican party di verging from them. At the time of the pas sage of this resolution there were many men at the South who had opposed secession, and who were unwilling to aid _their States in making war upon our government. The resolution was a solemn pledge that class as to the treatment they should receive in case their States should again be brought under control of the general government. It was a solemn declaration to every officer and soldier of the Union armies as to the'princi pies for which they were contending. It was made at a period of gloom and despon dency—on the darkest day ever known in the capital of our country. The clouds that then hovered over us have been dis pelled. Not an armed foe is now to be found within ourborders. Is it not humili ating, to witness on the part of a large por tion of the party which has controlled the destiny of the nation for five years,a dispo sition to repudiate in We hour of triumph solemn pledges made in the hour of danger? When the devil was sick, The devil a monk would be, When the devil wag well, A devil of a monk was he. I have had the honor of serving with most of did soldiers presented by both political parties for the support of the people at the ensuing election. It affords me much pleas ure to be able to unite with their political supporters in bearing evidence as to their' high character as soldiers, and as to their personal worth ' and fitness for the positions for which they have been nominated; but I cannot wish those on the republican ticket success at the polls, for we are informed by one of the most prom inent leaders of their party that the plat form on which they stand is "timid and wordy," and that but for lack of adhesion and discipline among the radicals a res,fiu lion would probably have been adopted vir tually condemning the policy of the Presi dent. Ido not think that the triumph of that party will tend to strengthen the Pres ident in his determination to adhere to the wise measures whichhave thus far charac terized his administration. On the other hand, the triumph of the democratic party will be a clear, unmistakable endorsement of his policy—an unequivocal declaration on the part of the people of this great State in favor of "the subordination of military to civil rule, the restorationof the authority of the courts, and the recognition of the equality of the States." —Never apologize forwhat you set_ before your friends. If it is bad taste for a host to praise the dinner on his table, it is still more inconsistent an& ridiculous for him to make excuses for it. It is taken for granted, as - a matter of course, that you give the very best at your command and within your meaus ; In some
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